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In September 1957, the school board in Little Rock, Arkansas, was under a federal court order requiring that nine African American students be admitted to Central High. The governor of Arkansas, Orval Faubus, was determined to win reelection. He began to campaign as a defender of white supremacy. He ordered troops from the Arkansas National Guard to prevent the nine students from entering the school. As the National
Guard troops surrounded the school, an angry white mob gathered to intimidate students.
Faubus had used the armed forces of a state to oppose the federal government—the first such challenge to the Constitution since the Civil War. Eisenhower knew that he could not allow Faubus to defy the federal government. After a conference between Eisenhower and Faubus proved fruitless, the district court ordered the governor to remove the troops. Instead of ending the crisis, however, Faubus simply left
the school to the mob. After the African American students entered the building, angry whites beat at least two African American reporters and broke many windows.
The violence finally convinced President Eisenhower that he had to act. Federal authority had to be upheld. He immediately ordered the U.S. Army to send troops to Little Rock and federalized the Arkansas National Guard. A few hours later, the nine African American students arrived in an army station wagon and walked into the high
school. Federal authority had been upheld, but the troops had to stay in Little Rock for the rest of the school year.
Dr. King's lack of progress in Chicago seemed to show that nonviolent protests could do little to solve economic problems.
Some leaders called for more aggressive forms of protest. Some organizations, including CORE and SNCC, believed that African Americans alone should lead their struggle. Many young African Americans called for black
power, a term that had many meanings. A few, including Robert F. Williams and H. Rap Brown, interpreted black power to mean that physical self-defense was acceptable.
To most, including Stokely Carmichael, the leader of SNCC in 1966, the term meant that African Americans should control the social, political, and economic direction of their struggle
In January 1965, the SCLC and Dr. King selected Selma, Alabama, as the focal point for their campaign for
voting rights. Although African Americans made up a majority of Selma's population, they made up only 3 percent of registered voters. To prevent African Americans from registering to vote, Sheriff Jim Clark had deputized and armed dozens of white citizens. His posse terrorized African Americans.
To keep pressure on the president and Congress to act, Dr. King joined with SNCC activists and organized a "march for freedom" from Selma to the state capitol in Montgomery, a distance of about 50
miles (80 km). On Sunday, March 7, 1965, the march began.
As the protesters approached the Edmund Pettus Bridge, which led out of Selma, Sheriff Clark ordered them to disperse. Many protesters were beaten in full view of television cameras. This brutal attack, known later as "Bloody Sunday," left 70 marchers hospitalized and another 70 injured.
CORE began using sit-ins, a form of protest popularized by union workers in the 1930s, to desegregate restaurants
that refused to serve African Americans. Using the sit-in strategy, members of CORE went to segregated restaurants. They sat down and refused to leave. The sit-ins were intended to shame managers into integrating their restaurants. CORE successfully integrated many public facilities in Northern cities, including Chicago, Detroit, Denver, and Syracuse.
Within two months (of 1960), sit-ins had spread to 54 cities in nine states. They were staged at segregated stores, restaurants, hotels, and
movie theaters. By 1961, sit-ins had been held in more than 100 cities.