See other formatsUnderstanding ===
Psychology
ROBERT S. FELDMAN
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TENTH EDITION
Understanding
Psychology
Robert S. Feldman
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Feldman, Robert S. (Robert Stephen), 1947-
Understanding psychology / Robert S. Feldman.—10th ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-07-338279-1 (alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-07-338279-5 (mhid : alk. paper)
1. Psychology—Textbooks. I. Title.
BF121.F34 2011
150—dc22
2010031463
The Internet addresses listed in the text were accurate at the time of publication. The inclusion
of a website does not indicate an endorsement by the authors or McGraw-Hill, and McGraw-Hill
does not guarantee the accuracy of the information presented at these sites.
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About the Author
ROBERT S. FELDMAN is Professor of Psychology and Dean of the College of Social
and Behavioral Sciences at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. A recipient of
the College Distinguished Teacher Award, he teaches psychology classes ranging in
size from 15 to nearly 500 students. During the course of more than two decades as
a college instructor, he has taught undergraduate and graduate courses at Mount
Holyoke College, Wesleyan University, and Virginia Commonwealth University in
addition to the University of Massachusetts.
Professor Feldman, who initiated the Minority Mentoring Program at the
University of Massachusetts, also has served as a Hewlett Teaching Fellow and Senior
Online Teaching Fellow. He initiated distance learning courses in psychology at the
University of Massachusetts.
A Fellow of both the American Psychological Association and the Association
for Psychological Science, Professor Feldman received a BA with High Honors from
Wesleyan University and an MS and PhD from the University of Wisconsin—Madison.
He is a winner of a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar and Lecturer Award and the
Distinguished Alumnus Award from Wesleyan. He is on the Boards of the Federation
of Associations in Behavioral and Brain Sciences (FABBS) and the FABBS Foundation,
which advocate for the field of psychology.
He has written and edited more than 150 books, book chapters, and scientific
articles. He has edited Development of Nonverbal Behavior in Children, Applications of
Nonverbal Behavioral Theory and Research, Improving the First Year of College: Research
and Practice, and co-edited Fundamentals of Nonverbal Behavior. He is also author of
Development Across the Life Span, Child Development, and P.O.W.E.R. Learning: Strategies
for Success in College and Life. His books have been translated into many languages,
including Spanish, French, Portuguese, Dutch, Chinese, Korean, and Japanese. His
research interests include deception and honesty in everyday life, work that he
described in The Liar in Your Life, a trade book published in 2009. His research has
been supported by grants from the National Institute of Mental Health and the
National Institute on Disabilities and Rehabilitation Research.
Professor Feldman loves music, is an enthusiastic pianist, and enjoys cooking
and traveling. He has three children and a young grandson. He and his wife, a psy-
chologist, live in western Massachusetts in a home overlooking the Holyoke moun-
tain range.
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Brief Contents
CHAPTER 1
CHAPTER 2
CHAPTER 3
CHAPTER 4
CHAPTER 5
Preface xxiii
Introduction to Psychology 2
MODULE 1 Psychologists at Work 5
MODULE 2 A Science Evolves: The Past,
the Present, and the Future 15
mopute 3 Psychology’s Key Issues and Controversies 23
Psychological Research 30
MODULE 4 The Scientific Method 33
mopuULE 5 Conducting Psychological Research 37
MODULE 6 Critical Research Issues 49
Neuroscience and Behavior 58
mobuLe 7 Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 61
mopute s The Nervous System and the Endocrine System:
Communicating Within the Body 70
MODULE 9 The Brain 79
Sensation and Perception 96
MODULE 10 Sensing the World Around Us 99
mopute 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 104
mopuLE 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 114
MODULE 13 Perceptual Organization:
Constructing Our View of the World 126
States of Consciousness 138
MODULE 14 Sleep and Dreams 141
moObDULE 15 Hypnosis and Meditation 154
mopute 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows
of Consciousness 159
viii Brief Contents
Com A ee -A i a
CHAPTER 11
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Learning 172
MODULE 17 Classical Conditioning 175
MODULE 18 Operant Conditioning 183
MODULE 19 Cognitive Approaches to Learning 198
Memory 206
MODULE 20 The Foundations of Memory 209
mopute 21 Recalling Long-Term Memories 222
MODULE 22 Forgetting: When Memory Fails 232
Cognition and Language 240
MODULE 23 Thinking and Reasoning 243
MODULE 24 Problem Solving 251
MODULE 25 Language 265
Intelligence 276
mMODULE 26 What Is Intelligence? 279
mopuLE 27 Variations in Intellectual Ability 295
mopULE 2s Group Differences in Intelligence:
Genetic and Environmental Determinants 300
Motivation and Emotion 306
MODULE 29 Explaining Motivation 309
MODULE 30 Human Needs and Motivation:
Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 317
mopute 31 Understanding Emotional Experiences 328
Sexuality and Gender 340
MODULE 32 Gender and Sex 343
mopuLte 33 Understanding Human Sexual Response:
The Facts of Life 356
mopute 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 362
CHAPTER 12
Coa W- W oe i =: J
CHAPTER 14
CHAPTER 15
CHAPTER 16
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Brief Contents ix
Development 378
mopute 35 Nature and Nurture: The Enduring
Developmental Issue 381
MODULE 36 Prenatal Development: Conception to Birth 386
mopute 37 Infancy and Childhood 393
MODULE 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult 412
MODULE 39 Adulthood 422
Personality 436
MODULE 40 Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality 439
mopuLE 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary,
and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 448
mopuLE 42 Assessing Personality: Determining What
Makes Us Distinctive 461
Health Psychology: Stress, Coping,
and Well-Being 470
MODULE 43 Stress and Coping 473
mopute 44 Psychological Aspects of Illness
and Well-Being 485
mopuLE 45 Promoting Health and Wellness 492
Psychological Disorders 500
mopute 46 Normal Versus Abnormal:
Making the Distinction 503
MODULE 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 513
mopuLe 4s Psychological Disorders in Perspective 534
Treatment of Psychological Disorders 542
MODULE 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral,
and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment 545
mopuLE 50 Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal,
and Group Approaches to Treatment 556
mopute 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches
to Treatment 564
x Brief Contents
CHAPTER 17
APPENDIX
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Social Psychology 576
MODULE 52 Attitudes and Social Cognition 579
mopuLE 53 Social Influence and Groups 590
mopuULE 54 Prejudice and Discrimination 598
MODULE 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior 604
Going by the Numbers:
Statistics in Psychology A-2
MODULE 56 Descriptive Statistics A-5
mopute 57 Measures of Variability A-10
MODULE 58 Using Statistics to Answer Questions:
Inferential Statistics and Correlation A-14
Glossary G-1
References R-1
Credits C-1
Name Index l-1
Subject Index l-15
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Contents
Preface xxiii
Making the Grade xxxix
CHAPTER 1
Introduction to Psychology 2
Psychologists at Work 5
The Subfields of Psychology: Psychology’s Family Tree 6
Working at Psychology 9
PSYCHWORK: Licensed Social Worker 10
A Science Evolves: The Past, the Present, and the Future 15
The Roots of Psychology 15
Today's Perspectives 18
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Psychology Matters 21
Psychology’s Key Issues and Controversies 23
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Understanding How Culture, Ethnicity,
and Race Influence Behavior 25
Psychology’s Future 26
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Thinking Critically About
Psychology: Distinguishing Legitimate Psychology from Pseudo-Psychology 27
CHAPTER 2
Psychological Research 30
The Scientific Method 33
Theories: Specifying Broad Explanations 34
Hypotheses: Crafting Testable Predictions 35
Conducting Psychological Research 37
Archival Research 37
Naturalistic Observation 37
Survey Research 38
The Case Study 38
Correlational Research 39
Experimental Research 41
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Testing the Value of Self-Affirmations:
Am | Lovable Because | Tell Myself I’m Lovable? 47 ;
Xl
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MODULE 8
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Critical Research Issues 49
The Ethics of Research 49
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Choosing Participants Who Represent
the Scope of Human Behavior 50
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: The Importance of Using
Representative Participants 51
Should Animals Be Used in Research? 52
Threats to Experimental Validity: Avoiding Experimental Bias 53
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Thinking Critically About Research 54
CHAPTER 3
Neuroscience and Behavior 58
Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 61
The Structure of the Neuron 61
How Neurons Fire 62
Where Neurons Meet: Bridging the Gap 65
Neurotransmitters: Multitalented Chemical Couriers 66
The Nervous System and the Endocrine System:
Communicating Within the Body 70
The Nervous System: Linking Neurons 70
The Evolutionary Foundations of the Nervous System 73
The Endocrine System: Of Chemicals and Glands 75
The Brain 79
Studying the Brain’s Structure and Functions: Spying on the Brain 79
The Central Core: Our “Old Brain” 81
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Mind Over Cursor:
Harnessing Brainpower to Improve Lives 82
The Limbic System: Beyond the Central Core 83
The Cerebral Cortex: Our “New Brain” 84
PSYCHWORK: Rehabilitation Counselor 86
Neuroplasticity and the Brain 88
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: The Plastic Brain 89
The Specialization of the Hemispheres: Two Brains or One? 89
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Human Diversity and the Brain 90
The Split Brain: Exploring the Two Hemispheres 91
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Learning to Control
Your Heart—and Mind—Through Biofeedback 92
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Contents xiii
CHAPTER 4
Sensation and Perception 96
Sensing the World Around Us 99
Absolute Thresholds: Detecting What's Out There 100
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Driven to Distraction 101
Difference Thresholds: Noticing Distinctions Between Stimuli 101
Sensory Adaptation: Turning Down Our Responses 102
| MODULE 10 |
ETE ë Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 104
Illuminating the Structure of the Eye 105
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Seeing Vision in the Brain 110
| MODULE 12 |
| MODULE 13 |
Color Vision and Color Blindness: The 7-Million-Color Spectrum 110
MODULE 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 114
Sensing Sound 114
Smell and Taste 118
The Skin Senses: Touch, Pressure, Temperature, and Pain 120
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Managing Pain 123
How Our Senses Interact 123
Perceptual Organization: Constructing
Our View of the World 126
The Gestalt Laws of Organization 126
Top-Down and Bottom-Up Processing 127
Depth Perception: Translating 2-D to 3-D 129
Perceptual Constancy 130
Motion Perception: As the World Turns 131
Perceptual Illusions: The Deceptions of Perceptions 131
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Culture and Perception 133
CHAPTER 5
States of Consciousness 138
Sleep and Dreams 141
The Stages of Sleep 142
REM Sleep: The Paradox of Sleep 143
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Let Me Sleep on It:
The Role of Sleep in Memory and Thinking 144
Why Do We Sleep, and How Much Sleep Is Necessary? 145
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Why Are You Cranky? Your Brain Is Too Awake 146
The Function and Meaning of Dreaming 146
Sleep Disturbances: Slumbering Problems 149
xiv Contents
F
| MODULE 17
MODULE 18
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PSYCHWORK: Sleep Technologist 150
Circadian Rhythms: Life Cycles 151
Daydreams: Dreams Without Sleep 151
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Sleeping Better 152
Hypnosis and Meditation 154
Hypnosis: A Trance-Forming Experience? 154
Meditation: Regulating Our Own State of Consciousness 156
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Cross-Cultural Routes to Altered
States of Consciousness 157
Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness 159
Stimulants: Drug Highs 161
Depressants: Drug Lows 164
Narcotics: Relieving Pain and Anxiety 167
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Identifying Drug and Alcohol Problems 169
CHAPTER 6
Learning 172
Classical Conditioning 175
The Basics of Classical Conditioning 176
Applying Conditioning Principles to Human Behavior 178
Extinction 179
Generalization and Discrimination 180
Beyond Traditional Classical Conditioning: Challenging Basic Assumptions 180
Operant Conditioning 183
Thorndike’s Law of Effect 183
The Basics of Operant Conditioning 184
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Dollars for Scholars:
Should Parents and Children Be Paid for Doing the Right Thing? 188
PSYCHWORK: Seeing Eye Guide Dog Trainer 192
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Using Behavior Analysis and Behavior Modification 194
Cognitive Approaches to Learning 198
Latent Learning 198
Observational Learning: Learning Through Imitation 200
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Learning Through Observation 201
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Does Culture Influence How We Learn? 202
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Contents
CHAPTER 7
Memory 206
The Foundations of Memory 209
Sensory Memory 210
Short-Term Memory 211
Working Memory 213
Long-Term Memory 214
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Experience, Memory, and the Brain 219
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: In Pursuit of a Memory Eraser 220
Recalling Long-Term Memories 222
Retrieval Cues 222
Levels of Processing 223
Explicit and Implicit Memory 224
Flashbulb Memories 225
Constructive Processes in Memory: Rebuilding the Past 226
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Are There Cross-Cultural Differences in Memory? 229
Forgetting: When Memory Fails 232
Why We Forget 233
Proactive and Retroactive Interference: The Before and After of Forgetting 234
Memory Dysfunctions: Afflictions of Forgetting 235
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Alzheimer’s Disease and Brain Deterioration 236
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Improving Your Memory 237
CHAPTER 8
Cognition and Language 240
Thinking and Reasoning 243
Mental Images: Examining the Mind’s Eye 244
Concepts: Categorizing the World 245
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: How We Learn to Categorize Our World
Using Concepts 246
Reasoning: Making Up Your Mind 247
Computers and Problem Solving: Searching for Artificial Intelligence 249
Problem Solving 251
Preparation: Understanding and Diagnosing Problems 252
Production: Generating Solutions 255
Judgment: Evaluating Solutions 257
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: The Thoughts Behind
Avoiding Danger: When Hunches Save Lives 258
Impediments to Solutions: Why Is Problem Solving Such a Problem? 258
XV
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xvi Contents
Creativity and Problem Solving 261
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Thinking Critically and Creatively 262
MDDS Language 265
Grammar: Language’s Language 265
Language Development: Developing a Way with Words 266
The Influence of Language on Thinking:
Do Eskimos Have More Words for Snow than Texans Do? 269
Do Animals Use Language? 270
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Teaching with Linguistic Variety:
Bilingual Education 271
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Bilingualism and the Brain 273
CHAPTER 9
Intelligence 276
What Is Intelligence? 279
Theories of Intelligence: Are There Different Kinds of Intelligence? 280
The Biological Basis of Intelligence 283
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Your Intelligent Brain 284
Practical and Emotional Intelligence: Toward a More Intelligent View of Intelligence 284
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Artificial Intelligence:
Building a Smarter Robot 286
Assessing Intelligence 287
Adaptive Testing: Using Computers to Assess Performance 292
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Scoring Better on
Standardized Tests 293
Variations in Intellectual Ability 295
Mental Retardation (Intellectual Disabilities) 295
PSYCHWORK: Director of Special Education 297
The Intellectually Gifted 297
Group Differences in Intelligence:
Genetic and Environmental Determinants 300
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: The Relative Influence
of Genetics and Environment: Nature, Nurture, and IQ 301
CHAPTER 10
Motivation and Emotion 306
Explaining Motivation 309
Instinct Approaches: Born to Be Motivated 309
Drive-Reduction Approaches: Satisfying Our Needs 310
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Contents xvii
Arousal Approaches: Beyond Drive Reduction 311
Incentive Approaches: Motivation’s Pull 311
Cognitive Approaches: The Thoughts Behind Motivation 313
Maslow’s Hierarchy: Ordering Motivational Needs 313
Applying the Different Approaches to Motivation 315
ESSE Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 317
The Motivation Behind Hunger and Eating 317
Social Factors in Eating 320
PSYCHWORK: Nutritionist 320
Eating Disorders 322
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Cognitive Processing in Anorexic Patients 323
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Dieting and Losing
Weight Successfully 323
The Need for Achievement: Striving for Success 325
The Need for Affiliation: Striving for Friendship 325
The Need for Power: Striving for Impact on Others 326
Understanding Emotional Experiences 328
The Functions of Emotions 329
Determining the Range of Emotions: Labeling Our Feelings 329
The Roots of Emotions 330
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Do People in All Cultures Express Emotion Similarly? 335
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Smiling Athletes:
Do Their Facial Expressions Come Naturally? 337
CHAPTER 11
Sexuality and Gender 340
Gender and Sex 343
Gender Roles: Society's Expectations for Women and Men 343
Sexism on the Job 345
Gender Differences: More Similar than Dissimilar 348
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: When Brain and Socialization Meet 350
Sources of Gender Differences: Where Biology and Society Meet 351
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Trucks and
Dolls: Does Fetal Exposure to Testosterone Affect How Children Play? 352
Understanding Human Sexual Response: The Facts of Life 356
The Basic Biology of Sexual Behavior 356
Psychological Aspects of Sexual Excitement: What Turns People On? 358
The Phases of Sexual Response: The Ups and Downs of Sex 358
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Female Circumcision:
A Celebration of Culture—or Genital Mutilation? 360
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xviii Contents
The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 362
Approaches to Sexual Normality 363
Surveying Sexual Behavior: What’s Happening Behind Closed Doors? 364
Heterosexuality 365
Homosexuality and Bisexuality 367
Transsexualism 369
Sexual Difficulties 370
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Lowering the Risks of Date Rape 375
CHAPTER 12
Development 378
Nature and Nurture: The Enduring Developmental Issue 381
Determining the Relative Influence of Nature and Nurture 383
Developmental Research Techniques 383
Prenatal Development: Conception to Birth 386
The Basics of Genetics 386
The Earliest Development 388
Infancy and Childhood 393
The Extraordinary Newborn 393
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Young Infants Recognize Emotions Early
in Life 396
Infancy Through Childhood 397
PSYCHWORK: Child Protection Caseworker 403
MODULE 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult 412
Physical Development: The Changing Adolescent 412
Moral and Cognitive Development: Distinguishing Right from Wrong 414
Social Development: Finding One's Self in a Social World 416
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Rites of Passage: Coming of Age Around the World 420
Adulthood 422
Physical Development: The Peak of Health 423
Social Development: Working at Life 424
Marriage, Children, and Divorce: Family Ties 425
Changing Roles of Men and Women 426
The Later Years of Life: Growing Old 426
Physical Changes in Late Adulthood: The Aging Body 427
Cognitive Changes: Thinking About—and During—Late Adulthood 428
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Gaming in Late Adulthood:
How Video Games May Improve Cognitive Functioning in Older Adults 429
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Adjusting to Death 432
| P
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Contents xix
CHAPTER 13
Personality 436
Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality 439
Freud's Psychoanalytic Theory: Mapping the Unconscious Mind 439
The Neo-Freudian Psychoanalysts: Building on Freud 445
Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary,
and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 448
Trait Approaches: Placing Labels on Personality 448
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Judged at First Sight 451
Learning Approaches: We Are What We've Learned 451
Biological and Evolutionary Approaches: Are We Born with Personality? 454
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Wired for Thrills—The Biological
Underpinnings of Personality 457
Humanistic Approaches: The Uniqueness of You 457
Comparing Approaches to Personality 459
Assessing Personality: Determining
What Makes Us Distinctive 461
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Should Race and Ethnicity Be Used to Establish Norms? 462
Self-Report Measures of Personality 463
Projective Methods 465
Behavioral Assessment 466
PSYCHWORK: Human Resources Manager 467
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Assessing Personality Assessments 467
CHAPTER 14
OD oam Health Psychology: Stress, Coping,
| MODULE 43 |
and Well-Being 470
Stress and Coping 473
Stress: Reacting to Threat and Challenge 473
The High Cost of Stress 475
Coping with Stress 480
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Stress and Social Support 482
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Effective Coping Strategies 483
Psychological Aspects of Illness and Well-Being 485
The As, Bs, and Ds of Coronary Heart Disease 485
Psychological Aspects of Cancer 486
Smoking 487
Contents
%
MODULE 46
MODULE 48
$ e
MODULE 49
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NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Smoking—Why It’s So Difficult to Quit 488
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Hucksters of Death: Promoting Smoking
Throughout the World 490
Promoting Health and Wellness 492
Following Medical Advice 492
Well-Being and Happiness 495
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Catching Happiness:
The Contagion of Emotions and Health 496
CHAPTER 15
Psychological Disorders 500
Normal Versus Abnormal: Making the Distinction 503
Defining Abnormality 503
Perspectives on Abnormality: From Superstition to Science 505
Classifying Abnormal Behavior: The ABCs of DSM 508
The Major Psychological Disorders 513
Anxiety Disorders 513
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: One Step Closer to Understanding OCD 517
Somatoform Disorders 518
Dissociative Disorders 518
Mood Disorders 520
Schizophrenia 524
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Brain Changes with Schizophrenia 528
Personality Disorders 529
Childhood Disorders 530
Other Disorders 531
Psychological Disorders in Perspective 534
The Social and Cultural Context of Psychological Disorders 535
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Students Stressed and Depressed 537
Exploring Diversity: DSM and Culture—and the Culture of DSM 538
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY:
Deciding When You Need Help 539
CHAPTER 16
Treatment of Psychological Disorders 542
Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive
Approaches to Treatment 545
Psychodynamic Approaches to Therapy 546
Behavioral Approaches to Therapy 548
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Contents xxi
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: How Behavioral Therapy Changes
Your Brain 552
Cognitive Approaches to Therapy 552
EXE Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal, and Group
Approaches to Treatment 556
Humanistic Therapy 556
PSYCHWORK: Case Manager and Substance Abuse Counselor 557
Interpersonal Therapy 558
Group Therapy, Family Therapy, and Self-Help Groups 558
Evaluating Psychotherapy: Does Therapy Work? 559
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Racial and Ethnic Factors in Treatment: Should
Therapists Be Color Blind? 562
EXE ë Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment 564
Drug Therapy 564
Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT) 567
Psychosurgery 568
Biomedical Therapies in Perspective 568
Community Psychology: Focus on Prevention 570
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Beating the Odds:
Preventing Psychological Disorders Before They Start 572
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Choosing the Right
Therapist 573
CHAPTER 17
Social Psychology 576
Attitudes and Social Cognition 579
Persuasion: Changing Attitudes 579
PSYCHWORK: Advertising Agency Creator 581
Social Cognition: Understanding Others 583
EXPLORING DIVERSITY: Attributions in a Cultural Context:
How Fundamental Is the Fundamental Attribution Error? 587
Social Influence and Groups 590
Conformity: Following What Others Do 590
Compliance: Submitting to Direct Social Pressure 593
Obedience: Following Direct Orders 595
Prejudice and Discrimination 598
The Foundations of Prejudice 599
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: The Prejudiced Brain 600
Measuring Prejudice and Discrimination: The Implicit Personality Test 601
Reducing the Consequences of Prejudice and Discrimination 601
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xxii Contents
SLES ë Positive and Negative Social Behavior 604
Liking and Loving: Interpersonal Attraction and the Development of
Relationships 604
APPLYING PSYCHOLOGY IN THE 21st CENTURY: Friends Online:
Is Facebook the New Student Union? 606
Aggression and Prosocial Behavior: Hurting and Helping Others 608
Helping Others: The Brighter Side of Human Nature 611
NEUROSCIENCE IN YOUR LIFE: Moral Decisions and the Brain 613
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER OF PSYCHOLOGY: Dealing Effectively
with Anger 613
Going by the Numbers:
Statistics in Psychology A-2
Descriptive Statistics A-5
The Mean: Finding the Average A-6
The Median: Finding the Middle A-7
| MODULE 56 __|
The Mode: Finding What Is Most Frequent A-7
| MODULE 57 |
Comparing the Three M's: Mean Versus Median Versus Mode A-8
Measures of Variability A-10
The Range: Highest Minus Lowest A-11
The Standard Deviation: Differences from the Mean A-11
Using Statistics to Answer Questions:
Inferential Statistics and Correlation A-14
The Correlation Coefficient: Measuring Relationships A-15
Glossary G-1
References R-1
Credits C-1
Name Index l-1
Subject Index l-15
Students first.
If | were to use only a few words to summarize my goal for this book, as
well as my teaching philosophy, that’s what | would say. Students first. | believe
that an effective textbook must be oriented to students—informing them,
engaging them, and exciting them about the field and helping them connect
it to their worlds. When students are engaged and challenged, they understand
psychology at a deep and meaningful level.
Luckily, psychology is a science that is inherently interesting to students. It
is a discipline that speaks with many voices, offering a personal message to
each student. To some, psychology provides a better understanding of others’
behavior. Others view psychology as a pathway to self-understanding. Still oth-
ers see the potential for a future career, and some are drawn to psychology by
the opportunity for intellectual discovery that its study provides.
No matter what brings students into the introductory course and regardless
of their initial motivation, Understanding Psychology, Tenth Edition, is designed to
draw students into the field and stimulate their thinking. By focusing on stu-
dents first, and connecting with them, the text promotes student success by
engaging their attention in order to inform them, which results in students learn-
ing the course content and becoming excited about the field of psychology.
Ways of Engaging Students
PROLOGUE Each chapter starts with an Prologue Trapped in a Male’s Body
account of a real-l ife situation that demon- The images are iconic TV moments: precious little In fact, when Chastity came out as a lesbian to The Advocate in
Š è 5 Chastity Bono, with her blonde hair and chubby 1995, she said, “As a kid | thought | was a little
strates the relevance of basic principles and cheeks, gracing her parents’ 1970s variety show boy.” (Bartolomeo et al., 2009, p. 54)
~The Sonny and Cher Comedy Hour with a family Chastity Bono never actually stopped
concepts of psychology to perti nent issues song or the sweet si “Goodnight every- thinking of herself as male. In spring 2009,
body and God bless!” While girls at home may at the age of 40, Chastity announced to
j Bs have been envious of Cher’s glittery outfits, the world that she was transitioning from
and problems. These prologues depict well Chastity, who always wore costumes to complement female to male and would henceforth be
either that of her Mom's and Dad’s, later admitted, “I especially known as Chaz.
known people and events.
liked it when they put me in clothes that matched my father's.”
LOOKING AHEAD
The Prologue situation is then tied to key
Chaz’s story illustrates the emotion and confusion that often In this set of modules, we consider human sexuality from
i i i Š characterize one of the most universal behaviors: sexuality. several of these vantage points. We begin by examining gender
themes a nd Issues d iscussed In the subse Exemplifying major personal as well as societal concerns, sex and discussing differences in societal expectations about how
and the interrelated topic of gender are also key topics for men and women should behave and the impact of those
q ue nt m od u les. psychologists in a variety of specialties. For instance, psychologists expectations on behavior and attitudes. Next we turn to sexual
interested in motivation view sexuality in terms of sexual needs, behavior. We describe the biological aspects of sexual excitement
drives, and gratification. Neuroscientists consider sexuality from and arousal and then examine the variety of sexual activities in
the perspective of the relationship of the brain and nervous which people engage. We conclude with a discussion of non-
system to the functioning of the sexual organs. Social psycholo- consenting sex, sexually transmitted infections, and the psycho-
gists and psychologists who specialize in the study of women logical aspects of sexual difficulties.
focus on society's rules of sexual conduct and the role sexual
behavior plays in interpersonal behavior.
Classical Conditioning
LOOKING BACK AND EPILOGUE Found at the
end of every set of modules, Looking Back contains
critical thinking questions involving the use of
Web resources and the interactivities that go with
those modules. Critical thinking questions in the
Epilogue that follows Looking Back relate to the
Prologue at the opening of the set of modules. The
thought-provoking questions in these sections
provide a way of tying together a set of modules
on one topic and illustrating how the concepts
addressed in each module apply to the real-world
situation described in the Prologue.
xxiv
VIDEO CLIPS AND INTERACTIVE EXERCISES
Students can see what key concepts look like in the
real world and apply what they are learning through
video clips interactive exercises you assign through
Connect. The exercises and clips are keyed to learn-
ing objectives and levels of Bloom's taxonomy.
jo
00:08/03:56 iil, 4) A
LOOKİNO eac A
Psychology on the Web
. Find at least two recent news articles or discussions on the web dealing with the
issue of gender equality in school or the workplace, especially unequal treatment of
individuals because of their gender. Summarize in writing what you found, and
discuss your own attitudes toward this issue.
Find information on the web about date rape, including guidelines or suggestions
published by other colleges for preventing rape among students. Summarize your
findings, including recommendations for behavioral or policy changes that might be
effective at your college. If your college's policies toward or publications about this
topic could benefit from your findings, bring them to the attention of the appropriate
office at your institution and suggest specific changes.
p
i= p | log u e We have seen how psychologists are dealing with the
— ~ topics of gender and sex, first with regard to gender
roles, gender stereotyping, gender schemas, and sexism. Society's expectations regarding
male and female characteristics and behaviors lead to inequities in the treatment of men
and women in school, the workplace, and the rest of society—inequities that largely
favor men.
With regard to sexuality, we discussed the nature of the physical processes that
surround sexuality and addressed the controversial issue of “normality” in sexual behav-
ior. We saw the broad diversity of sexual behavior, and we discussed premarital sex and
marital sex, as well as heterosexuality, homosexuality, and bisexuality. We also examined
rape and other forms of nonconsenting sex, including childhood sexual abuse.
Finally, we looked at the sexual problems that people may have, including STIs and
sexual dysfunctions. We explored the nature of these problems and discussed ways to
treat and deal with them.
Before we turn to the subject of human development in the next few modules,
return to the prologue of this chapter concerning Chaz Bono's sense that she is a male
trapped in a female's body. Using your knowledge of gender and sex, consider the
following questions.
. Why might Bono's family, friends, and fans react negatively to her decision to
become a man?
How is Bono's transsexualism different from lesbianism?
Why do you think Bono believed herself to be a lesbian before deciding that she was
really a man?
. What difficulties might Bono encounter in her journey to become male?
Hp
a
Ways of Informing Students
COMPREHENSIVE CONTENT COVERAGE Understanding Psychology provides
broad coverage of the field of psychology, including the theories, research, and
applications that permeate the discipline. Along with the traditional areas of psy-
chology (neuroscience, sensation and perception, states of consciousness, learn-
ing, memory, cognition, human development, personality, abnormal behavior and
treatment, and social psychology), the applied topics of gender and sexuality
(Chapter 11) and health psychology (Chapter 14) receive extensive attention.
MODULAR ORGANIZATION The text is organized into modules in which each
of the 17 chapters is divided into three or four manageable, self-contained sec-
tions that include learning objectives and assessment opportunities. Each module
ends with questions that assess learning on both an objective and more concep-
tual, higher-order level.
Rather than facing a long and potentially daunting chapter, students can
study material in smaller chunks, which psychological research long ago found to
be the optimal way to learn. Moreover, instructors can customize assignments for
their students by asking them to read only those modules that fit their course
outline and in the sequence that matches their syllabus. Alternatively, instructors
who prefer to assign whole chapters can do so.
CONNECTION TO APA STUDENT COMPETENCIES Conforming to recommen-
dations of an American Psychological Association (APA) task force report on
undergraduate student competencies (Board of Educational Affairs, 2002), every
component of the text and its package is tied to specific psychological concepts
and their application in everyday life. A chart indicating how the features of the
textbook directly address the APA student competencies is provided in Figure 1
on page xxvi. Equally important, every one of the thousands of test items in the
Test Banks available to instructors is keyed to its corresponding APA competency
in a document that is available on the text Web site.
KEY CONCEPTS Each major section of a module begins with questions about the
key concepts addressed in that section. These questions provide a framework for
understanding and organizing the material that fol-
lows, as well as providing assessment benchmarks. Exolorin Winch sitesi etc ChliaSin ict ee er aut ts
ploring .
DIVERSITY prepare salmon, at first she allows the daughter only to observe the
or : Does Culture Influence How We Learn? entire procese ALE later, She permits her child to Gy out some basie
EXPLORING DIVERSITY In addition to substantial Ea ar e E e E
, , i when the daughter asks about how to do “the bac e part,”
coverage of material relevant to diversity through- en ec mt epee repent metro with another non,
: reason? The mi je t one cannot learn the individual parts of the task apart
out, every set of modules also includes at least one the context of preparing the whole fish. (Tharp, 1989)
. . . It should not be surprising that children raised in the Chilcotin tradition, which stresses
special section devoted to an aspect of racial, eth- instruction that starts by communicating the entire task, may have difficulty with
à . . . traditional Western schooling. In the approach to teaching most characteristic of
nic, gender, or cultural diversity. These sections Western culture, tasks are broken down into their component parts. Only after each
h . h | à h h . h . h h | . fi small step is learned is it thought possible to master the complete task.
Ighllg t the way In wnich psychology Informs Do the differences in teaching approaches between cultures affect how people
woe . . . learn? Some psychologists, taking a cognitive perspective on learning, suggest that
(a nd Is | nformed by) Issues relati ng to the Increas- people develop particular learning styles, characteristic ways of approaching material,
. . . . based on their cultural background and unique pattern of abilities (Anderson &
ing multiculturalism of our global society. ‘Adams, 1992; Barmeyer, 2004; Wilkinson & Olliver-Gray, 2006).
APA Learning Goals
Critical Information Sociocultural
Knowledge | Research | Thinking | Application and and
Base of | Methods in | Skills in of Values in | Technological} Communication | International Personal Career Planning
Book Feature Psychology | Psychology | Psychology | Psychology | Psychology | Literacy Skills Awareness | Development | and Development
Chapter Content x x X x X x x X X X
Prologue X X X X
Looking Ahead X X X X
Key Concepts X x x X
o BE x <= [|=
Exploring Diversity X X x x x
Neuroscience in Your Life X x x x
PsychWork X X X X
Video Clips x x
Interactive Exercises
Running Glossary X X X
-o BE x | x x ee
Study Alerts x X X
Recap/Evaluate/Rethink X X X
Looking Back X X X X x
Epilogue X X X X
Adaptive Diagnostic Tool X
FIGURE 1 This grid shows the relationship between the broad learning goals devised by the
American Psychological Association and specific types of content in Understanding Psychology.
In addition, each of the test items in the Test Bank for the book, consisting of nearly 4,000
individual, scorable items, is keyed to specific learning outcomes.
STUDY ALERTS Throughout the modules, marginal notes point out especially
important and difficult concepts and topics. These Study Alerts offer suggestions
for learning the material effectively and for studying for tests. In Chapter 5, Module
14, for example, a Study Alert emphasizes the importance of differentiating the
five stages of sleep; the feature in Module 15 makes clear the key issue about
hypnosis—whether it represents a different state of consciousness or is similar to
normal waking consciousness; and in Module 16 it highlights Figure 2 for its clear
view of the different ways that drugs produce their effects at a neurological level.
wudy Alert
Differentiate the five stages
of sleep (stage 1, stage 2,
stage 3, stage 4, and REM
sleep), which produce dif-
ferent brain-wave patterns.
xxvi
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What is sensation, and how do psychologists study it?
* Sensation is the activation of the sense organs by any
source of physical energy. In contrast, perception is the
process by which we sort out, interpret, analyze, and in-
tegrate stimuli to which our senses are exposed. (p. 99)
What is the relationship between a physical stimulus and the
kinds of sensory responses that result from it?
* Psychophysics studies the relationship between the
physical nature of stimuli and the sensory responses
they evoke. (p. 99)
The absolute threshold is the smallest amount of physi-
cal intensity at which a stimulus can be detected. Under
ideal conditions absolute thresholds are extraordinarily
sensitive, but the presence of noise (background stimuli
that interfere with other stimuli) reduces detection capa-
bilities. (p. 100)
© The difference threshold, or just noticeable difference, is
the smallest change in the level of stimulation required
to sense that a change has occurred. According to
Weber’s law, a just noticeable difference is a constant
proportion of the intensity of an initial stimulus. (p. 101)
* Sensory adaptation occurs when we become accustomed.
to a constant stimulus and change our evaluation of it.
Repeated exposure to a stimulus results in an apparent
decline in sensitivity to it. (p. 102)
KEY TERMS
sensation p. 99
perception p. 99
stimulus p. 99
psychophysics p. 99
absolute threshold p. 100
difference threshold (just
noticeable difference) p. 101
EVALUATE
1, _______is the stimulation of the sense organs;
is the sorting out, interpretation, analysis, and
integration of stimuli by the sense organs and the brain.
2. The term absolute threshold refers to the inten-
sity of a stimulus that must be present for the stimulus to
be detected.
3. Weber discovered that for a difference between two stim-
uli to be perceptible, the stimuli must differ by at least a
proportion.
4. After completing a very difficult rock climb in the morn-
ing, Carmella found the afternoon climb unexpectedly
easy. This example illustrates the phenomenon of
RETHINK
1. Do you think it is possible to have sensation without
perception? Is it possible to have perception without
sensation?
2. From the perspective of a manufacturer: How might you need
to take psychophysics into account when developing new
products or modifying existing ones?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
uonesdepe p ‘jueysu0s g 4saqeus z ‘uondaorad ‘uonesuag T
Weber's law p. 102
adaptation p. 102
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK Each module
concludes with a Recap/Evaluate/Rethink
section. The Recap sections review the con-
cept questions found at the beginning of
each module. Evaluate sections test recall of
the material, assessing the degree of initial
learning. The Rethink sections provide
thought-provoking questions designed to
provoke critical thinking about the material.
RUNNING GLOSSARY Key terms are high-
lighted in boldface type within the text where
they are introduced, and definitions are given in
the margin of the page, along with pronuncia-
tion guides for difficult words. To facilitate study,
at the end of each module there is a list of the
key terms and concepts introduced in that
module. There is also a glossary of all key terms
and concepts at the end of the book.
PRE- AND POST-TESTS Students can practice
with key concepts with pre- and post-tests you
assign through Connect. The test items are
keyed to learning objectives and levels of
Bloom's taxonomy.
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Ways of Exciting Students
and Helping Them Relate
Psychology to Their World Ž
These boxes highlight the rele-
vance of psychology by presenting current and
potential applications of psychological theory
and research findings to real-world problems. For
example, one box discusses the psychological
principles that explain the dangers of texting
while driving, while another highlights how
artificial intelligence researchers are building
“smarter” robots that have the potential to trans-
form our daily lives.
Applying Psychology
‘Twenty-four year old Aiden Quinn
couldn't believe his good fortune. At his
young age, he had beaten the competition
to land his dream job of conducting
trolleys through the streets of Boston. But
in just one moment his world came
crashing down around him: It was the
moment when he took his eyes off the
tracks to send a text message to his
girlfriend and the trolley he was driving
crashed into the one ahead of it.
If you've ever texted while driving, you're
not alone. A recent survey conducted by
the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety
shows that nearly half of drivers aged 18 to
24 admit to doing so, even though the ma-
jority of them were aware that they were
increasing their risk of having an accident.
In fact, nearly 90% of survey respondents
rated texting while driving as a very seri-
ous threat to safety (AAA Foundation for
Traffic Safety, 2008, 2009).
Researchers are now confirming what
intuition suggests is true: The distraction
caused by texting while driving is ex-
tremely dangerous. One study used video
cameras to monitor truckers on long hauls
and found that they were 23 times more
[ Neuroscience in Your Life: Wt
(Source: Garn et al., 2009.)
(a) Areas more strongly activated in females to tools
6 Differences in how men and women process information reflect differences in
learning and experience with those objects. In an fMRI study, (a) women showed greater
activation in certain areas of the brain when they processed names for tools and (b) men
showed greater activation in other areas of the brain when they processed names of plants.
(b) Areas more strongly activated in males to plants
n while texting than
isions caused by
ically taken his
t 5 seconds—a
Increasing research shows that texting while
driving is extremely dangerous.
seemingly short period of time until you
realize that a vehicle at highway speed
travels about 150 yards in those few sec-
onds (Virginia Tech Transportation Insti-
tute, 2009).
Another study using college students
and a driving simulator showed that text-
ing produced the same duration of about
5 seconds of distraction and that the stu-
dents were 8 times more likely to have a
collision while texting. Although those
may seem like better odds, they're still
much worse than the risk presented by
other distractors such as changing the sta-
tion on a car’s radio. Even though the
study used students, who are likely skillful
at texting and multitasking, and light ve-
hicles that are more maneuverable than
trucks, the results clearly show that texting
while driving poses a terrific risk (Cooper
& Strayer, 2008).
Multitasking in general is difficult. For
instance, in one study, researchers divided
a group of college students into two
groups, one composed of students who
multitasked online regularly and a second
that did not. The frequent multitaskers
were more easily distracted, and they were
unable to filter out stimuli that were irrele-
vant to tasks that they were trying to com-
plete (Ophir, Nass, & Wagner, 2009)
If you, like many of the respondents to
the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety sur-
vey, believe that you're the exception to the
rule, just keep one thing in mind: that’s
what Aiden Quinn thought, too. He lost his
job and is facing civil lawsuits and criminal
prosecution.
* Most people assume that they are able to text and drive at the same time without
declines in their driving ability. Why do you think that is the case, and how accu-
rate is their assumption?
¢ Why would frequent multitaskers be more distractible than those who multitask
less frequently?
EUR I R LIFE This feature,
which appears in each chapter, emphasizes
the importance of neuroscientific research
within the various subfields of the discipline
and in students’ lives. Compelling brain
scans, with both caption and textual explana-
tion, illustrate significant neuroscientific find-
ings that are increasingly influencing the
field of psychology. For example, one
Neuroscience in Your Life feature shows MRI
techniques that illustrate how our brains pro-
cess information coming from each eye sepa-
rately. Another shows how the brains of
smokers—even those who have quit—are
activated when they see images related to
xxviii
smoking. Yet another discusses the effects of
sleep on memory.
BECOMING AN INFORMED CONSUMER
OF PSYCHOLOGY Every set of modules
includes material designed to make readers
As we have seen, surveys of college women make clear that the
greatest danger of rape comes not from some unknown assailant
but from a fellow student. There are ways, however, to reduce
the likelihood of date rape. The following suggestions provide
some guidance for women and men (Shultz, Scherman, &
Marshall, 2000; American College Health Association, 2006;
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
of Psychology
Lowering the Risks of Date Rape
more informed consumers of psychological
information by giving them the ability to :
evaluate critically what the field of psychol- :
ogy offers. These discussions also provide
sound, useful guidance concerning common
problems. ‘
Watkins, 2007):
Women should believe in their rights to set limits and communicate them clearly,
firmly, and early on. They should say no when they mean no.
Women should be assertive in refusing to engage in an activity in which they
don’t want to engage. They should keep in mind that men may interpret passiv-
ity as permission.
Women should be aware of situations in which they are at risk.
Women should keep in mind that some men interpret certain kinds of dress as
sexually provocative, and not all men subscribe to the same standards of sexual
behavior as they do.
Women should keep close tabs on what they are given to drink in social situations;
victims of date rape have sometimes been given mind-altering “date-rape” drugs.
Men should be aware of their dates’ views on sexual behavior.
Men should not hold the view that the goal of dating is to “score.”
The word No should be understood to mean no and not be interpreted as an invi-
tation to continue.
Men should not assume that certain kinds of dress or flirtatious behavior are an
invitation to sex.
Both men and women should understand that alcohol and drugs cloud judgment
and hinder communication between them.
PsychWork
For decades, guide dogs have provided a set of eyes to the
visually impaired, expanding the opportunities open to them
SEEING EYE GUIDE DOG TRAINER 24 increasing their independence. But it takes a great deal of
training to make a dog an effective seeing eye guide dog,
Name: Lea Johnson
Position: Seeing Eye Guide Dog Trainer
Education: BS, Geography, Dartmouth College,
Hanover, NH
according to Lea Johnson, who works with The Seeing Eye
agency in Morristown, New Jersey. Johnson teaches apprentice
instructors to carry out the demanding, but rewarding, process
of training dogs.
“We hire college graduates, and while we don’t require a
specific major, a background in psychology or animal science allows employees to
more easily connect with different aspects of the job,” she said.
An apprentice instructor needs to have self-motivation in order to complete all
aspects of the dog’s training. In addition, they need to be able to work in a team
setting, according to Johnson. But that’s only part of it.
“The process of training the dogs is complex,” says Johnson. “For example, the
dog must be obedient and respond to their visually-impaired owner. But they also
get praised for sometimes refusing their owner’s commands, if it would put their
owner in danger.”
Once a dog learns the skills it needs, the trainer must then teach a visually-
impaired person how to work with the dog.
“After training dogs for four months, the trainers must be able to teach blind
people the skills to care for and travel with their Seeing Eye dog safely,” Johnson
said. Not only must trainers relate well to dogs, but they also must interact well with
blind people. She adds, “The training of people is intense and emotionally challeng-
ing in a very different way from the dog training portion. Without a good heart to
start with, trainers would never be successful.”
PSYCHWORK New in this edition, PsychWork
introduces students to different career paths
to which an understanding of psychology
leads. Each PsychWork profile illustrates people
in a variety of occupations whose knowledge
of psychology informs and enhances their
work. Among the individuals profiled are a
social worker, a nutritionist, a physical rehabili-
tation counselor, and an advertising executive,
showing that psychology is all around us and
important to many occupations.
mCOOonnecE Se 2000 m.t 2pm
XXX
Ways of Connecting
with Today’s Students
Today’s students are as different from the learners of the last generation as
today’s discipline of psychology is different from the field 30 years ago.
Students now learn in multiple modalities; rather than sitting down and read-
ing traditional printed chapters in linear fashion from beginning to end, their
work preferences tend to be more visual and more interactive, and their read-
ing and study often occur in short bursts. For many students, a traditionally
formatted printed textbook is no longer enough when they have instant, 24/7
access to news and information from around the globe.
Connect Psychology is our response to today’s student. The groundbreak-
ing adaptive diagnostic tool helps students “know what they know” while help-
ing them learn what they don’t know through engaging interactivities, exercises,
videos, and readings. Instructors using Connect are reporting their students’
performance is improving by a letter grade or more.
Through this unique tool, Understanding Psychology gives instructors the abil-
ity to identify struggling students quickly and easily before the first exam.
Connect Psychology’s adaptive diagnostic tool develops an individualized
learning plan for every student. Confidence levels tailor the next question to
each individual, helping students to know what they don’t know. If your stu-
dent is doing well, the adaptive diagnostic tool
will challenge the student with more applied
and conceptual questions. If your student is
struggling, the system identifies problem areas
and directs the student to the exact page they
need to read. In doing so, it works like a GPS,
helping students master key concepts efficiently
and effectively. Regardless of individual study
habits, preparation, and approaches to the
course, students will find Understanding Psychology,
coupled with Connect Psychology, adapts to
them individually and provides a road map for
success.
What’s New and Updated
in the Tenth Edition
The Tenth Edition of Understanding Psychology contains a significant amount of new
and updated features and content reflecting the advances in the field and the sug-
gestions of reviewers. Chapter 4 (Sensation and Perception), Chapter 5 (States of
Consciousness), and Chapter 9 (Intelligence) have undergone especially heavy revi-
sions. More than 1,000 new citations have been added, and most of them refer to
articles and books published since 2008.
In addition, this edition incorporates a wide range of new topics. The following
sample of new and revised topics provides a good indication of the book’s currency.
Chapter 1—Introduction to Psychology
e Gender ratios in the field
e Distinction between psychiatrists
and psychologists
e Psychologist work sites
Chapter 2—Psychological Research
e Replication
e Random sampling in surveys
e Correlation and causality
e Self-affirmations
Chapter 3—Neuroscience and Behavior
e Neurogenesis
e Hemispheric specialization
emergence
e Brain wave-controlled devices
e Optogenetics
Chapter 4—Sensation and Perception
e Culture and susceptibility to visual
illusions
Divided attention and texting
Multimodal perception
Balance and the vestibular system
Moon illusion (specialist)
Ewald Hering
Thomas Young
Hermann von Helmholtz
Rarity of complete color blindness
Pheromones and humans
Change order of perceptual con-
stancy and depth perception
Psychophysics still an active field
Pheromones
Otoliths and hair cells
Pain theories
Absolute threshold
Flowers reflecting ultraviolet light
Primacy of cornea in focusing light
Aging and auditory perception
Ring tones and students / teachers
Apparent motion
Vomeronasal organ
e Speech perception
Chapter 5—States of Consciousness
e Biological dependence
e Oxycodone
e Psychological dependence
e Activation information modulation
(AIM) theory
Added Red Bull to chart on caffeine
e Added new prologue and 21st
century
e Consciousness versus
unconsciousness
e Night terrors
e Insomnia #1
e Role of sleep in learning and
memory
Process of hypnosis
Hypnosis and divided consciousness
Daydreaming and brain activation
Release of growth hormones and
sleep
Chapter 6—Learning
e Description of habituation
Spontaneous recovery definition
Stimulus generalization definition
Biological constraints on learning
Reinforcment for parenting and
academic success
e Conditioning of emotions
Chapter 7—Memory
e Hyperthymestic syndrome
e Neural basis of memory
consolidation
e PKM-zeta and traumatic memories
Chapter 8—Cognition and Language
e Algorithm
e Concepts
e Language in animals
e Cognition and hunches regarding
danger
e Language acquisition in bilingual
infants
e Creativity in different domains
e Language definition
e Confirmation bias
Chapter 9—Intelligence
e G-factor
e Mental age
Down syndrome
Artificial intelligence
Adaptive testing
e Flynn effect
e Fetal alcohol syndrome statistics
Chapter 10—Motivation and Emotion
e Facial expressions across cultures
e Ghrelin and hunger
e Insulin
e Self-determination theory
e High fiber foods and weight loss
Chapter 11—Sexuality and Gender
e Biological explanations for gender
differences
e Gender similarities in math
performance
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e Sexual fantasies
e Sexual desire
e Intersex persons
e Worldwide gender equality
Chapter 12—Development
e Midlife crisis myth
e Video game play and cognitive
declines in late adulthood
e Disengagement theory lack of
support
e Emerging adulthood
Chapter 13—Personality
e Biological basis of personality
e Situationism
e Cognitive-affective processing
system (CAPS)
e Quick judgments of personality
Chapter 14—Health Psychology: Stress,
Coping, and Well-Being
e General Adaptation Model and
cortisol secretion
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e Cancer and quality of life
e Smoking and loss of autonomy
e Smoking cessation and social
support
e Smoking in developing countries
e Gender differences in happiness
Chapter 15—Psychological Disorders
e College student stress and
depression
e Autism prevalence increase
e Formal thought disorder
e Definition of obsessive-compulsive
disorder
e Type land II schizophrenia treat-
ment outcomes
Chapter 16—Treatment of
Psychological Disorders
e Prescription drugs prescribed by
clinical psychologists
Self-actualization and humanistic
therapy
Interventions for prevention of
psychological disorders
Cingulotomy
Gamma knife surgery
Ketamine in the treatment of
depression
PsychWork on halfway house
Chapter 17—Social Psychology
PsychWork on advertising agency
owner
Behavioral economics
Social networking sites and
friendship
Milgram replication
Roots of morality
Students First: The Bottom Line
Based on extensive student feedback, systematic research involving a wide range of
instructors, and endorsements received from reviewers at a variety of schools, I am
confident that this edition reflects what instructors want and need: a book that moti-
vates students to understand and apply psychology to their own lives. Understanding
Psychology, Tenth Edition, is designed to expose readers to the content—and prom-
ise—of psychology, and to do so in a way that will nurture students’ excitement
about psychology and keep their enthusiasm alive for a lifetime.
State-of-the-Art Support
Materials for Students
and Instructors
Resources available for use with this text support both new and veteran instructors,
whether they favor traditional text-based instruction or a blend of traditional and
electronic media. The Tenth Edition text and support materials provide complemen-
tary experiences for instructors and students. All of these components are built
around the core concepts articulated in the text to promote a deeper understanding
of psychology. This type of integration gives instructors the flexibility to use any of
the text-specific electronic or print materials knowing they are completely compatible
with one another. Please see your McGraw-Hill sales representative for information
on policy, price, and availability of the following materials.
FOR THE INSTRUCTOR
What if...
e You could recreate the one-on-one experience of working through difficult
concepts in office hours with every one of your students without having to
invest any office-hour time to do so?
e You could see at a glance how well each of your students (or sections) was
performing in each segment of your course?
e You had all of the assignments and resources for your course preorganized by
learning objective and with point-and-click flexibility?
Over the course of developing Understanding Psychology, we asked these questions
and many more. But we did not stop at simply asking questions. We visited with
faculty across the country and also observed you doing what you do to prepare and
deliver your courses. We observed students as they worked through assignments and
studied for exams. The result of these thousands of hours of research and develop-
ment is a state of the art learning environment tool that bolsters student performance
at the same time as it makes instructors’ lives easier and more efficient. To experience
this environment for yourself, please visit www.mcgraw-hillconnect.com.
Online Learning Center for Instructors. The password-protected instructor side of
the Online Learning Center (www.mhhe.com/feldmanup10e) contains the Instruc-
tor’s Manual, Test Bank files, PowerPoint slides, Classroom Performance System
(CPS) Questions, Image Gallery, and other valuable material to help you design and
enhance your course. See more information about specific assets below. Ask your
local McGraw-Hill representative for password information.
Instructor’s Manual by Susan Krauss Whitbourne, University of Massachusetts,
Amherst. This comprehensive guide provides all the tools and resources instructors
need to present and enhance their introductory psychology course. The Instructor’s
Manual contains detailed lecture launchers, learning objectives, interesting lecture
and media presentation ideas, student assignments and handouts. The many tips and
activities in this manual can be used with any class, regardless of size or teaching
approach.
Test Banks revised by Michelle Merwin, University of Tennessee at Martin, and
Matthew Isaak, University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Both test banks incorporate the
new content in Understanding Psychology, Tenth Edition. Each test bank contains
more than 2,000 multiple-choice items, classified by cognitive type and level of
difficulty and keyed to the appropriate key concept and page in the textbook. Fill-
in-the-blank and short-answer questions are provided for all modules. Moreover,
each of the thousands of test items is keyed to the APA core psychology competen-
cies. All questions are compatible with EZ Test, McGraw-Hill’s Computerized Test
Bank program.
Classroom Performance System Content by Robert Moore of lowa Valley Commu-
nity College District. The Classroom Performance System (CPS) from eInstruction
allows instructors to gauge immediately what students are learning during lectures.
Instructors can draw on the quiz and poll questions to get instant feedback, even from
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students who are reluctant to speak out in class. In addition, CPS facilitates taking
attendance, giving and grading pop quizzes, and giving formal, printed class tests
with multiple versions of the test using CPS for immediate grading.
Image Gallery. More than 100 figures from the text can be downloaded from the
Image Gallery on the Instructor’s Online Learning Center.
PowerPoint Presentations by Cathy Hunt of Pennsylvania State University. These
presentations cover the key points of each chapter and include charts and graphs from
the text. They can be used as is, or you may modify them to meet your specific needs.
FOR THE STUDENT
Adaptive Diagnostic Tool. This diagnostic tool is an unparalleled, intelligent learn-
ing system based on cognitive mapping that diagnoses your students’ knowledge of
a particular subject and then creates an individualized learning path geared toward
student success in your course. It offers individualized assessment by delivering
appropriate learning material in the form of questions at the right time, helping
students attain mastery of the content. Whether the system is assigned by you or
used independently by students as a study tool, the results can be recorded in an
easy-to-use grade report that allows you to measure student progress at all times and
coach your students to success.
As an added benefit, all content covered in this adaptive diagnostic is tied to
learning objectives for your course so that you can use the results as evidence of
subject mastery. This tool also provides a personal study plan that allows the student
to estimate the time it will take and number of questions required to learn the subject
matter. Your students will learn faster, study more efficiently, and retain more knowl-
edge when using Understanding Psychology.
Optional Modules on Diversity and I/O Psychology. For instructors who like to incor-
porate lectures on diversity or industrial/organizational issues in their introductory
psychology course, optional full-color modules on these topics can be packaged with
students’ copies of Understanding Psychology, Tenth Edition. The Diversity module, writ-
ten by Mark H. Chae of William Paterson University, discusses the roots of diversity
and addresses related issues, such as conflict and cooperation. The module on
Industrial-Organizational Psychology, written by Carnot Nelson and Russell Johnson of
the University of South Florida, broadly introduces this growing area of interest. Instruc-
tors may request these modules through their McGraw-Hill sales representative.
Annual Editions: Psychology 10/11 (edited by William Buskist, Auburn University).
This annually updated reader provides convenient, inexpensive access to current
articles selected from the best of the public press. Organizational features include an
annotated listing of selected Worldwide Web sites; an annotated table of contents; a
topic guide; a general introduction; brief overviews for each section; a topical index;
and an instructor’s resource guide with testing materials.
Classic Edition Sources: Psychology, 4e (edited by Terry Pettijohn of Ohio State
University—Marion). This reader provides more than 40 selections of enduring intel-
lectual value—classic articles, book excerpts, and research studies—that have shaped
the study of psychology and our contemporary understanding of it.
Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Psychological Issues, 16e (edited by Brent Slife of
Brigham Young University). This reader presents current controversial issues in a
debate-style format designed to stimulate student interest and develop critical think-
ing skills. Each issue is thoughtfully framed with an issue summary, an issue intro-
duction, and a postscript. An instructor’s manual with testing material is available
for each volume.
Acknowledgments
One of the central features of Understanding Psychology is the involvement of both
professionals and students in the review process. The tenth edition of Understanding
Psychology has relied heavily—and benefited substantially—from the advice of
instructors and students from a wide range of backgrounds.
I am extraordinarily grateful to the following reviewers, who provided their time
and expertise to help insure that Understanding Psychology, Tenth Edition, reflects the
best that psychology has to offer.
MANUSCRIPT REVIEWERS
Miriam Abety
Miami Dade Community College
Bernard J. Baars
The Neurosciences Institute
Michael Barber
Santa Fe College
Joyce Bateman-Jones
Central Texas College
Richard Bernstein
Broward Community College
Joy Berrenberg
University of Colorado, Denver
Josette Bonewitz
Vincennes University
Maria Bravo
Central Texas College
Kathleen Brown
Claremont McKenna College
Rita Butterfield
Sonoma State University
Keith Conn
Cleveland Institute of Electronics
Katrina Cooper
Bethany College
Katharyn Couch
Eastern Oklahoma State
Jennifer Dale
Community College of Aurora
Stephanie Hayes
Oklahoma City Community College
Byron Heidenreich
Illinois State University
Lauren Holupka
Molloy College
Cathleen Hunt
Pennsylvania State University
Linda Jackson
Michigan State University
Shirley P. Kuhn
Pittsburgh Community College
Elizabeth Lanthier
Northern Virginia Community College
Kathy McCormick
Ocean County College
Robert Mather
University of Central Oklahoma
Brian Mehrer
Western Nevada College
xxxvi
Michelle Merwin Victoria V. Roark
University of Tennessee at Martin Troy University
Peter Metzner Justin Rueb
Vance-Granville Community College University of Wisconsin, Stevens Point
Karen Miranda Elizabeth Satchell
Mount Ida College Austin Community College
Robert Moore John E. Sparrow
Iowa Valley Community College University of New Hampshire at Manchester
Ronnie Naramore Jason Spiegelman
Angelina College Community College of Baltimore
Jennifer Ortiz-Garza Amber Vesotski
Victoria College Alpena Community College
Diane Reddy Susan Whitbourne
University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee University of Massachusetts, Amherst
In addition, Jane W. Couperus of Hampshire College provided exceptional sup-
port in helping identify appropriate neuroscientific research to include in the Neuro-
science in Your Life features. I thank her for her superb work.
Many teachers along my educational path have shaped my thinking. I was intro-
duced to psychology at Wesleyan University, where several committed and inspiring
teachers—and in particular Karl Scheibe—conveyed their sense of excitement about
the field and made its relevance clear to me. Karl epitomizes the teacher-scholar
combination to which I aspire, and I continue to marvel at my good fortune in hav-
ing such a role model.
By the time I left Wesleyan I could envision no other career but that of psy-
chologist. Although the nature of the University of Wisconsin, where I did my grad-
uate work, could not have been more different from the much smaller Wesleyan, the
excitement and inspiration were similar. Once again, a cadre of excellent teachers—
led, especially, by the late Vernon Allen—molded my thinking and taught me to
appreciate the beauty and science of the discipline of psychology.
My colleagues and students at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, pro-
vide ongoing intellectual stimulation, and I thank them for making the university a
fine place to work. Several people also provided extraordinary research and editorial
help. In particular, I am grateful to my superb students, past and present, including
Erik Coats, Sara Levine, Jim Tyler, Chris Poirier, and Matt Zimbler. John Bickford, in
particular, provided editorial input that has enhanced the book considerably. Finally,
I am grateful to John Graiff, whose hard work and dedication helped immeasurably
on just about everything involving this book.
I also offer great thanks to the McGraw-Hill editorial team that participated in
this edition of the book. Steve Debow’s hands-on interest, as well as his friendship,
helped support the book through the last decade. Editorial Vice President Mike Ryan
and Editorial Director Beth Mejia created a creative, energetic, and supportive envi-
ronment, and I am in awe of their enthusiasm, commitment, and never-ending good
ideas. I also thank Cara Labell and Sue Ewing, Developmental Editors on this edition.
They did a superb job of managing a myriad of details (as well as me). I’m also
pleased that Sponsoring Editor Krista Bettino worked on this edition of Understand-
ing Psychology. She brought motivation, intelligence, and good ideas to the project.
Finally, every reader of this book owes a debt to Rhona Robbin and Judith Kromm,
developmental editors on earlier editions of Understanding Psychology. Their relentless
pursuit of excellence helped form the core of this book, and they taught me a great
deal about the craft and art of writing.
Central to the design, production, and marketing process were the Production
Service Manager Chris Schabow, Lead Production Editor Anne Fuzellier, Buyer II
Tandra Jorgensen, and Designer Ellen Pettengel. Photo editor Toni Michaels did her
usual superb job in identifying photos and, as always, was a pleasure to work with.
I would also like to thank marketing managers Julia Flohr and Yasuko Okada for
their enthusiasm and commitment to this project. I am proud to be a part of this
world-class team.
Finally, I remain completely indebted to my family. My parents, Leah Brochstein
and the late Saul D. Feldman, provided a lifetime foundation of love and support,
and I continue to see their influence in every corner of my life. I am grateful, too, to
the late Harry Brochstein, who enriched my life and thinking in many ways.
My extended family also plays a central role in my life. They include, more or less
in order of age, my nieces and nephews, my terrific brother, and my brothers- and
sisters-in-law, and the late Ethel Radler. Finally, my mother-in-law, the late Mary Evans
Vorwerk, had an important influence on this book, and I remain ever grateful to her.
Ultimately, my children, Jonathan, Joshua, and Sarah; my daughters-in-law Leigh
and Julie; my grandson Alex; and my wife, Katherine, remain the focal point of my
life. I thank them, with immense love.
Robert S. Feldman
Amherst, Massachusetts
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No matter why you are taking introductory psychology, it’s a safe bet you're
interested in maximizing your understanding of the material and getting a good
grade. And you want to accomplish these goals as quickly and efficiently as
possible.
Good news: You're taking the right course, and you're learning the right
material. Several subfields of psychology have identified a variety of guidelines
and techniques that will help you learn and remember material not only
related to psychology, but also relevant to every other discipline that you will
study.
We'll consider a variety of guidelines relating to doing well in your psychol-
ogy class—and every other class you'll take in your college career. Here’s my
guarantee to you: If you learn and follow the guidelines in each of these areas,
you'll become a better student and get better grades. Always remember that
good students are made, not born, and these suggestions will help you become
an all-around better student.
Adopt a General Study Strategy
Let’s begin with a brief consideration of a general study strategy, applicable to
all of your courses, including introductory psychology. Psychologists have
devised several excellent (and proven) techniques for improving study skills,
two of which are described here: “P.O.W.E.R,’ or Prepare, Organize, Work, Evaluate,
and Rethink; and “SQ3R,” or Survey, Question, Read, Recite, and Review. By
employing one of these two procedures, you can increase your ability to learn
and retain information and to think critically.
P.O.W.E.R. The PO.W.E.R. learning strategy systematizes the acquisition of new
material by providing a learning and critical thinking framework. It stresses the
importance of learning objectives and appropriate preparation before you
begin to study as well as the significance of self-evaluation and the incorpora-
tion of critical thinking into the learning process. Specifically, use of the P.O.W.E.R.
learning system entails the following steps:
Prepare. Before starting any journey, we need to know where we are
headed. Academic journeys are no different; we need to know what our
goals are. The Prepare stage consists of thinking about what we hope to
gain from reading a specific section of the text by
identifying specific goals that we seek to accom-
plish. In Understanding Psychology, Tenth Edition,
these goals are presented as broad questions at
the start of each chapter and again at the begin-
ning of each module.
e Organize. Once we know what our goals are, we
can develop a route to accomplish those goals. The
Organize stage involves developing a mental road-
map of where we are headed. Understanding
=A
Psychology highlights the organization of each upcoming chapter. Read
the outline at the beginning of each chapter to get an idea of what top-
ics are covered and how they are organized.
Work. The key to the P.O.W.E.R. learning system is actually reading and
studying the material presented in the book. In some ways Work is the
easy part because, if you have carried out the steps in the preparation
and organization stages, you'll know where you're headed and how
you'll get there. Remember, the main text isn’t the only material that you
need to read and think about. It’s also important to read the boxes and
the material in the margins in order to gain a full understanding of the
material.
Evaluate. The fourth step, Evaluate, provides the opportunity to deter-
mine how effectively you have mastered the material. In Understanding
Psychology, a series of questions at the end of each module permits a
rapid check of your understanding of the material. Quizzes on the book's
website, or Online Learning Center, provide additional opportunities to
test yourself. Evaluating your progress is essential to assessing your
degree of mastery of the material.
Rethink. The final step in the RO.W.E.R. learning system requires that you
think critically about the content. Critical thinking entails re-analyzing,
reviewing, questioning, and challenging assumptions. It affords you the
opportunity to consider how the material fits with other information you
have already learned. Every major section of Understanding Psychology
ends with a Rethink section. Answering its thought-provoking questions
will help you understand the material more fully and at a deeper level.
SQ3R. Use of the SQ3R learning system entails the following specific steps:
+ Survey. The first step of the SQ3R method is to survey the material by
reading the outlines that open each module, the headings, figure cap-
tions, recaps, and Looking Ahead and Looking Back sections, providing
yourself with an overview of the major points of the chapter.
Question. The next step—the “Q”—is to question. Formulate questions
about the material, either aloud or in writing, prior to actually reading a
section of text. The questions posed at the beginning of each module
and the Evaluate and Rethink questions that end each part of the chapter
are examples.
Read. Read carefully and, even more importantly, read actively and criti-
cally. While you are reading, answer the questions you have asked your-
self. Critically evaluate material by considering the implications of what
you are reading, thinking about possible exceptions and contradictions,
and examining underlying assumptions.
Recite. This step involves describing and explaining to yourself (or to a
friend) the material you have just read and answering the questions you
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have posed earlier. Recite aloud; the recitation process helps to identify
your degree of understanding of the material you have just read.
e Review. In this final step, review the material, looking it over, reading the
Looking Back summaries, and answering the in-text review questions.
Manage Your Time
Without looking up from the page, answer this question: What time is it?
Most people are pretty accurate in their answer. And if you don’t know
for sure, it’s very likely that you can find out. There may be a cell phone in
your pocket; there may be a clock on the wall, desk, or computer screen; or
maybe you're riding in a car that shows the time. Even if you don’t have a
timepiece of some sort nearby, your body keeps its own beat. Humans have
an internal clock that regulates the beating of our heart, the pace of our
breathing, the discharge of chemicals within our bloodstream, and myriad
other bodily functions.
Managing your time as you study is a central aspect of academic success.
But remember: The goal of time management is not to schedule every moment
so we become pawns of a timetable that governs every waking moment of the
day. Instead, the goal is to permit us to make informed choices about how we
use our time. Rather than letting the day slip by, largely without our awareness,
the time management procedures we'll discuss can make us better able to har-
ness time for our own ends.
We'll consider a number of steps to help you improve your time manage-
ment skills.
Set Your Priorities. To figure out the best use of your time, you need to deter-
mine your priorities. Priorities are the tasks and activities you need and want to
do, rank-ordered from most important to least important. There are no right or
wrong priorities; maybe spending time on your studies is most important to
you, or maybe your top priority is spending time with your family. Only you
can decide. Furthermore, what's important to you now may be less of a priority
to you next month, next year, or in five years.
The best procedure is to start off by identifying priorities for an entire term.
What do you need to accomplish? Don’t just choose obvious, general goals,
such as “passing all my classes.” Instead, think in terms of specific, measurable
activities, such as “studying 10 hours before each chemistry exam.”
Identify Your Prime Time. Do you enthusiastically bound out of bed in the
morning, ready to start the day and take on the world? Or is the alarm clock a
hated and unwelcome sound that jars you out of pleasant slumber? Are you
zombie-like by 10 at night, or are you a person who is just beginning to rev up
at midnight? Each of us has his or her own style based on some inborn body
clock. Being aware of the time or times of day when you can do your best work
will help you plan and schedule your time most effectively.
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Master the Moment. Here's what you'll need to organize your time:
«+ A master calendar that shows all the weeks of the term on one page. It
should include every week of the term and seven days per week. Using
your class syllabi, write on the master calendar every assignment and test
you will have, noting the date that it is due. Pencil in tentative assign-
ments on the appropriate date. Also include on the master calendar
important activities from your personal life, drawn from your list of priori-
ties. And don’t forget to schedule some free time for yourself.
e A weekly timetable, a master grid with the days of the week across the top
and the hours, from 6:00 a.m. to midnight, along the side. Fill in the times
of all your fixed, prescheduled activities—the times that your classes meet,
when you have to be at work, the times you have to pick up your child at
day care, and any other recurring appointments. Add assignment due
dates, tests, and any other activities on the appropriate days of the week.
Then pencil in blocks of time necessary to prepare for those events.
e A daily to-do list. Your daily to-do list can be written on a small, portable
calendar that includes a separate page for each day of the week, or you
can maintain a calendar electronically in a cell phone or a device such as
a Treo, iPhone, or Blackberry. List all the things that you intend to do dur-
ing the next day and their priority. Start with the things you know you
must do and that have fixed times, such as classes, work schedules, and
appointments. Then add in the other things that you should accomplish,
such as an hour of study for an upcoming test, work on research for an
upcoming paper, or finishing up a lab report. Finally, list things that are a
low priority but enjoyable, like a run or a walk.
Control Your Time. If you follow the schedules that you've prepared, you've
taken the most important steps in time management. However, our lives are
filled with surprises: Things always seem to take longer than we’ve planned. A
crisis occurs, buses are late, computers break down, kids get sick.
The difference between effective time management and time management
that doesn’t work lies in how well you deal with the inevitable surprises. There
are several ways to take control of your days and permit yourself to
follow your intended schedule:
e Just say no. You don't have to agree to every request and
every favor that others ask of you.
+ Get away from it all. Go to the library. Lock yourself
in your bedroom. Find an out-of-the-way unused
classroom. Adopt a specific spot as your own, such
as a corner desk in a secluded nook in the library. If
you use it enough, your body and mind will auto-
matically get into study mode as soon as you seat
yourself at it.
Seeeeer ewww Vo os
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+ Enjoy the sounds of silence. Although many students insist
they accomplish most while a television, radio, or CD is playing,
scientific studies suggest otherwise—we are able to concentrate
most when our environment is silent. Experiment and work in
silence for a few days. You may find that you get more done in
less time than you would in a more distracting environment.
e Take an e-break. We may not control when communications
arrive, but we can make the messages wait until we are ready to
receive them. Take an e-break and shut down your communica-
tion sources for some period of time. Phone calls can be stored
on voice-mail systems; text messages, IMs, and e-mail can be
saved on a phone or computer. They'll wait.
e Expect the unexpected. You'll never be able to escape from
unexpected interruptions and surprises that require your atten-
tion. But by trying to anticipate them in advance and thinking
about how you'll react to them, you'll be positioning yourself to
react more effectively when they do occur.
Read Your Textbook Effectively
Reading a textbook is different from reading for pleasure. With textbooks, you
have specific goals: understanding, learning, and ultimately recalling the infor-
mation. There are several steps you can take to achieve these goals:
Read the front matter. If you'll be using a text extensively throughout
the term, start by reading the preface and/or introduction and scanning
the table of contents—what publishers call the front matter. It is there
that the author has a chance to explain, often more personally than else-
where in the text, what he or she considers important. Knowing this will
give you a sense of what to expect as you read. (Note: You're reading part
of the front matter at this very moment!)
Identify your personal objectives. Before you begin an assignment,
think about what your specific objectives are. Will you be reading a text-
book on which you'll be thoroughly tested? Or, will your reading provide
background information for future learning that won't itself be tested? Is
the material going to be useful to you personally? Your objectives for
reading will help you determine which reading strategy to adopt and
how much time you can devote to the reading assignment. You aren't
expected to read everything with the same degree of intensity. You may
feel comfortable skimming some material. You'll want to put in the maxi-
mum effort into other material.
Identify and use the advance organizers. The next step in reading a
textbook is to become familiar with the advance organizers—outlines,
overviews, section objectives, or other clues to the meaning and organi-
zation of new material—provided in the material you are reading. Look at
the start of every chapter in this book, which includes a chapter outline
plus a set of questions at the end of the “Looking Ahead” section. You
can also create your own advance organizers by skimming material to be
read and sketching out the general outline of the material you'll be read-
ing. These steps can help you recall material better after you've read it.
Stay focused as you read. There are a million and one possible distrac-
tions that can invade your thoughts as you read. Your job is to keep dis-
tracting thoughts at bay and focus on the material you are supposed to
be reading. Here are some things you can do to help yourself stay
focused:
+ Read in small bites. If you think it is going to take you 4 hours to
read an entire chapter, break up the 4 hours into more manageable
time periods. Promise yourself that you'll read for 1 hour in the after-
noon, another hour in the evening, and the next 2 hours spaced out
during the following day.
e Take a break. Actually plan to take several short breaks to reward your-
self while you're reading. During your break, do something enjoyable—
eat a snack, watch a bit of a ball game on television, play a video game,
or the like. Just try not to get drawn into your break activity to the
point that it takes over your reading time.
Highlight and take notes as you read. Highlighting and taking notes as
you read a textbook are essential activities. Good annotations can help
you learn and review the information prior to tests as well as help you to
stay focused as you read. There are several things you can do to maxi-
mize the effectiveness of your notes:
e Rephrase key points. Make notes to yourself, in your own words,
about what the author is trying to get across. Don’t just copy
what’s been said. Think about the material, and rewrite it in words
that are your own. The very act of writing engages
an additional type of perception that involves the
physical sense of moving a pen or pressing a
keyboard.
«+ Highlight or underline key points. Often the
first or last sentence in a paragraph, or the first
or last paragraph in a section, will present a
key point. Before you highlight anything,
though, read the whole paragraph through.
Then you'll be sure that what you highlight
is, in fact, the key information. You should
find yourself highlighting only one or
two sentences or phrases per page. /n
highlighting and underlining, less is
more. One guideline: No more than 10
percent of the material should be
highlighted or underlined.
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e Use arrows, diagrams, outlines, tables, timelines, charts, and other
visuals to help you understand and later recall what you are read-
ing. If three examples are given for a specific point, number them. If a
sequence of steps is presented, number each step. If a paragraph dis-
cusses a situation in which an earlier point does not hold, link the
original point to the exception by an arrow. Representing the material
graphically will get you thinking about it in new and different ways.
The act of creating visual annotations will not only help you to under-
stand the material better, but will also ease its later recall.
e Look up unfamiliar words. Even though you may be able to figure
out the meaning of an unfamiliar word from its context, look up un-
familiar words in a dictionary or online. You'll also find out what the
word sounds like, which will be important if your instructor uses the
word in class.
Perhaps you know students who manage to write down nearly every-
thing their instructors say in class. And perhaps you have thought to
yourself, “If only | took such painstaking notes, I’d do much better in my
classes.’ Contrary to what many students think, however, good notetaking
does not mean writing down every word that an instructor utters. With
notetaking, less is often more. Let's consider some of the basic principles
of notetaking:
- Identify the instructor’s—and your—goals for the course. On the
first day of class, most instructors talk about their objectives for the
course. Most review the information on the class syllabus, the writ-
ten document that explains the assignments for the semester. The
information you get during that first session and through the sylla-
bus is critical. In addition to the instructor's goals, you should have
your own. What is it you want to learn from the course? How will
the information from the course help you to enhance your knowl-
edge, improve yourself as a person, achieve your goals?
e Complete assignments before coming to class. Your instructor
enthusiastically describes the structure of the neuron, recounting
excitedly how electrons flow across neurons, changing their electri-
cal charge. One problem: You have only the vaguest idea what a
neuron is. And the reason you don't know is that you haven't read
the assignment.
Chances are you have found yourself in this situation at least a few
times, so you know firsthand that sinking feeling as you become more
and more confused. The moral: Always go to class prepared. Instructors
assume that their students have done what they've assigned, and their
lectures are based on that assumption.
xliv
+ Choose a notebook that assists in notetaking. Loose-leaf notebooks
are especially good for taking notes because they permit you to go back
later and change the order of the pages or add additional material.
Whatever kind of notebook you use, use only one side of the page for writ-
ing; keep one side free of notes. There may be times that you'll want to
spread out your notes in front of you, and it’s much easier if no material
is written on the back of the pages.
Walter Pauk devised what is sometimes called the Cornell Method
of Notetaking. Using this method, draw a line down the left side of your
notebook page, about 2⁄2 inches from the left-hand margin. Keep the
notes you write in class to the right of the line. Indent major supporting
details beneath each main idea, trying to use no more than one line for
each item, and leave space between topics to add information. When it
comes time to review your notes later, you'll be able to jot down a key-
word, catch phrase, or major idea on the left side of the page (Pauk,
2007).
+ Listen for the key ideas. Not every sentence in a lecture is equally
important. One of the most useful skills you can develop is separating
the key ideas from supporting information. Good lecturers strive to make
just a few main points. The rest of what they say consists of explanation,
examples, and other supportive material that expand upon the key ideas.
To distinguish the key ideas from their support, you need to be alert and
always searching for the meta-message of your instructor's words—that is,
the underlying main ideas that a speaker is seeking to convey.
How can you discern the meta-message? One way is to listen for key
words. Phrases like “you need to know... “the most important thing that
must be considered... “there are four problems with this approach...,’
and—a big one—“this will be on the test. . ” should cause you to sit up
and take notice. Also, if an instructor says the same thing in several ways,
it’s a clear sign that the material being discussed is important.
+ Use short, abbreviated phrases—not full sentences when taking notes.
Forget everything you've ever heard about always writing in full sen-
tences. In fact, it’s often useful to take notes in the form of an outline. An
outline summarizes ideas in short phrases and indicates the relationship
among concepts through the use of indentations.
e Pay attention to what is written on the board or projected from over-
heads and PowerPoint slides. Remember these tips:
e Listening is more important than seeing. The information that your
instructor projects on screen, while important, ultimately is less critical
than what he or she is saying. Pay primary attention to the spoken
word and secondary attention to the screen.
+ Don’t copy everything that is on every slide. Instructors can present
far more information on their slides than they would if they were writ-
ing on a blackboard. Oftentimes there is so much information that it’s
xlv
xlvi
impossible to copy it all down. Don't even try. Instead, concentrate on
taking down the key points.
+ Remember that key points on slides are . . . key points. The key
points (often indicated by bullets) often relate to central concepts. Use
these points to help organize your studying for tests, and don't be sur-
prised if test questions directly assess the bulleted items on slides.
+ Check to see if the presentation slides are available online. Some
instructors make their class presentations available to their students on
the Web, either before or after class time. If they do this before class,
print them out and bring them to class. Then you can make notes on
your copy, clarifying important points. If they are not available until
after a class is over, you can still make good use of them when it
comes time to study the material for tests.
- Remember that presentation slides are not the same as good notes
for a class. If you miss a class, don’t assume that getting a copy of the
slides is sufficient. Studying the notes of a classmate who is a good
notetaker will be far more beneficial than studying only the slides.
Memorize Efficiently:
Use Proven Strategies
to Memorize New Materials
Here's a key principle of effective memorization: Memorize what you need to
memorize. Forget about the rest.
The average textbook chapter has some 20,000 words. But, within those
20,000 words, there may be only 30 to 40 specific concepts that you need to learn.
And perhaps there are only 25 key words. Those are the pieces of information on
which you should focus in your efforts to memorize. By extracting what is impor-
tant from what is less crucial, you'll be able to limit the amount of the material
that you need to recall. You'll be able to focus on what you need to remember.
You have your choice of dozens of techniques of memorization. As we dis-
cuss the options, keep in mind that no one strategy works by itself. Also, feel free
to devise your own strategies or add those that have worked for you in the past.
Rehearsal. Say it aloud: rehearsal. Think of this word in terms of its three syl-
lables: re—hear—sal. If you're scratching your head about why you should do
this, it’s to illustrate the point of rehearsal: to transfer material that you encoun-
ter into long-term memory.
To test if you’ve succeeded in transferring the word “rehearsal” into your
memory, put down this book and go off for a few minutes. Do something
entirely unrelated to reading this book. Have a snack, catch up on the latest
sports scores on ESPN, or read the front page of a newspaper. If the word
“rehearsal” popped into your head when you picked up this book again, you've
|"
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passed your first memory test—the word “rehearsal” has been transferred into
your memory.
Rehearsal is the key strategy in remembering information. If you don't
rehearse material, it will never make it into your memory. Repeating the infor-
mation, summarizing it, associating it with other memories, and above all think-
ing about it when you first come across it will ensure that rehearsal will be
effective in placing the material into your memory.
Mnemonics. This odd word (pronounced with the “m” silent—“neh MON ix”)
describes formal techniques used to make material more readily remembered.
Mnemonics are the tricks-of-the-trade that professional memory experts use,
and you too can use them to nail down the information you will need to recall
for tests.
Among the most common mnemonics are the following:
e Acronyms. Acronyms are words or phrases formed by the first letters of a
series of terms. The word “laser” is an acronym for “light amplification by
stimulated emissions of radiation,’ and “radar” is an acronym for “radio
detection and ranging.’
Acronyms can be a big help in remembering things. For example, Roy G.
Biv is a favorite of physics students who must remember the colors of the
spectrum (red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, and violet.) The benefit of
acronyms is that they help us to recall a complete list of steps or items.
e Acrostics. Acrostics are sentences in which the first letters spell out some-
thing that needs to be recalled. The benefits—as well as the drawbacks—
of acrostics are similar to those of acronyms.
e Rhymes and jingles. “Thirty days hath September, April, June, and
November.’ If you know the rest of the rhyme, you're familiar with one of
the most commonly used mnemonic jingles in the English language.
Use of Multiple Senses. The more senses you can involve when you're trying
to learn new material, the better you'll be able to remember. Here’s why: Every
time we encounter new information, all of our senses are potentially at work.
Each piece of sensory information is stored in a separate location in the brain,
and yet all the pieces are linked together in extraordinarily intricate ways.
What this means is that when we seek to remember the details of a specific
event, recalling a memory of one of the sensory experiences can trigger recall
of the other types of memories. You can make use of the fact that memories
are stored in multiple ways by applying the following techniques:
-+ When you learn something, use your body. Don't sit pas-
sively at your desk. Instead, move around. Stand up; sit down.
Touch the page. Trace figures with your fingers. Talk to your-
self. Think out loud. By involving every part of your body, you've
increased the number of potential ways to trigger a relevant memory
later, when you need to recall it. And when one memory is triggered,
other related memories may come tumbling back.
xlvii
xlviii
Draw and diagram the material. Structuring written material by graphi-
cally grouping and connecting key ideas and themes is a powerful tech-
nique. When we draw and diagram material, one of the things we're doing
is expanding the modalities in which information can be stored in our
minds. Other types of drawing can be useful in aiding later recall. Creating
drawings, sketches, and even cartoons can help us remember better.
Visualize. You already know that memory requires three basic steps: the
initial recording of information, the storage of that information, and, ulti-
mately, the retrieval of the stored information. Visualization is a technique
by which images are formed to ensure that material is recalled. Don't
stop at visualizing images just in your mind's eye. Actually drawing what
you visualize will help you to remember the material even better.
Visualization is effective because it serves several purposes. It helps make
abstract ideas concrete; it engages multiple senses; it permits us to link
different bits of information together; and it provides us with a context
for storing information.
Overlearning. Lasting learning doesn’t come until you have overlearned
the material. Overlearning consists of studying and rehearsing material
past the point of initial mastery. Through overlearning, recall becomes
automatic. Rather than searching for a fact, going through mental contor-
tions until perhaps the information surfaces, overlearning permits us to
recall the information without even thinking about it.
|"
Test-Taking Strategies
Preparing for tests is a long-term proposition. It’s not a matter of “giving your
al
aspect of the course.
the night before the test. Instead, it’s a matter of giving your all to every
Here are some guidelines that can help you do your best on tests:
Know What You Are Preparing For. Determine as much as you can about the
test before you begin to study for it. The more you know about a test before-
hand, the more efficient your studying will be.
To find out about an upcoming test, ask this question:
Is the test called a “test; an “exam,” a “quiz,’ or something else? The names
imply different things.
+ Essay: Requires a fairly extended, on-the-spot composition about
some topic. Examples include questions that call on you to describe a
person, process, or event, or those that ask you to compare or con-
trast two separate sets of material.
+ Multiple-choice: Usually contains a question or statement, followed
by a number of possible answers (usually 4 or 5 of them). You are sup-
posed to choose the best response from the choices offered.
+ True-false: Presents statements about a topic that are either accurate
or inaccurate. You are to indicate whether each statement is accurate
(true) or inaccurate (false).
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Matching: Presents two lists of related information, arranged in col-
umn form. Typically, you are asked to pair up the items that go
together (for example, a scientific term and its definition, or a writer
and the title of a book he or she wrote).
Short-answer: Requires brief responses (usually a few sentences at
most) in a kind of mini-essay.
Fill-in: Requires you to add one or more missing words to a sentence
or series of sentences.
Match Test Preparation to Question Types. Each kind of test question
requires a somewhat different style of preparation.
Essay questions. Essay tests focus on the big picture—ways in which the
various pieces of information being tested fit together. You'll need to
know not just a series of facts, but also the connections between them,
and you will have to be able to discuss these ideas in an organized and
logical way. The best approach to studying for an essay test involves four
steps:
1.
Multiple-choice, true-false, and matching questions. While the
focus of review for essay questions should be on major issues and
controversies, studying for multiple-choice, true—-false, and match-
ing questions requires more attention to the details. Almost any-
thing is fair game for multiple-choice, true-false, and matching
questions, so you can't afford to overlook anything when
Carefully reread your class notes and any notes you've made on
assigned readings that will be covered on the upcoming exam. Also
go through the readings themselves, reviewing underlined or high-
lighted material and marginal notes.
Think of likely exam questions. For example, use the key words,
phrases, concepts, and questions that come up in your class notes or
in your text. Some instructors give out lists of possible essay topics; if
yours does, focus on this list, but don’t ignore other possibilities.
Without looking at your notes or your readings, answer each potential
essay question—aloud. Don't feel embarrassed about doing this.
Talking aloud is often more useful than answering the question in
your head. You can also write down the main points that any answer
should cover. (Don’t write out complete answers to the questions
unless your instructor tells you in advance exactly what is going to be
on the test. Your time is probably better spent learning the material
than rehearsing precisely formulated responses.)
After you've answered the questions, check yourself by looking at the
notes and readings once again. If you feel confident that you've
answered specific questions adequately, check them off. You can go
back later for a quick review. But if there are questions that you had
trouble with, review that material immediately. Then repeat the third
step above, answering the questions again.
studying. It’s a good idea to write down important facts on
xlix
index cards: They're portable and available all the time, and the act of
creating them helps drive the material into your memory. Furthermore,
you can shuffle them and test yourself repeatedly until you’ve mastered
the material.
+ Short-answer and fill-in questions. Short-answer and fill-in questions
are similar to essays in that they require you to recall key pieces of infor-
mation rather than finding it on the page in front of you, as is the case
with multiple-choice, true—-false, and matching questions. However, short-
answer and fill-in questions typically don’t demand that you integrate or
compare different types of information. Consequently, the focus of your
study should be on the recall of specific, detailed information.
Test Yourself. Once you feel you’ve mastered the material, test yourself on it.
There are several ways to do this. Often textbooks are accompanied by web-
sites that offer automatically scored practice tests and quizzes. (Understanding
Psychology does: go to www.mhhe.com/feldman/up10 to try one!) You can also
create a test for yourself, in writing, making its form as close as possible to what
you expect the actual test to be. For instance, if your instructor has told you
the classroom test will be primarily made up of short-answer questions, your
test should reflect that.
You might also construct a test and administer it to a classmate or a mem-
ber of your study group. In turn, you could take a test that someone else has
constructed. Constructing and taking practice tests are excellent ways of study-
ing the material and cementing it into memory.
Deal with Test Anxiety. What does the anticipation of a test do to you? Do
you feel shaky? Is there a knot in your stomach? Do you grit your teeth? Test
anxiety is a temporary condition characterized by fears and concerns about
test-taking. Almost everyone experiences it to some degree, although for some
people it’s more of a problem than for others. You'll never eliminate test anxiety
completely, nor do you want to. A little bit of nervousness can energize us,
making us more attentive and vigilant. Like any competitive event, testing can
motivate us to do our best.
On the other hand, for some students, anxiety can spiral into the kind of
paralyzing fear that makes their minds go blank. There are several ways to keep
this from happening to you:
1. Prepare thoroughly. The more you prepare, the less test anxiety you'll
feel. Good preparation can give you a sense of control and mastery,
and it will prevent test anxiety from overwhelming you.
2. Take a realistic view of the test. Remember that your future success
does not hinge on your performance on any single exam. Think of the
big picture: Put the task ahead in context, and remind yourself of all
the hurdles you've passed so far.
3. Learn relaxation techniques. These techniques are covered in the text's
chapter on health psychology, but the basic process is straightforward:
Breathe evenly, gently inhaling and exhaling. Focus your mind on a
pleasant, relaxing scene such as a beautiful forest or a peaceful farm
or on a restful sound such as that of ocean waves breaking on the
beach.
4. Visualize success. Think of an image of your instructor handing back
your test marked with a big “A” Or imagine your instructor congratu-
lating you on your fine performance the day after the test. Positive
visualizations that highlight your potential success can help replace
images of failure that may fuel test anxiety.
What if these strategies don't work? If your test anxiety is so great that it’s
getting in the way of your success, make use of your college's resources. Most
provide a learning resource center or a counseling center that can provide you
with personalized help.
Form a Study Group. Study groups are small, informal groups of students who
work together to learn course material and study for a test. Forming such a
group can be an excellent way to prepare for any kind of test. Some study
groups are formed for particular tests, while others meet consistently through-
out the term. The typical study group meets a week or two before a test and
plans a strategy for studying. Members share their understanding of what will
be on the test, based on what an instructor has said in class and on their review
of notes and text material. Together, they develop a list of review questions to
guide their individual study. The group then breaks up, and the members study
on their own.
A few days before the test, members of the study group meet again. They
discuss answers to review questions, go over the material, and share any new
insights they may have about the upcoming test. They may also quiz one
another about the material to identify any weaknesses or gaps in their knowledge.
Study groups can be extremely powerful tools because they help accom-
plish several things:
+ They help members organize and structure the material to approach their
studying in a systematic and logical way.
+ They allow students to share different perspectives on the material.
e They make it more likely that students will not overlook any potentially
important information.
+ They force members to rethink the course material, explaining it in words
that other group members will understand. As we will discuss in Chapter
14, this helps both understanding and recall of the information when it is
needed on the test.
+ Finally, they help motivate members to do their best. When you're part of
a study group, you’re no longer working just for yourself; your studying
also benefits the other study group members. Not wanting to let down
your classmates in a study group may encourage you to put in your best
effort.
Some Final Comments
We have discussed numerous techniques for increasing your study, classroom,
and test effectiveness. But you need not feel tied to a specific strategy. You
might want to combine other elements to create your own study system.
Additional learning tips and strategies for critical thinking are presented
throughout Understanding Psychology.
Whatever learning strategies you use, you will maximize your understand-
ing of the material in this book and master techniques that will help you learn
and think critically in all of your academic endeavors. More important, you will
optimize your understanding of the field of psychology. It is worth the effort:
The excitement, challenges, and promise that psychology holds for you are
significant.
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Understanding
Psychology
A
T
LEAR Tr D a
| A Pp T -H >) 1
| a ce FY L
Introduction to Psychology
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Key Concepts for Chapter 1
MODULE 1
What is the science of psychology? @ Psychologists at Work
The Subfields of Psychology:
What are the major specialties in the field of Peyehologrs Family Tee
psychology? @ Where do psychologists work? Working at Psychology
PsychWork: Licensed Social Worker
MODULE 2
What are the origins of psychology? @ What are A Science Evolves: The Past,
the Present, and the Future
the major approaches in contemporary The Rooisor Psychology
psychology? Today's Perspectives
Applying Psychology in the
21st Century: Psychology Matters
MODULE 3
What are psychology’s key issues and Psychology’s Key Issues
ies? @ What is the f f and Controversies
E OUAEDIES S alls the TUTE Q Exploring Diversity: Understanding How
psychology likely to hold? ela and Race Influence
Psychology's Future
Becoming an Informed Consumer of
Psychology: Thinking Critically About
Psychology: Distinguishing Legitimate
Psychology from Pseudo-Psychology
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Prologue Deepwater Disaster
One of the greatest environmental
accidents in history began with a
fire and explosion on an oil rig in
the Gulf of Mexico. Eleven men
were killed immediately, and
dozens were injured. But the
aftermath will extend for
j decades.
~N When the Deepwater
Horizon oil rig blew up in the
spring of 201 0, tens of thousands
of barrels of oil escaped from pipes
that had been drilled deep into the ocean floor. Scientists debated
for days about how to stop the uncontrolled flow of oil. After a
number of failed attempts to stop the oil, engineers finally placed
a containment cap over the cascading oil, and relief wells were
drilled that eventually stopped the gushing oil.
But the damage had been done. Large expanses of water
were covered with oil, and there were plumes of oil underneath
the seas. Beaches and fragile marshlands along the coast were
ruined, and animals, coated with oil, died above and below the
waters. Tens of thousands of people lost their livelihoods. It will
be decades before life returns to normal.
Although the oil spill in the Gulf originated as an environmental
accident, it also gave rise to a host of important psychological
issues. Consider, for example, these questions:
+ What biological reactions did the workers experience as they
responded to the initial explosion on the rig?
e How did scientists and engineers devise solutions to stop
the gushing oil?
+ What would be the long-term effects of the health of individ-
uals whose livelihoods were wiped out?
e How did the anger and frustration that people experienced
as they watched the disaster unfold affect their behavior?
e How did the families of those killed in the disaster react and
cope with their grief?
+ What explains why many people came to the Gulf region to
help save oil-soaked animals and clean up the beaches?
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MODULE 1
Psychology is the scientific study of behavior and mental processes. The simplicity
of this definition is in some ways deceiving, concealing ongoing debates about how
broad the scope of psychology should be. Should psychologists limit themselves to
the study of outward, observable behavior? Is it possible to study thinking scientifi-
cally? Should the field encompass the study of such diverse topics as physical and
mental health, perception, dreaming, and motivation? Is it appropriate to focus solely
on human behavior, or should the behavior of other species be included?
Most psychologists would argue that the field should be receptive to a variety of
viewpoints and approaches. Consequently, the phrase behavior and mental processes in
the definition of psychology must be understood to mean many things: It encompasses
not just what people do but also their thoughts, emotions, perceptions, reasoning pro-
cesses, memories, and even the biological activities that maintain bodily functioning.
Psychologists try to describe, predict, and explain human behavior and mental
processes, as well as helping to change and improve the lives of people and the world
in which they live. They use scientific methods to find answers that are far more
valid and legitimate than those resulting from intuition and speculation, which are
often inaccurate (see Figure 1).
- f= f—t+_#+_f++_-#-/ |
Psychological Truths?
To test your knowledge of psychology, try answering the following questions:
1. Infants love their mothers primarily because their mothers fulfill their basic biological
needs, such as providing food. True or false?
2. Geniuses generally have poor social adjustment. True or false?
3. The best way to ensure that a desired behavior will continue after training is completed is
to reward that behavior every single time it occurs during training rather than rewarding it
only periodically. True or false?
4. People with schizophrenia have at least two distinct personalities. True or false?
5. Parents should do everything they can to ensure their children have high self-esteem
and a strong sense that they are highly competent. True or false?
6. Children’s IQ scores have little to do with how well they do in school.
True or false?
7. Frequent masturbation can lead to mental illness. True or false?
8. Once people reach old age, their leisure activities change radically.
True or false?
9. Most people would refuse to give painful electric shocks to other people.
True or false?
10. People who talk about suicide are unlikely to actually try to kill themselves.
True or false?
Scoring: The truth about each of these items: They are all false. Based on psychological research, each
of these “facts” has been proven untrue. You will learn the reasons why as we explore what psycholo-
gists have discovered about human behavior.
What is the science of
psychology?
What are the major specialties
in the field of psychology?
Where do psychologists work?
The scientific study of
behavior and mental processes.
The scientific method is the
basis of all psychological research and is
used to find valid answers. Test your
knowledge of psychology by
answering these questions. (Source:
Adapted from Lamal, 1979.)
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6 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
ly Alert
The different subfields
of psychology allow
psychologists to explain
the same behavior in
multiple ways. Review
Figure 2 for a summary of the
subfields.
The questions in Figure 1 provide just a hint of the topics that we will encounter
in the study of psychology. Our discussions will take us through the range of what
is known about behavior and mental processes.
The Subfields of Psychology:
Psychology’s Family Tree
As the study of psychology has grown, it has given rise to a number of subfields
(described in Figure 2). The subfields of psychology can be likened to an extended
family, with assorted nieces and nephews, aunts and uncles, and cousins who,
although they may not interact on a day-to-day basis, are related to one another,
because they share a common goal: understanding behavior. One way to identify
the key subfields is to look at some of the basic questions about behavior that
they address.
WHAT ARE THE BIOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF BEHAVIOR?
In the most fundamental sense, people are biological organisms. Behavioral neuro-
science is the subfield of psychology that mainly examines how the brain and the
nervous system—but other biological processes as well—determine behavior. Thus,
neuroscientists consider how our bodies influence our behavior. For example, they
may examine the link between specific sites in the brain and the muscular tremors
of people affected by Parkinson’s disease or attempt to determine how our emotions
are related to physical sensations. Behavioral neuroscientists might want to know
what physiological changes occurred as oil from the damaged well began coming
ashore (Willis, 2008).
HOW DO PEOPLE SENSE, PERCEIVE, LEARN,
AND THINK ABOUT THE WORLD?
If you have ever wondered why you are susceptible to optical illusions, how your
body registers pain, or how to make the most of your study time, an experimental
psychologist can answer your questions. Experimental psychology is the branch of psy-
chology that studies the processes of sensing, perceiving, learning, and thinking
about the world. (The term experimental psychologist is somewhat misleading: Psy-
chologists in every specialty area use experimental techniques.)
Several subspecialties of experimental psychology have become specialties
in their own right. One is cognitive psychology, which focuses on higher mental
processes, including thinking, memory, reasoning, problem solving, judging,
decision making, and language. For example, a cognitive psychologist might be
interested in what the survivors of the downed flight remembered about their
experience.
WHAT ARE THE SOURCES OF CHANGE AND STABILITY
IN BEHAVIOR ACROSS THE LIFE SPAN?
A baby producing her first smile . . . taking his first step . . . saying its first word. These
universal milestones in development are also singularly special and unique for each
person. Developmental psychology studies how people grow and change from the
moment of conception through death. Personality psychology focuses on the consis-
tency in people’s behavior over time and the traits that differentiate one person
from another.
Subfield
Behavioral genetics
Behavioral neuroscience
Clinical psychology
Clinical neuropsychology
Cognitive psychology
Counseling psychology
Cross-cultural psychology
Developmental psychology
Educational psychology
Environmental psychology
Evolutionary psychology
Experimental psychology
Forensic psychology
Health psychology
ndustrial/organizational
psychology
Personality psychology
Program evaluation
Psychology of women
School psychology
Social psychology
Sport psychology
FIGURE 2 The major subfields of psychology.
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Module 1 Psychologists at Work
Description
Behavioral genetics studies the inheritance of traits related to behavior
Behavioral neuroscience examines the biological basis of behavior
Clinical psychology deals with the study, diagnosis, and treatment of
psychological disorders.
Clinical neuropsychology unites the areas of biopsychology and clinical
psychology, focusing on the relationship between biological factors
and psychological disorders.
Cognitive psychology focuses on the study of higher mental processes.
Counseling psychology focuses primarily on educational, social, and
career adjustment problems.
Cross-cultural psychology investigates the similarities and differences in
psychological functioning in and across various cultures and ethnic
groups.
Developmental psychology examines how people grow and change
from the moment of conception through death.
Educational psychology is concerned with teaching and learning
processes, such as the relationship between motivation and school
performance.
Environmental psychology considers the relationship between people
and their physical environment.
Evolutionary psychology considers how behavior is influenced by our
genetic inheritance from our ancestors.
Experimental psychology studies the processes of sensing, perceiving,
learning, and thinking about the world.
Forensic psychology focuses on legal issues, such as determining the
accuracy of witness memories.
Health psychology explores the relationship between psychological
factors and physical ailments or disease.
Industrial/organizational psychology is concerned with the psychology of
the workplace.
Personality psychology focuses on the consistency in people's behavior
over time and the traits that differentiate one person from another.
Program evaluation focuses on assessing large-scale programs, such as
the Head Start preschool program, to determine whether they are
effective in meeting their goals.
Psychology of women focuses on issues such as discrimination against
women and the causes of violence against women.
School psychology is devoted to counseling children in elementary and
secondary schools who have academic or emotional problems.
Social psychology is the study of how people's thoughts, feelings, and
actions are affected by others.
Sport psychology applies psychology to athletic activity and exercise.
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Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
HOW DO PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS
AFFECT PHYSICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH?
Frequent depression, stress, and fears that prevent people from carrying out their
normal activities are topics that would interest a health psychologist, a clinical psy-
chologist, and a counseling psychologist. Health psychology explores the relationship
between psychological factors and physical ailments or disease. For example, health
psychologists are interested in assessing how long-term stress (a psychological factor)
can affect physical health and in identifying ways to promote behavior that brings
about good health (Belar, 2008; Yardley & Moss-Morris, 2009).
Clinical psychology deals with the study, diagnosis, and treatment of psychologi-
cal disorders. Clinical psychologists are trained to diagnose and treat problems that
range from the crises of everyday life, such as unhappiness over the breakup of a
relationship, to more extreme conditions, such as profound, lingering depression.
Some clinical psychologists also research and investigate issues that vary from iden-
tifying the early signs of psychological disturbance to studying the relationship
between family communication patterns and psychological disorders.
Like clinical psychologists, counseling psychologists deal with people’s psycho-
logical problems, but the problems they deal with are more specific. Counseling psy-
chology focuses primarily on educational, social, and career adjustment problems.
Almost every college has a center staffed with counseling psychologists. This is
where students can get advice on the kinds of jobs they might be best suited for, on
methods of studying effectively, and on strategies for resolving everyday difficulties,
such as problems with roommates and concerns about a specific professor’s grading
practices. Many large business organizations also employ counseling psychologists
to help employees with work-related problems.
HOW DO OUR SOCIAL NETWORKS AFFECT BEHAVIOR?
Our complex networks of social interrelationships are the focus for many subfields
of psychology. For example, social psychology is the study of how people’s thoughts,
feelings, and actions are affected by others. Social psychologists concentrate on such
diverse topics as human aggression, liking and loving, persuasion, and conformity.
Cross-cultural psychology investigates the similarities and differences in psycho-
logical functioning in and across various cultures and ethnic groups. For example,
cross-cultural psychologists examine how cultures differ in their use of punishment
during child rearing.
EXPANDING PSYCHOLOGY’S FRONTIERS
The boundaries of the science of psychology are constantly growing. Three newer
members of the field’s family tree—evolutionary psychology, behavioral genetics,
and clinical neuropsychology—have sparked particular excitement, and debate,
within psychology.
Evolutionary Psychology Evolutionary psychology considers how behavior is influ-
enced by our genetic inheritance from our ancestors. The evolutionary approach
suggests that the chemical coding of information in our cells not only determines
traits such as hair color and race but also holds the key to understanding a broad
variety of behaviors that helped our ancestors survive and reproduce.
Evolutionary psychology stems from Charles Darwin’s arguments in his ground-
breaking 1859 book, On the Origin of Species. Darwin suggested that a process of
natural selection leads to the survival of the fittest and the development of traits that
enable a species to adapt to its environment.
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Evolutionary psychologists take Darwin’s arguments a step further. They argue
that our genetic inheritance determines not only physical traits such as skin and eye
color but certain personality traits and social behaviors as well. For example, evolu-
tionary psychologists suggest that behavior such as shyness, jealousy, and cross-
cultural similarities in qualities desired in potential mates are at least partially
determined by genetics, presumably because such behavior helped increase the sur-
vival rate of humans’ ancient relatives (Buss, 2003; Sefcek, Brumbach, & Vasquez, 2007).
Although they are increasingly popular, evolutionary explanations of behavior
have stirred controversy. By suggesting that many significant behaviors unfold auto-
matically, because they are wired into the human species, evolutionary approaches
minimize the role of environmental and social forces. Still, the evolutionary approach
has stimulated a significant amount of research on how our biological inheritance
influences our traits and behaviors (Begley, 2005; Buss, 2004; Neher, 2006).
Behavioral Genetics Another rapidly growing area in psychology focuses on the
biological mechanisms, such as genes and chromosomes, that enable inherited behav-
ior to unfold. Behavioral genetics seeks to understand how we might inherit certain
behavioral traits and how the environment influences whether we actually display
such traits (Bjorklund & Ellis, 2005; Moffitt & Caspi, 2007; Rende, 2007).
Clinical Neuropsychology Clinical neuropsychology unites the areas of neuroscience
and clinical psychology: It focuses on the origin of psychological disorders in bio-
logical factors. Building on advances in our understanding of the structure and chem-
istry of the brain, this specialty has already led to promising new treatments for
psychological disorders as well as debates over the use of medication to control
behavior (Boake, 2008).
Working at Psychology
Help Wanted: Assistant professor at a small liberal arts college. Teach undergraduate
courses in introductory psychology and courses in specialty areas of cognitive psychology,
perception, and learning. Strong commitment to quality teaching, as well as evidence of
scholarship and research productivity, necessary.
Help Wanted: Industrial-organizational consulting psychologist. International firm seeks
psychologists for full-time career positions as consultants to management. Candidates
must have the ability to establish a rapport with senior business executives and help
them find innovative and practical solutions to problems concerning people and
organizations.
Help Wanted: Clinical psychologist. PhD, internship experience, and license required.
Comprehensive clinic seeks psychologist to work with children and adults providing
individual and group therapy, psychological evaluations, crisis intervention, and
development of behavior treatment plans on multidisciplinary team.
As these job ads suggest, psychologists are employed in a variety of settings. Many
doctoral-level psychologists are employed by institutions of higher learning (univer-
sities and colleges) or are self-employed, usually working as private practitioners
treating clients (see Figure 3). Other work sites include hospitals, clinics, mental
health centers, counseling centers, government human-services organizations, busi-
nesses, schools, and even prisons. Psychologists are employed in the military, work-
ing with soldiers, veterans, and their families, and they work for the federal
government Department of Homeland Security, fighting terrorism (American Psy-
chological Association, 2007; DeAngelis & Monahan, 2008).
Module 1 Psychologists at Work
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10 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
Position: Social Worker
PsychWork
LICENSED SOCIAL WORKER
Name: Christin Poirier, LICSW
Education: BA in Psychology, Stonehill College;
MA in Social Work, University of New Hampshire
Business, government,
or other settings, 13.2%
Managed care
settings, 4.3%
Colleges,
universities, and
other academic
Other human settings, 30.6%
services, 7.0%
Hospitals, 7.7%
School
districts, 3.9%
Private
practice, 31.4%
FIGURE 3 The breakdown of where U.S. psychologists (who have a PhD or PsyD degree)
work. Why do you think so many psychologists work in college and university settings?
(Source: American Psychological Association, 2007.)
Most psychologists, though, work in academic settings, allowing them to com-
bine the three major roles played by psychologists in society: teacher, scientist, and
clinical practitioner. Many psychology professors are also actively involved in
research or in serving clients. Whatever the particular job site, however, psychol-
ogists share a commitment to improving individual lives as well as society in
general.
Keep in mind that many professionals from a variety of professions use the find-
ings of psychologists. As you can see in each PsychWork box here and throughout
the text, we focus on how a non-psychologist uses psychology.
For Christin Poirier, psychology is central to her occupation as
a social worker, a field dedicated to enhancing the well-being
of individuals, families, groups, and communities. As a social
worker, Poirier works at a community mental health center
where she helps children and adolescents who are experienc-
ing emotional or behavioral difficulties or both. Says Poirier,
“The strategies I employ in counseling sessions are derived
from basic psychological concepts and theories. In addition, in
order to know what strategies are age-appropriate for a par-
ticular client, I need to consider their stage of psychological
development. Finally, it is necessary to consider how culture and ethnicity affect
clients, so I incorporate these aspects into my clients’ treatment plans.”
PSYCHOLOGISTS: A PORTRAIT
Although there is no “average” psychologist in terms of personal characteristics, we
can draw a statistical portrait of the field. There are close to 300,000 psychologists
working today in the United States, but they are outnumbered by psychologists in
other countries. Europe has more than 290,000 psychologists, and in Brazil alone
there are 140,000 licensed psychologists. Although most research is conducted in the
United States, psychologists in other countries are increasingly influential in adding
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to the knowledge base and practices of psychology (Nelson, 2007; Peiro & Lunt, 2003;
Stevens & Gielen, 2007).
In the United States, women outnumber men in the field, a big change from
earlier years when women faced bias and were actively discouraged from becoming
psychologists. Today, around three-fourths of new psychology doctorate degrees are
earned by women. There is an active debate about whether, and how, to seek balance
in the percentage of men and women in the field (Cynkar, 2007; Frincke & Pate, 2004).
The vast majority of psychologists in the United States are white, limiting the
diversity of the field. Only 6% of all psychologists are members of racial minority
groups. Although the number of minority individuals entering the field is higher than
a decade ago—around 20% of new master’s degrees and 16% of new doctorate degrees
are awarded to people of color—the numbers have not kept up with the dramatic
growth of the minority population at large (Hoffer et al., 2005; Maton et al., 2006).
The underrepresentation of racial and ethnic minorities among psychologists is
significant for several reasons. First, the field of psychology is diminished by a lack
of the diverse perspectives and talents that minority-group members can provide.
Furthermore, minority-group psychologists serve as role models for members of
minority communities, and their underrepresentation in the profession might deter
other minority-group members from entering the field. Finally, because members of
minority groups often prefer to receive psychological therapy from treatment provid-
ers of their own race or ethnic group, the rarity of minority psychologists can dis-
courage some members of minority groups from seeking treatment (Bernal et al.,
2002; Bryant et al., 2005; Jenkins et al., 2003).
THE EDUCATION OF A PSYCHOLOGIST
How do people become psychologists? The most common route is a long one. Most
psychologists have a doctorate, either a PhD (doctor of philosophy) or, less frequently,
a PsyD (doctor of psychology). The PhD is a research degree that requires a dissertation
based on an original investigation. The PsyD is obtained by psychologists who wish to
focus on the treatment of psychological disorders. (Psychologists are distinct from psy-
chiatrists, who have a medical degree and specialize in the diagnosis and treatment of
psychological disorders, often using treatments that involve the prescription of drugs.)
Both the PhD and the PsyD typically take four or five years of work past the
bachelor’s level. Some fields of psychology involve education beyond the doctorate.
For instance, doctoral-level clinical psychologists, who deal with people with psy-
chological disorders, typically spend an additional year doing an internship.
About a third of people working in the field of psychology have a master’s
degree as their highest degree, which they earn after two or three years of graduate
work. These psychologists teach, provide therapy, conduct research, or work in
specialized programs dealing with drug abuse or crisis intervention. Some work in
universities, government, and business, collecting and analyzing data.
CAREERS FOR PSYCHOLOGY MAJORS
Although some psychology majors head for graduate school in psychology or an unre-
lated field, the majority join the workforce immediately after graduation. Most report
that the jobs they take after graduation are related to their psychology background.
An undergraduate major in psychology provides excellent preparation for a vari-
ety of occupations. Because undergraduates who specialize in psychology develop
good analytical skills, are trained to think critically, and are able to synthesize and
evaluate information well, employers in business, industry, and the government
value their preparation (Kuther, 2003).
The most common areas of employment for psychology majors are in the social
services, including working as an administrator, serving as a counselor, and providing
Module 1 Psychologists at Work 11
y Alert
Be sure you can differentiate
between a PhD (doctor of
philosophy) and a PsyD
(doctor of psychology), as
well as between psycholo-
gists and psychiatrists.
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12 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
Positions Obtained by Psychology Majors
Business Field
Administrative assistant
Affirmative action officer
Advertising trainee
Benefits manager
Claims specialist
Community relations officer
Customer relations
Data management
Employee recruitment
Employee counselor
Human resources coordinator/
manager/specialist
Labor relations manager/specialist
Loan officer
Management trainee
Marketing
Personnel manager/officer
Product and services research
Programs/events coordination
Public relations
Retail sales management
Sales representative
Special features writing/reporting
Staff training and development
Trainer/training office
Education/
Academic Field
Administration
Child-care provider
Child-care worker/
supervisor
Data management
Laboratory assistant
Parent/family education
Preschool teacher
Public opinion surveyor
Research assistant
Teaching assistant
Social Field
Activities coordinator
Behavioral specialist
Career counselor
Case worker
Child protection worker
Clinical coordinator
Community outreach worker
Corrections officer
Counselor assistant
Crisis intervention counselor
Employment counselor
Group home attendant
Occupational therapist
Probation officer
Program manager
Rehabilitation counselor
Residence counselor
Mental health assistant
Social service assistant
Social worker
Substance abuse counselor
Youth counselor
FIGURE 4 Although many psychology majors pursue employment in social services, a
background in psychology can prepare one for many professions outside the social services
field. What is it about the science and art of psychology that makes it such a versatile field?
(Source: From Tara L. Kuther, The Psychology Major's Handbook, 1st ed., p. 114. © 2003 Wadsworth, a part
of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission. www.cengage.com/permissions.)
direct care. Some 20% of recipients of bachelor’s degrees in psychology work in the
social services or in some other form of public affairs. In addition, psychology majors
often enter the fields of education or business or work for federal, state, and local
governments (see Figure 4; American Psychological Association, 2000; Murray, 2002).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
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RECAP
What is the science of psychology?
e Psychology is the scientific study of behavior and mental
processes, encompassing not just what people do but
also their biological activities, feelings, perceptions,
memory, reasoning, and thoughts. (p. 5)
What are the major specialties in the field of psychology?
e Behavioral neuroscientists focus on the biological basis
of behavior, and experimental psychologists study the
processes of sensing, perceiving, learning, and thinking
about the world. (p. 6)
Cognitive psychology, an outgrowth of experimental
psychology, studies higher mental processes, including
memory, knowing, thinking, reasoning, problem solving,
judging, decision making, and language. (p. 6)
Developmental psychologists study how people grow
and change throughout the life span. (p. 6)
Personality psychologists consider the consistency and
change in an individual’s behavior, as well as the indi-
vidual differences that distinguish one person’s behavior
Module 1 Psychologists at Work 13
Health psychologists study psychological factors that af-
fect physical disease, whereas clinical psychologists con-
sider the study, diagnosis, and treatment of abnormal
behavior. Counseling psychologists focus on educa-
tional, social, and career adjustment problems. (p. 8)
Social psychology is the study of how people’s thoughts,
feelings, and actions are affected by others. (p. 8)
Cross-cultural psychology examines the similarities and
differences in psychological functioning among various
cultures. (p. 8)
Other increasingly important fields are evolutionary
psychology, behavioral genetics, and clinical
neuropsychology. (p. 8)
Where do psychologists work?
Psychologists are employed in a variety of settings.
Although the primary sites of employment are private
practice and colleges, many psychologists are found in
hospitals, clinics, community mental health centers, and
counseling centers. (p. 9)
from another’s. (p. 6)
EVALUATE
Match each subfield of psychology with the issues or questions posed below.
a.
b.
C.
d.
e.
f
g-
h.
ls
j.
k.
1.
. Joan, a college freshman, is worried about her grades. She needs to learn better
organizational skills and study habits to cope with the demands of college.
At what age do children generally begin to acquire an emotional attachment to their fathers?
It is thought that pornographic films that depict violence against women may prompt
What chemicals are released in the human body as a result of a stressful event? What are
Luis is unique in his manner of responding to crisis situations, with an even temperament
The teachers of 8-year-old Jack are concerned that he has recently begun to withdraw
behavioral neuroscience 1
experimental psychology
cognitive psychology Pe
developmental psychology 3.
personality psychology aggressive behavior in some men.
health psychology 4.
clinical psychology their effects on behavior?
counseling psychology 5.
educational psychology and a positive outlook.
school psychology 6.
social psychology socially and to show little interest in schoolwork.
industrial psychology Te
Janetta’s job is demanding and stressful. She wonders if her lifestyle is making her more
prone to certain illnesses, such as cancer and heart disease.
. A psychologist is intrigued by the fact that some people are much more sensitive to painful
stimuli than others are.
. Astrong fear of crowds leads a young man to seek treatment for his problem.
. What mental strategies are involved in solving complex word problems?
. What teaching methods most effectively motivate elementary school students to success-
fully accomplish academic tasks?
. Jessica is asked to develop a management strategy that will encourage safer work prac-
tices in an assembly plant.
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14 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
RETHINK unusual difficulty learning to read. Imagine that you
could consult as many psychologists with different
specialties as you wanted. What are the different types of
psychologists that you might approach to address the
1. Do you think intuition and common sense are sufficient
for understanding why people act the way they do? In
what ways is a scientific approach appropriate for study-
roblem?
ing human behavior? P
2. From an educator’s perspective: Suppose you are a teacher Answers to Evaluate Questions
who has a 7-year-old child in your class who is having TT- ‘E-A ‘9-Í TLE T-U 6-3 ‘2-3 “G-9 ‘T-P ‘OT ‘8-4 ‘P-e "T
KEY TERM
psychology p. 5
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MODULE 2
Seven thousand years ago, people assumed that psychological problems were caused by
evil spirits. To allow those spirits to escape from a person’s body, ancient healers chipped
a hole in a patient’s skull with crude instruments—a procedure called trephining.
According to the 17th-century philosopher Descartes, nerves were hollow tubes through
which “animal spirits” conducted impulses in the same way that water is transmitted
through a pipe. When a person put a finger too close to a fire, heat was transmitted to
the brain through the tubes.
Franz Josef Gall, an 18th-century physician, argued that a trained observer could
discern intelligence, moral character, and other basic personality characteristics from the
shape and number of bumps on a person’s skull. His theory gave rise to the field of
phrenology, employed by hundreds of practitioners in the 19th century.
Although these explanations might sound far-fetched, in their own times they repre-
sented the most advanced thinking about what might be called the psychology of the
era. Our understanding of behavior has progressed tremendously since the 18th century,
but most of the advances have been recent. As sciences go, psychology is one of the
new kids on the block. (For highlights in the development of the field, see Figure 1 on
page 16.)
The Roots of Psychology
We can trace psychology’s roots back to the ancient Greeks, who considered the
mind to be a suitable topic for scholarly contemplation. Later philosophers argued
for hundreds of years about some of the questions psychologists grapple with
today. For example, the 17th-century British philosopher John Locke believed that
children were born into the world with minds like “blank slates” (tabula rasa in
Latin) and that their experiences determined what kind of adults they would
become. His views contrasted with those of Plato and the 17th-century French
philosopher René Descartes, who argued that some knowledge was inborn in
humans.
However, the formal beginning of psychology as a scientific discipline is gener-
ally considered to be in the late 19th century, when, in Leipzig, Germany, Wilhelm
Wundt established the first experimental laboratory devoted to psychological phe-
nomena. At about the same time, William James was setting up his laboratory in
Cambridge, Massachusetts.
When Wundt set up his laboratory in 1879, his aim was to study the building
blocks of the mind. He considered psychology to be the study of conscious experi-
ence. His perspective, which came to be known as structuralism, focused on uncov-
ering the fundamental mental components of perception, consciousness, thinking,
emotions, and other kinds of mental states and activities.
To determine how basic sensory processes shape our understanding of the world,
Wundt and other structuralists used a procedure called introspection, in which they
What are the origins of
psychology?
What are the major
approaches in contemporary
psychology?
Wilhelm Wundt
Wundt’s approach,
which focuses on uncovering the
fundamental mental components of
consciousness, thinking, and other
kinds of mental states and activities.
A procedure used to
study the structure of the mind in
which subjects are asked to describe in
detail what they are experiencing
when they are exposed to a stimulus.
15
16
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Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
1690 John Locke introduces
idea of tabula rasa
<4 5,000 BCE Trephining
used to allow the escape of
evil spirits
4430 BCE Hippocrates
argues for four
temperaments of
personality
Forerunners
of Psychology
1637 Descartes
describes animal
spirits
1915
Strong emphasis on
intelligence testing
1879 Wilhelm Wundt raan
inaugurates first
psychology laboratory
in Leipzig, Germany
VA
Mary Calkins works on
memory
1807 1895 1920
Franz Josef Gall Panctonalist Gestalt
Proposes model formulated psychology
phrenology 1900 Sigmund Freud becomes
influential
develops the
psychodynamic
perspective
1890 Principles
of Psychology
published by
William James
1904 Ivan Pavlov
wins Nobel Prize
for work on
digestion that led
to fundamental
principles of
learning
FIGURE 1 This time line illustrates major milestones in the development of psychology.
functionalism An early approach
to psychology that concentrated on
what the mind does—the functions
of mental activity—and the role of
behavior in allowing people to adapt
to their environments.
presented people with a stimulus—such as a bright green object or a sentence printed
on a card—and asked them to describe, in their own words and in as much detail as
they could, what they were experiencing. Wundt argued that by analyzing people’s
reports, psychologists could come to a better understanding of the structure of the mind.
Over time, psychologists challenged Wundt’s approach. They became increas-
ingly dissatisfied with the assumption that introspection could reveal the structure
of the mind. Introspection was not a truly scientific technique, because there were
few ways an outside observer could confirm the accuracy of others’ introspections.
Moreover, people had difficulty describing some kinds of inner experiences, such as
emotional responses. Those drawbacks led to the development of new approaches,
which largely replaced structuralism.
The perspective that replaced structuralism is known as functionalism. Rather
than focusing on the mind’s structure, functionalism concentrated on what the mind
does and how behavior functions. Functionalists, whose perspective became promi-
nent in the early 1900s, asked what role behavior plays in allowing people to adapt
to their environments. For example, a functionalist might examine the function of
the emotion of fear in preparing us to deal with emergency situations.
Led by the American psychologist William James, the functionalists examined how
behavior allows people to satisfy their needs and how our “stream of consciousness”
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Module 2 A Science Evolves: The Past, the Present, and the Future 17
1980
Jean Piaget,
an influential
1924
John B.Watson, an
early behaviorist,
publishes y developmental
Behaviorism psychologist, dies
2010
New subfields
1957 Leon Festinger develop such as
publishes A Theory of clinical
Cognitive Dissonance, neuropsychology
producing a major impact and evolutionary
on social psycholo,
ioe psychology psychology
Carl Rogers publishes 1990 Greater emphasis
Client-Centered Therapy, helping to on multiculturalism and
establish the humanistic diversity
perspective
i953 1969
i Arguments 1985 Increasing
B. F. Skinner publishes a Í
, : regarding the emphasis on
Science and Human Behavior, i a
; ; genetic basis of cognitive
advocating the behavioral ; ; f
a IQ fuel lingering perspective
Perspective controversies
1928
Leta Stetter 1981 David Hubel
Hollingworth publishes
and Torsten Wiesel
work on adolescence
win Nobel Prize for
work on vision cells
in the brain
1954
Abraham Maslow
publishes Motivation and
Personality, developing
the concept of
self-actualization
2000
Elizabeth Loftus does
pioneering work on false
memory and eyewitness
testimony
permits us to adapt to our environment. The American educator John Dewey drew
on functionalism to develop the field of school psychology, proposing ways to best
meet students’ educational needs.
Another important reaction to structuralism was the development of gestalt
psychology in the early 1900s. Gestalt psychology emphasizes how perception is gestalt (geh-SHTALLT)
organized. Instead of considering the individual parts that make up thinking, gestalt psychology An approach to
psychologists took the opposite tack, studying how people consider individual psychology that focuses on the
elements together as units or wholes. Led by German scientists such as Hermann organization of perception and
Ebbinghaus and Max Wertheimer, gestalt psychologists proposed that “The whole is thinking in a “whole” sense rather
different from the sum of its parts,” meaning that our perception, or understanding, than on the individual elements of
of objects is greater and more meaningful than the individual elements that make up perception.
our perceptions. Gestalt psychologists have made substantial contributions to our
understanding of perception.
y Alert
Knowing the basic outlines of
the history of the field will
As in many scientific fields, social prejudices hindered women’s participation in the help you understand how
early development of psychology. For example, many universities would not even today’s major perspectives
admit women to their graduate psychology programs in the early 1900s. have evolved.
WOMEN IN PSYCHOLOGY: FOUNDING MOTHERS
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18 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
y Alert
Use Figure 2 to differentiate
the five perspectives, which
are important, because
they provide a foundation
for every topic covered
throughout the text.
Despite the hurdles they faced, women made notable contributions to psychology,
although their impact on the field was largely overlooked until recently. For example,
Margaret Floy Washburn (1871-1939) was the first woman to receive a doctorate in
psychology, and she did important work on animal behavior. Leta Stetter Hollingworth
(1886-1939) was one of the first psychologists to focus on child development and on
women’s issues. She collected data to refute the view, popular in the early 1900s, that
women’s abilities periodically declined during parts of the menstrual cycle (Denmark
& Fernandez, 1993; Furumoto & Scarborough, 2002; Hollingworth, 1943/1990).
Mary Calkins (1863-1930), who studied memory in the early part of the 20th
century, became the first female president of the American Psychological Association.
Karen Horney (pronounced “HORN-eye”) (1885-1952) focused on the social and cul-
tural factors behind personality, and June Etta Downey (1875-1932) spearheaded the
study of personality traits and became the first woman to head a psychology depart-
ment at a state university. Anna Freud (1895-1982), the daughter of Sigmund Freud,
also made notable contributions to the treatment of abnormal behavior, and Mamie
Phipps Clark (1917-1983) carried out pioneering work on how children of color grew
to recognize racial differences (Horney, 1937; Lal, 2002; Stevens & Gardner, 1982).
Today’s Perspectives
The men and women who laid the foundations of psychology shared a common goal:
to explain and understand behavior using scientific methods. Seeking to achieve the
same goal, the tens of thousands of psychologists who followed those early pioneers
embraced—and often rejected—a variety of broad perspectives.
The perspectives of psychology offer distinct outlooks and emphasize different
factors. Just as we can use more than one map to find our way around a particular
region—for instance, a map that shows roads and highways and another map that
shows major landmarks—psychologists developed a variety of approaches to under-
standing behavior. When considered jointly, the different perspectives provide the
means to explain behavior in its amazing variety.
Today, the field of psychology includes five major perspectives (summarized in
Figure 2). These broad perspectives emphasize different aspects of behavior and mental
processes, and each takes our understanding of behavior in a somewhat different
direction.
Neuroscience Psychodynamic Behavioral Cognitive Humanistic
Views behavior from the Believes behavior is motivated Focuses on observable Examines how people Contends that people can
perspective of biological by inner, unconscious forces behavior understand and think control their behavior and
functioning over which a person has little about the world that they naturally try to
control reach their full potential
FIGURE 2 The major perspectives of psychology.
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Module 2 A Science Evolves: The
THE NEUROSCIENCE PERSPECTIVE: BLOOD, SWEAT, AND FEARS
When we get down to the basics, humans are animals made of skin and bones. The
neuroscience perspective considers how people and nonhumans function biologi-
cally: how individual nerve cells are joined together, how the inheritance of certain
characteristics from parents and other ancestors influences behavior, how the func-
tioning of the body affects hopes and fears, which behaviors are instinctual, and so
forth. Even more complex kinds of behaviors, such as a baby’s response to strangers,
are viewed as having critical biological components by psychologists who embrace
the neuroscience perspective. This perspective includes the study of heredity and
evolution, which considers how heredity may influence behavior; and behavioral
neuroscience, which examines how the brain and the nervous system affect behavior.
Because every behavior ultimately can be broken down into its biological com-
ponents, the neuroscience perspective has broad appeal. Psychologists who sub-
scribe to this perspective have made major contributions to the understanding and
betterment of human life, ranging from cures for certain types of deafness to drug
treatments for people with severe mental disorders. Furthermore, advances in meth-
ods for examining the anatomy and functioning of the brain have permitted the
neuroscientific perspective to extend its influence across a broad range of subfields
in psychology. (We’ll see examples of these methods throughout this book in
Neuroscience in Your Life.)
THE PSYCHODYNAMIC PERSPECTIVE:
UNDERSTANDING THE INNER PERSON
To many people who have never taken a psychology course, psychology begins and
ends with the psychodynamic perspective. Proponents of the psychodynamic
perspective argue that behavior is motivated by inner forces and conflicts about
which we have little awareness or control. They view dreams and slips of the tongue
as indications of what a person is truly feeling within a seething cauldron of uncon-
scious psychic activity.
The origins of the psychodynamic view are linked to one person: Sigmund
Freud. Freud was a Viennese physician in the early 1900s whose ideas about uncon-
scious determinants of behavior had a revolutionary effect on 20th-century thinking,
not just in psychology but in related fields as well. Although some of the original
Freudian principles have been roundly criticized, the contemporary psychodynamic
perspective has provided a means not only to understand and treat some kinds of
psychological disorders but also to understand everyday phenomena such as preju-
dice and aggression.
THE BEHAVIORAL PERSPECTIVE:
OBSERVING THE OUTER PERSON
Whereas the neuroscience and psychodynamic approaches look inside the organism
to determine the causes of its behavior, the behavioral perspective takes a very dif-
ferent approach. The behavioral perspective grew out of a rejection of psychology’s
early emphasis on the inner workings of the mind. Instead, behaviorists suggested
that the field should focus on observable behavior that can be measured objectively.
John B. Watson was the first major American psychologist to advocate a behav-
ioral approach. Working in the 1920s, Watson was adamant in his view that one could
gain a complete understanding of behavior by studying and modifying the environ-
ment in which people operate.
In fact, Watson believed rather optimistically that it was possible to elicit any
desired type of behavior by controlling a person’s environment. This philosophy
is clear in his own words: “Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and my
own specified world to bring them up in and I'll guarantee to take any one at
random and train him to become any type of specialist I might select—doctor,
Past, the Present, and the Future 19
neuroscience perspective The approach
that views behavior from the perspective
of the brain, the nervous system, and
other biological functions.
Sigmund Freud
psychodynamic perspective The
approach based on the view that
behavior is motivated by unconscious
inner forces over which the individual
has little control.
behavioral perspective The approach
that suggests that observable, measur-
able behavior should be the focus of
study.
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20 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
cognitive perspective The approach
that focuses on how people think,
understand, and know about the
world.
humanistic perspective The approach
that suggests that all individuals
naturally strive to grow, develop, and
be in control of their lives and behavior.
lawyer, artist, merchant-chief, and yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of
his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations and race of his ancestors”
(Watson, 1924).
The behavioral perspective was championed by B. F. Skinner, a pioneer in the
field. Much of our understanding of how people learn new behaviors is based on
the behavioral perspective. As we will see, the behavioral perspective crops up along
every byway of psychology. Along with its influence in the area of learning processes,
this perspective has made contributions in such diverse areas as treating mental
disorders, curbing aggression, resolving sexual problems, and ending drug addiction
(Silverman, Roll, & Higgins, 2008).
THE COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVE:
IDENTIFYING THE ROOTS OF UNDERSTANDING
Efforts to understand behavior lead some psychologists straight into the mind.
Evolving in part from structuralism and in part as a reaction to behaviorism, which
focused so heavily on observable behavior and the environment, the cognitive
perspective focuses on how people think, understand, and know about the world.
The emphasis is on learning how people comprehend and represent the outside
world within themselves and how our ways of thinking about the world influence
our behavior.
Many psychologists who adhere to the cognitive perspective compare human
thinking to the workings of a computer, which takes in information and transforms,
stores, and retrieves it. In their view, thinking is information processing.
Psychologists who rely on the cognitive perspective ask questions on subjects
ranging from how people make decisions to whether a person can watch televi-
sion and study at the same time. The common elements that link cognitive
approaches are an emphasis on how people understand and think about the
world and an interest in describing the patterns and irregularities in the operation
of our minds.
THE HUMANISTIC PERSPECTIVE:
THE UNIQUE QUALITIES OF THE HUMAN SPECIES
Rejecting the view that behavior is determined largely by automatically unfolding
biological forces, unconscious processes, or the environment, the humanistic
perspective instead suggests that all individuals naturally strive to grow, develop,
and be in control of their lives and behavior. Humanistic psychologists maintain that
each of us has the capacity to seek and reach fulfillment.
According to Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow, who were central figures in the
development of the humanistic perspective, people strive to reach their full potential
if they are given the opportunity. The emphasis of the humanistic perspective is on
free will, the ability to freely make decisions about one’s own behavior and life. The
notion of free will stands in contrast to determinism, which sees behavior as caused,
or determined, by things beyond a person’s control.
The humanistic perspective assumes that people have the ability to make their
own choices about their behavior rather than relying on societal standards. More than
any other approach, it stresses the role of psychology in enriching people’s lives and
helping them achieve self-fulfillment. By reminding psychologists of their commit-
ment to the individual person in society, the humanistic perspective has been an
important influence (Dillon, 2008; Robbins, 2008).
Don’t let the abstract qualities of the broad approaches we have discussed lull
you into thinking that they are purely theoretical: These perspectives underlie ongo-
ing work of a practical nature, as we discuss throughout this book. To start seeing
how psychology can improve everyday life, read Applying Psychology in the 21st
Century.
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Psychology Matters
“Investigators search for clues at site of
suicide bombing.”
“Deepest recession in decades produces
huge rates of unemployment.”
“Eyewitness to killing proves unable to
provide reliable clues.”
“Texting while driving blamed for rise
in traffic fatalities”
“Childhood obesity rates surge.”
A quick review of any day’s news head-
lines reminds us that the world is beset by
a variety of stubborn problems that resist
easy solutions. At the same time, a con-
siderable number of psychologists are de-
voting their energies and expertise to
addressing these problems and improving
the human condition. Let’s consider some
of the ways in which psychology has ad-
dressed and helped work toward solutions
of major societal problems:
e What are the causes of terrorism? What
motivates suicide bombers? Are they
psychologically disordered, or can their
behavior be seen as a rational response
to a particular system of beliefs? As
we'll see in Module 48 when we discuss
psychological disorders, psychologists
are gaining an understanding of the fac-
tors that lead people to embrace suicide
and to engage in terrorism to further a
cause in which they deeply believe (Lo-
cicero & Sinclair, 2008; Mintz & Brule
2009; Post et al., 2009; Stronink, 2007).
e How can people best cope with an eco-
nomic crisis? When the economy sours,
financial loss and the hovering threat of
unemployment create a great deal of
stress. Psychologists study how these
stressors affect family relations, produc-
ing psychological harm—particularly
to children of stressed and depressed
parents—that can long outlast the eco-
nomic crisis. They can then help people
use coping strategies that are effective at
preventing long-term harm (Conger and
Donnellan, 2007; Unal-Karagiiven, 2009).
e Why do eyewitnesses to crimes often
remember the events inaccurately, and
how can we increase the precision of
eyewitness accounts? Psychologists’
research has come to an important
conclusion: Eyewitness testimony in
Terrorism and its causes are among the world’s most pressing issues. What can
psychologists add to our understanding of the problem?
criminal cases is often inaccurate and
biased. Memories of crimes are often
clouded by emotion, and the questions
asked by police investigators often elicit
inaccurate responses. Work by psychol-
ogists has been used to provide national
guidelines for obtaining more accurate
memories during criminal investiga-
tions (Busey & Loftus, 2007; Kassin,
2005; Loftus & Bernstein, 2005).
e Does texting while driving impair
people’s driving ability? Several states
have enacted controversial laws banning
cell phone use and texting while driving.
Although many people believe that they
are perfectly able to talk and drive at the
same time, psychological research on at-
tention tells a different story: Merely talk-
ing ona cell phone, whether hands-free or
not, impairs people’s driving about as
muchas if they were legally drunk (Charl-
ton, 2009; Drews, Pasupathi, & Strayer,
2008; Strayer et al., 2005; Taggi et al., 2007).
e What are the roots of obesity, and how
can healthier eating and better physical
ETHINK
fitness be encouraged? Why are some
people more predisposed to obesity than
others are? What social factors might be
at play in the rising rate of obesity in
childhood? As we discuss in Module 30,
obesity is a complex problem with bio-
logical, psychological, and social under-
pinnings. Approaches to treating obesity
therefore must take many factors into ac-
count in order to be successful. There is
no magic bullet providing a quick fix,
but psychologists recommend a number
of strategies that help make weight-loss
goals more achievable (MacLean et al.,
2009; Neumark-Sztainer, 2009; Puhl &
Latner, 2007).
These topics represent just a few of the
issues that psychologists address on a daily
basis. To further explore the many ways
that psychology has an impact on every-
day life, check out the American Psycho-
logical Association (APA) website, which
features psychological applications in
everyday life, at www.apa.org.
e What do you think are the major problems affecting society today?
e What are the psychological issues involved in these problems, and how might
psychologists help find solutions to them?
21
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22 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the origins of psychology?
e Wilhelm Wundt laid the foundation of psychology in
1879, when he opened his laboratory in Germany. (p. 15)
e Early perspectives that guided the work of psychologists
were structuralism, functionalism, and gestalt
theory. (p. 15)
What are the major approaches in contemporary psychology?
E
1.
2
e The neuroscience approach focuses on the biological
components of the behavior of people and animals.
(p. 19)
e The psychodynamic perspective suggests that powerful,
unconscious inner forces and conflicts about which peo-
ple have little or no awareness are the primary determi-
nants of behavior. (p. 19)
e The behavioral perspective deemphasizes internal pro-
cesses and concentrates instead on observable, measur-
able behavior, suggesting that understanding and control
of a person’s environment are sufficient to fully explain
and modify behavior. (p. 19)
e Cognitive approaches to behavior consider how people
know, understand, and think about the world. (p. 20)
e The humanistic perspective emphasizes that people are
uniquely inclined toward psychological growth and
higher levels of functioning and that they will strive to
reach their full potential. (p. 20)
VALUATE
Wundt described psychology as the study of conscious
experience, a perspective he called
Early psychologists studied the mind by Sine people to
describe what they were experiencing when exposed to
various stimuli. This procedure was known as
. The statement “In order to study human behavior, we
must consider the whole of perception rather than its
KEY TERMS
structuralism p. 15 neuroscience
introspection p. 15 perspective p. 19
functionalism p. 16 psychodynamic
gestalt (geh-SHTALLT)
perspective p. 19
psychology p.17
behavioral
component parts” might be made by a person subscribing
to which perspective of psychology?
. Jeanne’s therapist asks her to recount a violent dream she
recently experienced in order to gain insight into the un-
conscious forces affecting her behavior. Jeanne’s therapist
is working from a perspective.
. “It is behavior that can be observed that should be stud-
ied, not the suspected inner workings of the mind.” This
statement was most likely made by someone with which
perspective?
a. cognitive perspective
b. neuroscience perspective
c. humanistic perspective
d. behavioral perspective
. “My therapist is wonderful! He always points out my pos-
itive traits. He dwells on my uniqueness and strength as
an individual. I feel much more confident about myself—
as if I’m really growing and reaching my potential.” The
therapist being described most likely follows a
perspective.
RETHINK
1. Focusing on one of the five major perspectives in use
today (that is, neuroscience, psychodynamic, behavioral,
cognitive, and humanistic), can you describe the kinds of
research questions and studies that researchers using that
perspective might pursue?
. From a journalist's perspective: Choose a current major polit-
ical controversy. What psychological approaches or per-
spectives can be applied to that issue?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
oystueumny *9
{p'o ‘ormmeuApoypdsd 'p 44yeyse8 tg ‘uoMoedsoyut'z ‘wstpemyoniys T
humanistic
perspective p. 19 perspective p. 20
cognitive
perspective p. 20
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As you consider the many topics and perspectives that make up psychology, rang-
ing from a narrow focus on minute biochemical influences on behavior to a broad
focus on social behaviors, you might find yourself thinking that the discipline lacks
cohesion. However, the field is more unified than a first glimpse might suggest.
For one thing, no matter what topical area a psychologist specializes in, he or she
will rely primarily on one of the five major perspectives. For example, a develop-
mental psychologist who specializes in the study of children could make use of the
cognitive perspective or the psychodynamic perspective or any of the other major
perspectives.
Psychologists also agree on what the key issues of the field are (see Figure 1).
Although there are major arguments regarding how best to address and resolve the
key issues, psychology is a unified science, because psychologists of all perspectives
agree that the issues must be addressed if the field is going to advance. As you con-
template these key issues, try not to think of them in “either/or” terms. Instead,
consider the opposing viewpoints on each issue as the opposite ends of a continuum,
with the positions of individual psychologists typically falling somewhere between
the two ends.
Nature (heredity) versus nurture (environment) is one of the major issues that psy-
chologists address. How much of people’s behavior is due to their genetically determined
What are psychology’s key
issues and controversies?
What is the future of
psychology likely to hold?
> Study Alert
Use Figure 1 to learn the key
issues that underlie every
subfield of psychology.
a]
No
Issue Neuroscience Psychodynamic Behavioral
Nature (heredity) vs. nurture Nature Nature Nurture
(environment) (heredity) (heredity) (environment)
Conscious vs. unconscious
causes of behavior
Observable behavior vs. internal
mental processes
Free will vs. determinism
Individual differences vs. universal
principles
Unconscious
Internal
emphasis
Determinism
Universal
emphasis
Unconscious
Internal
emphasis
Determinism
Universal
emphasis
Conscious
Observable
emphasis
Determinism
Both
(
Humanistic
Cognitive
Both Nurture
(environment)
Both Conscious
Internal Internal
emphasis emphasis
Free will Free will
Individual Individual
emphasis emphasis
FIGURE 1 Key issues in psychology and the positions taken by psychologists subscribing to
the five major perspectives of psychology
23
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24 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
free will The idea that behavior is
caused primarily by choices that are
made freely by the individual.
determinism The idea that people’s
behavior is produced primarily by
factors outside of their willful control.
nature (heredity), and how much is due to nurture, the influences of the physical
and social environment in which a child is raised? Furthermore, what is the interplay
between heredity and environment? These questions have deep philosophical and
historical roots, and they are involved in many topics in psychology.
A psychologist’s take on this issue depends partly on which major perspective
he or she subscribes to. For example, developmental psychologists whose focus is on
how people grow and change throughout the course of their lives, may be most
interested in learning more about hereditary influences if they follow a neuroscience
perspective. In contrast, developmental psychologists who are proponents of the
behavioral perspective would be more likely to focus on environment (Rutter, 2002,
2006).
However, every psychologist would agree that neither nature nor nurture alone
is the sole determinant of behavior; rather, it is a combination of the two. In a sense,
then, the real controversy involves how much of our behavior is caused by heredity
and how much is caused by environmental influences.
A second major question addressed by psychologists concerns conscious versus
unconscious causes of behavior. How much of our behavior is produced by forces of
which we are fully aware, and how much is due to unconscious activity—mental
processes that are not accessible to the conscious mind? This question represents one
of the great controversies in the field of psychology. For example, clinical psycholo-
gists adopting a psychodynamic perspective argue that psychological disorders are
brought about by unconscious factors, whereas psychologists employing the cogni-
tive perspective suggest that psychological disorders largely are the result of faulty
thinking processes.
The next issue is observable behavior versus internal mental processes. Should psy-
chology concentrate solely on behavior that can be seen by outside observers, or
should it focus on unseen thinking processes? Some psychologists, particularly those
relying on the behavioral perspective, contend that the only legitimate source of
information for psychologists is behavior that can be observed directly. Other psy-
chologists, building on the cognitive perspective, argue that what goes on inside a
person’s mind is critical to understanding behavior, and so we must concern our-
selves with mental processes.
Free will versus determinism is another key issue. How much of our behavior is
a matter of free will (choices made freely by an individual), and how much is
subject to determinism, the notion that behavior is largely produced by factors
beyond people’s willful control? An issue long debated by philosophers, the free-
will/determinism argument is also central to the field of psychology (Cary, 2007;
Dennett, 2003).
For example, some psychologists who specialize in psychological disorders argue
that people make intentional choices and that those who display so-called abnormal
behavior should be considered responsible for their actions. Other psychologists dis-
agree and contend that such individuals are the victims of forces beyond their con-
trol. The position psychologists take on this issue has important implications for the
way they treat psychological disorders, especially in deciding whether treatment
should be forced on people who don’t want it.
The last of the key issues concerns individual differences versus universal principles.
How much of our behavior is a consequence of our unique and special qualities,
and how much reflects the culture and society in which we live? How much of our
behavior is universally human? Psychologists who rely on the neuroscience perspec-
tive tend to look for universal principles of behavior, such as how the nervous
system operates or the way certain hormones automatically prime us for sexual
activity. Such psychologists concentrate on the similarities in our behavioral desti-
nies despite vast differences in our upbringing. In contrast, psychologists who
employ the humanistic perspective focus more on the uniqueness of every indi-
vidual. They consider every person’s behavior a reflection of distinct and special
individual qualities.
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Module 3 Psychology’s Key Issues and Controversies 25
The question of the degree to which psychologists can identify universal prin-
ciples that apply to all people has taken on new significance in light of the tremen-
dous demographic changes now occurring in the United States and around the
world. As we discuss next, these changes raise new and critical issues for the disci-
pline of psychology in the 21st century.
A mother in Burr Ridge, Illinois, helps her son with his math Ex p | O rl nN g
assignment. After he complains that he is “terrible at math,” DIVERSITY
he tries to cheer hi by saying, “Don’t feel bad; . Y
E E e EE E eee ee eee Understanding How Culture, Ethnicity,
people are born to do well in math, and others have a lot of and Race Influence Behavior
trouble with it. It’s just the way things are.” At the same time,
on the other side of the world in Taipei, Taiwan, a mother is
helping her daughter with her math homework. When the
daughter complains that she’s no good at math, the mother tells her to keep at it,
because everyone has pretty much the same ability in math, and it is hard work that
guarantees success.
These two apparently simple parent-child exchanges reveal a deep difference in
perspectives on the world. People in Europe and North America are far more likely to
attribute success to unchanging causes, such as intelligence, than are people in Asia,
who are more likely to attribute school performance to temporary, situational factors,
such as the amount of expended effort.
These different perspectives may help explain the fact that Asian students often
outperform U.S. students in international comparisons of student achievement. Asian
students are taught that hard work and increased effort lead to academic success, and
so they may be more willing to put in more effort to achieve success. In contrast, North
American students tend to believe that their ability is fixed at birth and largely
determines their success, and so they may be less willing to work hard (Chen &
Stevenson, 1995; Pearce & Lin, 2007).
Our knowledge that people in different cultures can have very different views of the
world underlines the importance of moving beyond North America and studying
other cultural groups in order to identify universal principles of behavior. Furthermore,
broad cultural differences are not the only ones taken into account by psychologists in
their attempts to identify general principles of behavior. Subcultural, ethnic, racial, and
Members of different cultures attribute academic success to different factors. How might
differing cultural perspectives affect the performance of Asian students and American students?
26
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Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
socioeconomic differences are increasingly important targets of study by psychologists
(Cardemil, 2005; Li, 2005; Tucker & Herman, 2002).
Although the discipline is growing more aware of the importance of taking cultural
and subcultural factors into account, progress has not been rapid in actual practice. For
example, the amount of research conducted in the United States on groups other than
white middle-class college students is woefully small.
There isn’t even universal agreement on the use of terms such as race and ethnic
group. Race, for instance, is a biological concept that, technically, should be used only
to refer to classifications based on the physical characteristics of an organism or species.
But in practice, the term has been used to denote anything from skin color to culture.
Incontrast, ethnic group and ethnicity are broader terms that refer to cultural background,
nationality, religion, and language (Bonham, Warshauer-Baker, & Collins, 2005;
Freeman, 2006; Paabo, 2001).
To compound the difficulty, there are no universally acceptable names for races and
ethnic groups. Psychologists—like other members of U.S. society—are divided on
whether they should use the label African American (which focuses on geographical
origins) or black (which focuses on skin color), just as they disagree about whether to
use Caucasian or white, Hispanic or Latino, and Native American or American Indian
(Council of National Psychological Associations for the Advancement of Ethnic
Minority Interests, 2000; Phinney, 2003; Wang & Sue, 2005).
Psychologists also know that the consequences of race cannot be understood without
taking into account environmental and cultural factors. People’s behavior is a joint
product of their race and of the treatment they receive from others because of it. In sum,
only by examining behavior across ethnic, cultural, and racial lines can psychologists
differentiate principles that are universal from those that are culture-bound.
Psychology’s Future
We have examined psychology’s foundations, but what does the future hold for the
discipline? Although the course of scientific development is notoriously difficult to
predict, several trends seem likely:
e As its knowledge base grows, psychology will become increasingly specialized
and new perspectives will evolve. For example, our growing understanding
of the brain and the nervous system, combined with scientific advances in
genetics and gene therapy, will allow psychologists to focus on prevention of
psychological disorders rather than only on their treatment (Cuijpers et al.,
2008).
e The evolving sophistication of neuroscientific approaches is likely to have an
increasing influence over other branches of psychology. For instance, social
psychologists already are increasing their understanding of social behaviors
such as persuasion by using brain scans as part of an evolving field known
as social neuroscience (Bunge & Wallis, 2008; Cacioppo & Decety, 2009).
e Psychology’s influence on issues of public interest also will grow. The major
problems of our time—such as violence, terrorism, racial and ethnic prejudice,
poverty, and environmental and technological disasters—have important
psychological aspects (Hobfoll, Hall, & Canetti-Nisim, 2007; Marshall, Bryant,
& Amsel, 2007; Zimbardo, 2004).
e Finally, as the population becomes more diverse, issues of diversity—embodied
in the study of racial, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural factors—will become
more important to psychologists providing services and doing research. The
result will be a field that can provide an understanding of human behavior in
its broadest sense (Chang & Sue, 2005; Leung & Blustein, 2000; Quintana et
al., 2006).
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“Expand Your Mind beyond Virtual Reality . . . & Learn at the
Speed of Light!” declares the sales pitch that arrives in the day’s
spam. “I have an astounding technology I’m going to share
with you. Something so profound it will . . . transform your
mind and soul forever.”
From advertisements to television and radio talk shows to
the Internet, we are subjected to a barrage of information about
Module 3 Psychology’s Key Issues and Controversies 27
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
of Psychology
Thinking Critically About Psychology:
Distinguishing Legitimate Psychology
from Pseudo-Psychology
psychology. We are told that we can become better adjusted,
smarter, more insightful, and happier individuals by learning
the secrets that psychologists have revealed.
However, such promises are usually empty. So how can we separate accurate
information, which is backed by science and objective research, from pseudo-
psychology based on anecdotes, opinions, and even outright fraud? The best approach
is to employ critical thinking techniques. Developed by psychologists who specialize
in learning, memory, cognition, intelligence, and education, critical thinking
procedures provide the tools to scrutinize assumptions, evaluate assertions, and think
with greater precision (Halpern & Riggio, 2002; Lilienfeld, Lynn, & Lohr, 2003;
Roediger & McCabe, 2007).
We'll be considering ways to boost critical thinking skills in Becoming an Informed
Consumer of Psychology sections throughout the book. To get started, let’s consider what
you need in order to evaluate information of a psychological nature, whether the
source is an advertisement, a television show, a magazine article, or even a book as
seemingly reliable as a college textbook.
e For starters, know who is offering the information and advice. Are the providers
of the information trained psychologists? What kinds of degrees do they have?
Are they licensed? Are they affiliated with a particular institution? Before
seriously relying on experts’ advice, check out their credentials.
° Keep in mind that there is no free ride. If it is possible to solve major psychologi-
cal ills by buying a $29.95 book, why do many people who suffer from such
problems typically expend a considerable amount of time and money before they
can be helped? If you could buy a computer program that would really “unlock
the hidden truths” about others, wouldn’t it be in widespread use? Be wary of
simple, glib responses to major difficulties.
e Be aware that few universal cures exist for humankind’s ills. No method or
technique works for everyone. The range of difficulties attached to the human
condition is so broad that any procedure that purports to resolve all problems is
certain to disappoint.
e Finally, remember that no source of information or advice is definitive. The
notion of infallibility is best left to the realm of religion; you should approach
psychological information and advice from a critical and thoughtful perspective.
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28 Chapter 1 Introduction to Psychology
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP RETHINK
What are psychology’s key issues and controversies? 1. “The fact that some businesses now promote their ability
e Psychology’s key issues and controversies center on how
much of human behavior is a product of nature or nur-
ture, conscious or unconscious thoughts, observable
actions or internal mental processes, free will or deter-
minism, and individual differences or universal
i
to help people ‘expand their minds beyond virtual reality
shows the great progress psychology has made lately.”
Criticize this statement in light of what you know about
professional psychology and pseudo-psychology.
. From a social worker's perspective: Imagine that you have a
caseload of clients who come from diverse cultures, eth-
nicities, and races. How might you consider their diverse
backgrounds when interacting with them and when
assisting them with identifying and obtaining social
services?
principles. (p. 23)
What is the future of psychology likely to hold?
e Psychology will become increasingly specialized, will
pay greater attention to prevention instead of just
treatment, will become more and more concerned
with the public interest, and will take the growing
diversity of the country’s population into account more
fully. (p. 26)
Answers to Evaluate Questions
any "¢ UsUTUOITAUS ‘g SUISTUTULIO}ep *T
EVALUATE
1. The view that behavior is largely produced by factors be-
yond people’s willful control is known as
2. In the nature-nurture issue, nature refers to heredity, ana
nurture refers to the
3. Race is a biological concept, not a psychological one. True
or false?
KEY TERMS
free will p. 24
determinism p. 24
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Psychology on the Web
1. Practice using several search strategies to find information on the web about one of
the key issues in psychology (for example, free will versus determinism, nature versus
nurture, or conscious versus unconscious determinants of behavior), using (a) a
general-purpose search engine (such as Google at www.google.com) and (b) a more
specialized search engine (such as Yahoo's Psychology section, under the “Social
Science” heading, at www.yahoo.com). Summarize and then compare the kinds of
information you have found through each strategy.
2. Search the web for discussions of youth violence and try to find (a) an article in the
general news media, (b) information from a psychological point of view (for instance,
experimental information or recommendations for parents from a professional
organization), and (c) political opinion or debate about how to address the issue of
youth violence.
È D | log U e The field of psychology, as we have seen, is broad and
diverse. It encompasses many different subfields and
specialties practiced in a variety of settings, with new
subfields continually arising. We have also seen that even within the various subfields of
the field, it is possible to adopt several different approaches, including the neuroscience,
psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, and humanistic perspectives.
For all its diversity, though, psychology focuses on certain key issues that serve to
unify the field along common lines and shared findings. These issues reappear as themes
throughout this book as we discuss the work and accomplishments of psychologists in
the many subfields of the discipline.
In light of what you've already learned about the field of psychology, reconsider the
questions raised regarding the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico and answer the following
questions:
1. What kinds of factors might psychologists using the neuroscience perspective focus
on to explain reactions to the oil spill?
2. How would developmental psychologists consider the effects of watching television
news reports of the disaster on a child’s later development?
3. What aspects of the disaster would a clinical psychologist likely focus on?
4. How might social psychologists explore the helpfulness of people in providing aid to
the victims of the disaster?
29
Psychological Research
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Key Concepts for Chapter 2
MODULE 4
What is the scientific method? @ What role The Scientific Method
Theories: Specifying Broad
Explanations
do theories and hypotheses play in
Hypotheses: Crafting
Testable Predictions
psychological research?
What research methods do psychologists use? Conducting Psychological Research
R : Archival Research
@ How do psychologists establish cause- es T
and-effect relationships in research studies? Survey Research
The Case Study
Correlational Research
Experimental Research
Applying Psychology in the
21st Century: Testing the Value
of Self-Affirmations: Am | Lovable
Because | Tell Myself I'm Lovable?
MODULE 6
What major issues confront psychologists Critical Research Issues
conducting research? The Ethics of Research
Exploring Diversity: Choosing
Participants Who Represent the Scope
of Human Behavior
Neuroscience in Your Life:
The Importance of Using
Representative Participants
Should Animals Be Used in Research?
Threats to Experimental Validity:
Avoiding Experimental Bias
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Thinking
Critically About Research
31
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Prologue Why Did No One Help?
Hartford, Connecticut, police released a chilling video of a
78-year-old man trying to cross astreet with a carton of milk.
He steps off the curb just as two carsthat appear to be racing
swerve on the wrong side of the street: The first car swerves
around the man. The second car hits him`and throws him into
the air like a doll, then speeds away. \
What follows is even more chilling: People walk by. Nine
vehicles pass him lying in the street. Some drivers slow down
to look but drive away.
Angel Arce Torres lies in the street for more than a minute
before a police car arrives. He died a year later from injuries
sustained in the accident (Brown, 2008, p. E5; Owens, 2009)
Why didn't any passersby help the 78-year-old Torres? Did they
not notice him? Or did they simply decide not to bother?
Whatever the reason, they offered no help to him, and he
sustained serious injuries.
If Torres’s experience were an isolated incident, we might be
able to attribute the bystanders’ inaction to something particular
about the situation or to the specific people involved. However,
events such as this one are all too common.
In one infamous case, a woman named Kitty Genovese was
attacked by a man near an apartment building in Queens, New
York. At one point during the assault, which lasted 30 minutes,
she managed to free herself and screamed, “Oh, my God, he
stabbed me. Please help me!" In the stillness of the night, no
fewer than 38 neighbors heard her screams. Windows opened,
and lights went on. One couple pulled chairs up to the window
and turned off the lights so that they could see better. Someone
called out, “Let that girl alone.” But shouts were not enough to
scare off the killer. He chased Genovese, stabbing her eight more
times, and sexually molested her before leaving her to die. And
how many of those 38 witnesses came to her aid? As in Torres's
case, not one person helped (Rogers & Eftimiades, 1995).
Such incidents remain dismaying—and perplexing. Why don't
bystanders intervene in such situations, particularly when there
are many of them who could potentially offer help? At the time
of the Kitty Genovese murder, editorial writers suggested that
the incidents could be attributed to the basic shortcomings of
32
“human nature,” but such an assumption is woefully inadequate.
Many people have risked their own lives to help others in
dangerous situations, and so “human nature” encompasses a
wide range of both negative and positive responses.
Psychologists puzzled over the problem for many years. After
much research they reached an unexpected conclusion: Kitty
Genovese probably would have been better off if only a few
people, rather than many, had heard her cries for help. In fact,
if only one bystander had been present, the chances that this
person would have intervened might have been fairly high. It
turns out that the fewer the witnesses to an assault, the better
the victim's chances of getting help.
How did psychologists come to such a curious conclusion?
After all, logic and common sense clearly suggest that more
bystanders would produce a greater likelihood that someone
would help a person in need. This seeming contradiction—and
the way psychologists resolved it—illustrates a central challenge
for the field of psychology: asking useful questions about the
unknown, and getting valid answers.
Like professionals in any science, psychologists are vitally
concerned with refining and expanding knowledge within their
field. In the following modules we'll see how psychologists pose
questions of interest and answer them through scientific research.
We will find that the answers psychologists obtain from their
research not only advance our understanding of behavior but
also offer the potential to improve the human condition.
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MODULE 4
“Birds of a feather flock together”. . . or “Opposites attract”? “Two heads are better
than one”. . . or “If you want a thing done well, do it yourself’? “The more the
merrier”. . . or “Two’s company, three’s a crowd”?
If we were to rely on common sense to understand behavior, we'd have consid-
erable difficulty—especially because commonsense views are often contradictory. In
fact, one of the major undertakings for the field of psychology is to develop sup-
positions about behavior and to determine which of those suppositions are accurate.
Psychologists—as well as scientists in other disciplines—meet the challenge of pos-
ing appropriate questions and properly answering them by relying on the scientific
method. The scientific method is the approach used by psychologists to systematically
acquire knowledge and understanding about behavior and other phenomena of interest.
As illustrated in Figure 1, it consists of four main steps: (1) identifying questions of
interest, (2) formulating an explanation, (3) carrying out research designed to support
or refute the explanation, and (4) communicating the findings.
Identify questions of interest Perimulate'an explanation
stemming from
* Behavior and phenomenon peci e Mhaor
requiring explanation
=
+ Prior research findings Develop a hypothesis
e Curiosity, creativity, insight
Carry out research
Devise an operational definition
of the hypothesis
’
Communicate the findings Select a research method
Collect the data
Analyze the data
The scientific method, which encompasses the process of identifying, asking, and
answering questions, is used by psychologists, and by researchers from every other scientific
discipline, to come to an understanding about the world. What do you think are the advantages
of this method?
What is the scientific method?
What role do theories and
hypotheses play in psycho-
logical research?
The approach
through which psychologists system-
atically acquire knowledge and
understanding about behavior and
other phenomena of interest.
idy Alert
Use Figure 1 to remember the
four steps of the scientific
method (identifying
questions, formulating an
explanation, carrying out
research, and communicating the
findings).
33
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34 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
theories Broad explanations and
predictions concerning phenomena
of interest.
TH BORIES oF Piven tale À
© Roz Chast/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
Theories: Specifying Broad
Explanations
In using the scientific method, psychologists start by identifying questions of inter-
est. We have all been curious at some time about our observations of everyday
behavior. If you have ever asked yourself why a particular teacher is so easily
annoyed, why a friend is always late for appointments, or how your dog under-
stands your commands, you have been formulating questions about behavior.
Psychologists, too, ask questions about the nature and causes of behavior. They
may wish to explore explanations for everyday behaviors or for various phenomena.
They may also pose questions that build on findings from their previous research or
from research carried out by other psychologists. Or they may produce new ques-
tions that are based on curiosity, creativity, or insight.
Once a question has been identified, the next step in the scientific method is to
develop a theory to explain the observed phenomenon. Theories are broad explanations
and predictions concerning phenomena of interest. They provide a framework for under-
standing the relationships among a set of otherwise unorganized facts or principles.
All of us have developed our own informal theories of human behavior, such as
“People are basically good” or “People’s behavior is usually motivated by self-interest.”
However, psychologists’ theories are more formal and focused. They are established
on the basis of a careful study of the psychological literature to identify earlier rel-
evant research and previously formulated theories, as well as psychologists’ general
knowledge of the field.
Growing out of the diverse approaches employed by psychologists, theories
vary both in their breadth and in their level of detail. For example, one theory might
seek to explain and predict a phenomenon as broad as emotional experience. A
narrower theory might attempt to explain why people display the emotion of fear
nonverbally after receiving a threat (Guerrero, La Valley, & Farinelli, 2008; Waller,
Cray, & Burrows, 2008).
Psychologists Bibb Latané and John Darley, responding to the failure of bystand-
ers to intervene when Kitty Genovese was murdered in New York, developed what
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they called a theory of diffusion of responsibility (Latané & Darley, 1970). According to
their theory, the greater the number of bystanders or witnesses to an event that calls
for helping behavior, the more the responsibility for helping is perceived to be shared
by all the bystanders. Thus, the greater the number of bystanders in an emergency
situation, the smaller the share of the responsibility each person feels—and the less
likely that any single person will come forward to help.
Hypotheses: Crafting
Testable Predictions
Although the diffusion of responsibility theory seems to make sense, it repre-
sented only the beginning phase of Latané and Darley’s investigative process.
Their next step was to devise a way to test their theory. To do this, they needed
to create a hypothesis. A hypothesis is a prediction stated in a way that allows it
to be tested. Hypotheses stem from theories; they help test the underlying sound-
ness of theories.
In the same way that we develop our own broad theories about the world, we also
construct hypotheses about events and behavior. Those hypotheses can range from
trivialities (such as why our English instructor wears those weird shirts) to more mean-
ingful matters (such as what is the best way to study for a test). Although we rarely
test these hypotheses systematically, we do try to determine whether they are right.
Perhaps we try comparing two strategies: cramming the night before an exam versus
spreading out our study over several nights. By assessing which approach yields better
test performance, we have created a way to compare the two strategies.
A hypothesis must be restated in a way that will allow it to be tested, which
involves creating an operational definition. An operational definition is the translation
of a hypothesis into specific, testable procedures that can be measured and observed.
There is no single way to go about devising an operational definition for a
hypothesis; it depends on logic, the equipment and facilities available, the psycho-
logical perspective being employed, and ultimately the creativity of the researcher.
For example, one researcher might develop a hypothesis that uses as an operational
definition of “fear” an increase in heart rate. In contrast, another psychologist might
use as an operational definition of “fear” a written response to the question “How
much fear are you experiencing at this moment?”
Latané and Darley’s hypothesis was a straightforward prediction from their more
general theory of diffusion of responsibility: The more people who witness an emer-
gency situation, the less likely it is that help will be given to a victim. They could,
of course, have chosen another hypothesis (try to think of one!), but their initial
formulation seemed to offer the most direct test of the theory.
Psychologists rely on formal theories and hypotheses for many reasons. For one
thing, theories and hypotheses allow them to make sense of unorganized, separate
observations and bits of information by permitting them to place the pieces within
a coherent framework. In addition, theories and hypotheses offer psychologists the
opportunity to move beyond known facts and make deductions about unexplained
phenomena and develop ideas for future investigation (Cohen, 2003; Gurin, 2006;
Howitt & Cramer, 2000).
In short, the scientific method, with its emphasis on theories and hypotheses,
helps psychologists pose appropriate questions. With properly stated questions in
hand, psychologists then can choose from a variety of research methods to find
answers.
Module 4 The Scientific Method 35
hypothesis A prediction, stemming
from a theory, stated in a way that
allows it to be tested.
operational definition The translation
of a hypothesis into specific, testable
procedures that can be measured and
observed.
y Alert
Remember that a theory is a
broad explanation, while a
hypothesis is a more
narrow prediction.
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36 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. An experimenter is interested in studying the relationship
between hunger and aggression. She decides that she will
measure aggression by counting the number of times a
participant will hit a punching bag. In this case, her
definition of aggression is the number of times
the participant hits the bag.
What is the scientific method?
e The scientific method is the approach psychologists use to
understand behavior. It consists of four steps: identifying
questions of interest, formulating an explanation, carrying
out research that is designed to support or refute the
explanation, and communicating the findings. (p. 33)
RETHINK
What role do theories and hypotheses play in psychological
research? 1. Starting with the theory that diffusion of responsibility
e Research in psychology is guided by theories (broad
explanations and predictions regarding phenomena of
interest) and hypotheses (theory-based predictions
stated in a way that allows them to be tested). (p. 34)
causes responsibility for helping to be shared among by-
standers, Latané and Darley derived the hypothesis that
the more people who witness an emergency situation, the
less likely it is that help will be given to a victim. How
many other hypotheses can you think of that are based on
the same theory of diffusion of responsibility?
2. From a lawyer's perspective: Imagine that you are assigned
to a case similar to the one of Kitty Genovese. Your super-
visor, who is unfamiliar with psychological research, asks
you to provide information about the eyewitnesses to ex-
plain why they did not help her. What would you include
in your report?
e To test a hypothesis, researchers must formulate an
operational definition, which translates the abstract
concepts of the hypothesis into the actual procedures
used in the study. (p. 35)
EVALUATE
1. An explanation for a phenomenon of interest is known
asa :
2. To test this explanation, a researcher must state it in terms
of a testable question known as a
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Jeuonesedo ‘g ‘stsayjoddy z ‘ATOaUR “TL
KEY TERMS
scientific method p. 33
theories p. 34
hypothesis p. 35
operational definition p. 35
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MODULE 5
Research—systematic inquiry aimed at the discovery of new knowledge—is a central
ingredient of the scientific method in psychology. It provides the key to understand-
ing the degree to which hypotheses (and the theories behind them) are accurate.
Just as we can apply different theories and hypotheses to explain the same phe-
nomena, we can use a number of alternative methods to conduct research. As we
consider the major tools that psychologists use to conduct research, keep in mind
that their relevance extends beyond testing and evaluating hypotheses in psychology.
All of us carry out elementary forms of research on our own. For instance, a super-
visor might evaluate an employee’s performance; a physician might systematically
test the effects of different doses of a drug on a patient; a salesperson might compare
different persuasive strategies. Each of these situations draws on the research prac-
tices we are about to discuss.
Let’s begin by considering several types of descriptive research designed to sys-
tematically investigate a person, group, or patterns of behavior. These methods
include archival research, naturalistic observation, survey research, and case studies.
Archival Research
Suppose that, like the psychologists Latané and Darley (1970), you were interested
in finding out more about emergency situations in which bystanders did not provide
help. One of the first places you might turn to would be historical accounts. By
searching newspaper records, for example, you might find support for the notion
that a decrease in helping behavior historically has accompanied an increase in the
number of bystanders.
Using newspaper articles is an example of archival research. In archival research,
existing data, such as census documents, college records, and newspaper clippings,
are examined to test a hypothesis. For example, college records may be used to
determine if there are gender differences in academic performance (Sullivan, Riccio,
& Reynolds, 2008).
Archival research is a relatively inexpensive means of testing a hypothesis because
someone else has already collected the basic data. Of course, the use of existing data
has several drawbacks. For one thing, the data may not be in a form that allows the
researcher to test a hypothesis fully. The information could be incomplete, or it could
have been collected haphazardly (Riniolo et al., 2003; Simonton, 2000a; Vega, 2006).
Most attempts at archival research are hampered by the simple fact that records
with the necessary information often do not exist. In these instances, researchers often
turn to another research method: naturalistic observation.
Naturalistic Observation
In naturalistic observation, the investigator observes some naturally occurring
behavior and does not make a change in the situation. For example, a researcher
investigating helping behavior might observe the kind of help given to victims in a
What research methods do
psychologists use?
How do psychologists estab-
lish cause-and-effect relation-
ships in research studies?
Research in which
existing data, such as census docu-
ments, college records, and newspaper
clippings, are examined to test a
hypothesis.
Research in
which an investigator simply observes
some naturally occurring behavior and
does not make a change in the situation.
37
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38 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
Dian Fossey, a pioneer in the study of
endangered mountain gorillas in their
native habitat, relied on naturalistic
observation for her research. What are
the advantages of this approach?
survey research Research in which
people chosen to represent a larger
population are asked a series of
questions about their behavior,
thoughts, or attitudes.
case study An in-depth, intensive
investigation of an individual or small
group of people.
high-crime area of a city. The important point to remember about naturalistic
observation is that the researcher simply records what occurs, making no modifica-
tion in the situation that is being observed (Moore, 2002; Rustin, 2006; Schutt, 2001).
Although the advantage of naturalistic observation is obvious—we get a sample
of what people do in their “natural habitat’”—there is also an important drawback:
the inability to control any of the factors of interest. For example, we might find so
few naturally occurring instances of helping behavior that we would be unable to
draw any conclusions. Because naturalistic observation prevents researchers from
making changes in a situation, they must wait until the appropriate conditions occur.
Furthermore, if people know they are being watched, they may alter their reactions
and produce behavior that is not truly representative.
Survey Research
There is no more straightforward way of finding out what people think, feel, and do
than asking them directly. For this reason, surveys are an important research method.
In survey research, a sample of people chosen to represent a larger group of interest
(a population) is asked a series of questions about their behavior, thoughts, or attitudes.
Survey methods have become so sophisticated that even with a very small sample
researchers are able to infer with great accuracy how a larger group would respond.
For instance, a sample of just a few thousand voters is sufficient to predict within one
or two percentage points who will win a presidential election—if the representative
sample is chosen with care (Groves et al., 2004; Igo, 2006; Sommer & Sommer, 2001).
Researchers investigating helping behavior might conduct a survey by asking
people to complete a questionnaire in which they indicate their reluctance for giving
aid to someone. Similarly, researchers interested in learning about sexual practices
have carried out surveys to learn which practices are common and which are not
and to chart changing notions of sexual morality over the last several decades (Reece
et al., 2009; Santelli et al., 2009).
However, survey research has several potential pitfalls. For one thing, if the sam-
ple of people who are surveyed is not representative of the broader population of
interest, the results of the survey will have little meaning. For instance, if a sample of
voters in a town only includes Republicans, it would hardly be useful for predicting
the results of an election in which both Republicans and Democrats are voting. Con-
sequently, researchers using surveys strive to obtain a random sample of the population
in question, in which every voter in the town has an equal chance of being included
in the sample receiving the survey (Dale, 2006; Daley et al., 2003).
In addition, survey respondents may not want to admit to holding socially unde-
sirable attitudes. (Most racists know they are racists and might not want to admit
it.) And in some cases, people may not even be consciously aware of what their true
attitudes are or why they hold them.
The Case Study
When they read of a suicide bomber in the Middle East, many people wonder what
it is about the terrorist’s personality or background that leads to such behavior. To
answer this question, psychologists might conduct a case study. In contrast to a
survey, in which many people are studied, a case study is an in-depth, intensive
investigation of a single individual or a small group. Case studies often include
psychological testing, a procedure in which a carefully designed set of questions is
used to gain some insight into the personality of the individual or group (Addus,
Chen, & Khan, 2007; Gass et al., 2000).
When case studies are used as a research technique, the goal is often not only
to learn about the few individuals being examined but also to use the insights
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Module 5 Conducting Psychological Research 39
gained from the study to improve our understanding of people in
general. Sigmund Freud developed his theories through case stud-
ies of individual patients. Similarly, case studies of terrorists might
help identify others who are prone to violence.
The drawback to case studies? If the individuals examined are
unique in certain ways, it is impossible to make valid generalizations
to a larger population. Still, they sometimes lead the way to new
theories and treatments for psychological disorders.
Correlational Research
In using the descriptive research methods we have discussed,
researchers often wish to determine the relationship between two
variables. Variables are behaviors, events, or other characteristics
that can change, or vary, in some way. For example, in a study to
determine whether the amount of studying makes a difference in test
scores, the variables would be study time and test scores.
In correlational research, two sets of variables are examined to
determine whether they are associated, or “correlated.” The strength and direction of
the relationship between the two variables are represented by a mathematical statistic
known as a correlation (or, more formally, a correlation coefficient), which can range from
+1.0 to -1.0.
A positive correlation indicates that as the value of one variable increases, we
can predict that the value of the other variable will also increase. For example, if
we predict that the more time students spend studying for a test, the higher their
grades on the test will be, and that the less they study, the lower their test scores
will be, we are expecting to find a positive correlation. (Higher values of the vari-
able “amount of study time” would be associated with higher values of the vari-
able “test score,” and lower values of “amount of study time” would be associated
with lower values of “test score.”) The correlation, then, would be indicated by a
positive number, and the stronger the association was between studying and test
scores, the closer the number would be to +1.0. For example, we might find a
correlation of +.85 between test scores and amount of study time, indicating a
strong positive association.
In contrast, a negative correlation tells us that as the value of one variable increases,
the value of the other decreases. For instance, we might predict that as the number
of hours spent studying increases, the number of hours spent partying decreases.
Here we are expecting a negative correlation, ranging between 0 and —1.0. More
studying is associated with less partying, and less studying is associated with more
partying. The stronger the association between studying and partying is, the closer
the correlation will be to —1.0. For instance, a correlation of —.85 would indicate a
strong negative association between partying and studying.
Of course, it’s quite possible that little or no relationship exists between two
variables. For instance, we would probably not expect to find a relationship
between number of study hours and height. Lack of a relationship would be indi-
cated by a correlation close to 0. For example, if we found a correlation of —.02 or
+.03, it would indicate that there is virtually no association between the two vari-
ables; knowing how much someone studies does not tell us anything about how
tall he or she is.
When two variables are strongly correlated with each other, we are tempted to
assume that one variable causes the other. For example, if we find that more study
time is associated with higher grades, we might guess that more studying causes
higher grades. Although this is not a bad guess, it remains just a guess—because
finding that two variables are correlated does not mean that there is a causal relation-
ship between them. The strong correlation suggests that knowing how much a person
Do you feel better or worse about the economy
than you did twenty minutes ago?”
“This is the New York ‘Times’
Business Poll again, Mr. Landau.
© J.B. Handelsman/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
variables Behaviors, events, or other
characteristics that can change, or vary,
in some way.
correlational research Research in
which the relationship between two
sets of variables is examined to deter-
mine whether they are associated, or
“correlated.”
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40 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
FIGURE 1 If we find that frequent
viewing of television programs with
aggressive content is associated with high
levels of aggressive behavior, we might
cite several plausible causes, as suggested
in this figure. For example, (a) choosing to
watch shows with aggressive content
could produce aggression; or (b) being a
highly aggressive person might cause one
to choose to watch televised aggression;
or (c) having a high energy level might
cause a person to both choose to watch
aggressive shows and to act aggressively.
Correlational findings, then, do not permit
us to determine causality. Can you think
of a way to study the effects of televised
aggression on aggressive behavior that is
not correlational?
y Alert
The concept that “correlation
does not imply causation’ is
a key principle.
Many studies show that the observation
of violence in the media is associated
with aggression in viewers. Can we
conclude that the observation of
violence causes aggression?
Potential Result
Possible Cause
pecccccccccces
ecccccccccccccccs
High viewer aggression
e TTE
High viewer aggression ’eeeseeeese eeo
(b)
High viewer aggression
eesesecoseee
(c)
studies can help us predict how that person will do on a test, but it does not mean
that the studying causes the test performance. Instead, for instance, people who are
more interested in the subject matter might study more than do those who are less
interested, and so the amount of interest, not the number of hours spent studying,
would predict test performance. The mere fact that two variables occur together does
not mean that one causes the other.
Similarly, suppose you learned that the number of houses of worship in a large
sample of cities was positively correlated with the number of people arrested,
meaning that the more houses of worship, the more arrests there were in a city.
Does this mean that the presence of more houses of worship caused the greater
number of arrests? Almost surely not, of course. In this case, the underlying cause
is probably the size of the city: in bigger cities, there are both more houses of wor-
ship and more arrests.
One more example illustrates the critical point that correlations tell us nothing
about cause and effect but merely provide a measure of the strength of a relationship
between two variables. We might find that children who watch a lot of television
programs featuring high levels of aggression are likely to demonstrate a relatively
high degree of aggressive behavior and that those who watch few television shows
that portray aggression are apt to exhibit a relatively low degree of such behavior
(see Figure 1). But we cannot say that the aggression is caused by the TV viewing,
because many other explanations are possible.
For instance, it could be that children who have an unusually high level of
energy seek out programs with aggressive content and are more aggressive. The
children’s energy level, then, could be the true cause of the children’s higher inci-
dence of aggression. Also, people who are already highly aggressive might choose
to watch shows with a high aggressive content because they are aggressive. Clearly,
then, any number of causal sequences are possible—none of which can be ruled out
by correlational research (Feshbach & Tangney, 2008; Grimes & Bergen, 2008).
The inability of correlational research to demonstrate cause-and-effect relation-
ships is a crucial drawback to its use. There is, however, an alternative technique that
does establish causality: the experiment.
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Module 5 Conducting Psychological Research 41
Experimental Research
The only way psychologists can establish cause-and-effect relationships through
research is by carrying out an experiment. In a formal experiment, the researcher
investigates the relationship between two (or more) variables by deliberately chang-
ing one variable in a controlled situation and observing the effects of that change on
other aspects of the situation. In an experiment, then, the conditions are created and
controlled by the researcher, who deliberately makes a change in those conditions in
order to observe the effects of that change.
The change that the researcher deliberately makes in an experiment is called the
experimental manipulation. Experimental manipulations are used to detect relation-
ships between different variables.
Several steps are involved in carrying out an experiment, but the process
typically begins with the development of one or more hypotheses for the experi-
ment to test. For example, Latané and Darley, in testing their theory of the diffu-
sion of responsibility in bystander behavior, developed this hypothesis: The higher
the number of people who witness an emergency situation is, the less likely it is
that any of them will help the victim. They then designed an experiment to test
this hypothesis.
Their first step was to formulate an operational definition of the hypothesis
by conceptualizing it in a way that could be tested. Latané and Darley had to take
into account the fundamental principle of experimental research mentioned earlier:
Experimenters must manipulate at least one variable in order to observe the effects
of the manipulation on another variable while keeping other factors in the situa-
tion constant. However, the manipulation cannot be viewed by itself, in isolation;
if a cause-and-effect relationship is to be established, the effects of the manipula-
tion must be compared with the effects of no manipulation or a different kind of
manipulation.
EXPERIMENTAL GROUPS AND CONTROL GROUPS
Experimental research requires, then, that the responses of at least two groups be
compared. One group will receive some special treatment—the manipulation imple-
mented by the experimenter—and another group will receive either no treatment or
a different treatment. Any group that receives a treatment is called an experimental
group; a group that receives no treatment is called a control group. (In some exper-
iments there are multiple experimental and control groups, each of which is com-
pared with another group.)
By employing both experimental and control groups in an experiment, research-
ers are able to rule out the possibility that something other than the experimental
manipulation produced the results observed in the experiment. Without a control
group, we couldn’t be sure that some other variable, such as the temperature at the
time we were running the experiment, the color of the experimenter’s hair, or even
the mere passage of time, wasn’t causing the changes observed.
For example, consider a medical researcher who thinks he has invented a
medicine that cures the common cold. To test his claim, he gives the medicine one
day to a group of 20 people who have colds and finds that 10 days later all of
them are cured.
Eureka? Not so fast. An observer viewing this flawed study might reasonably
argue that the people would have gotten better even without the medicine. What the
researcher obviously needed was a control group consisting of people with colds who
don’t get the medicine and whose health is also checked 10 days later. Only if there
is a significant difference between experimental and control groups can the effective-
ness of the medicine be assessed. Through the use of control groups, then, researchers
can isolate specific causes for their findings—and draw cause-and-effect inferences.
experiment The investigation of the
relationship between two (or more)
variables by deliberately producing a
change in one variable in a situation
and observing the effects of that
change on other aspects of the situation.
experimental manipulation The
change that an experimenter deliber-
ately produces in a situation.
treatment The manipulation imple-
mented by the experimenter.
experimental group Any group
participating in an experiment that
receives a treatment.
control group A group participating
in an experiment that receives no
treatment.
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42 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
In this experiment, preschoolers’ reactions to the
puppet are monitored. Can you think of a hypothesis
that might be tested in this way?
independent variable The vari-
able that is manipulated by an
experimenter.
dependent variable The variable that
is measured and is expected to change
as a result of changes caused by the
experimenter’s manipulation of the
independent variable.
dy Alert
To remember the difference
between dependent and
independent variables,
recall that a hypothesis
predicts how a dependent
variable depends on the manipula-
tion of the independent variable.
Returning to Latané and Darley’s experiment, we see that the
researchers needed to translate their hypothesis into something testable.
To do this, they decided to create a false emergency situation that would
appear to require the aid of a bystander. As their experimental manipula-
tion, they decided to vary the number of bystanders present. They could
have had just one experimental group with, say, two people present, and
a control group for comparison purposes with just one person present.
Instead, they settled on a more complex procedure involving the creation
of groups of three sizes—consisting of two, three, and six people—that
could be compared with one another.
INDEPENDENT AND DEPENDENT VARIABLES
Latané and Darley’s experimental design now included an operational
definition of what is called the independent variable. The independent
variable is the condition that is manipulated by an experimenter. (You
can think of the independent variable as being independent of the actions
of those taking part in an experiment; it is controlled by the experi-
menter.) In the case of the Latané and Darley experiment, the indepen-
dent variable was the number of people present, which was manipulated by the
experimenters.
The next step was to decide how they were going to determine the effect that
varying the number of bystanders had on behavior of those in the experiment.
Crucial to every experiment is the dependent variable, the variable that is
measured and is expected to change as a result of changes caused by the experi-
menter’s manipulation of the independent variable. The dependent variable is
dependent on the actions of the participants or subjects—the people taking part in
the experiment.
Latané and Darley had several possible choices for their dependent measure.
One might have been a simple yes/no measure of the participants’ helping behav-
ior. But the investigators also wanted a more precise analysis of helping behavior.
Consequently, they also measured the amount of time it took for a participant to
provide help.
Latané and Darley now had all the necessary components of an experiment. The
independent variable, manipulated by them, was the number of bystanders present
in an emergency situation. The dependent variable was the measure of whether
bystanders in each of the groups provided help and the amount of time it took them
to do so. Consequently, like all experiments, this one had both an independent vari-
able and a dependent variable. All true experiments in psychology fit this straight-
forward model.
RANDOM ASSIGNMENT OF PARTICIPANTS
To make the experiment a valid test of the hypothesis, Latané and Darley needed to
add a final step to the design: properly assigning participants to a particular experi-
mental group.
The significance of this step becomes clear when we examine various alternative
procedures. For example, the experimenters might have assigned just males to the
group with two bystanders, just females to the group with three bystanders, and both
males and females to the group with six bystanders. If they had done this, however,
any differences they found in helping behavior could not be attributed with any
certainty solely to group size, because the differences might just as well have been
due to the composition of the group. A more reasonable procedure would be to
ensure that each group had the same composition in terms of gender; then the
researchers would be able to make comparisons across groups with considerably
more accuracy.
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Module 5 Conducting Psychological Research 43
? ——_
eh Oe EN Ea AX
“What if these guys in white coats who bring us food are, like, studying
us and we're part of some kind of big experiment?”
© Mike Twohy/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
Participants in each of the experimental groups ought to be comparable, and it
is easy enough to create groups that are similar in terms of gender. The problem
becomes a bit more tricky, though, when we consider other participant characteris-
tics. How can we ensure that participants in each experimental group will be equally
intelligent, extroverted, cooperative, and so forth, when the list of characteristics—
any one of which could be important—is potentially endless?
The solution is a simple but elegant procedure called random assignment to
condition: Participants are assigned to different experimental groups, or “condi-
tions,” on the basis of chance and chance alone. The experimenter might, for
instance, flip a coin for each participant and assign a participant to one group when
“heads” came up and to the other group when “tails” came up. The advantage of
this technique is that there is an equal chance that participant characteristics will
be distributed across the various groups. When a researcher uses random assignment—
which in practice is usually carried out using computer-generated random numbers—
chances are that each of the groups will have approximately the same proportion
of intelligent people, cooperative people, extroverted people, males and females,
and so on.
Figure 2 provides another example of an experiment. Like all experiments, it
includes the following set of key elements, which you should keep in mind as you
consider whether a research study is truly an experiment:
e An independent variable, the variable that is manipulated by the experimenter.
e A dependent variable, the variable that is measured by the experimenter and
that is expected to change as a result of the manipulation of the independent
variable.
e A procedure that randomly assigns participants to different experimental
groups, or “conditions,” of the independent variable.
e A hypothesis that predicts the effect the independent variable will have on the
dependent variable.
Only if each of these elements is present can a research study be considered a true
experiment in which cause-and-effect relationships can be determined. (For a summary
of the different types of research that we’ve discussed, see Figure 3 on page 45.)
random assignment to condition
A procedure in which participants are
assigned to different experimental
groups or “conditions” on the basis
of chance and chance alone.
44
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Chapter 2 Psychological Research
participants
assign
participants
independent i ident variab results of the tv
variable groups
to a condition
/ Group 1:
Treatment
group
Group 2:
Control
\ group
4
Ee
No-drug condition
FIGURE 2 In this depiction of a study investigating the effects of the drug propranolol on
stress, we can see the basic elements of all true experiments. The participants in the experiment
were monkeys who were randomly assigned to one of two groups. Monkeys assigned to the
treatment group were given propranolol, hypothesized to prevent heart disease, whereas those
in the control group were not given the drug. Administration of the drugs, then, was the
independent variable.
All the monkeys were given a high-fat diet that was the human equivalent of two eggs
with bacon every morning, and they occasionally were reassigned to different cages to
provide a source of stress. To determine the effects of the drug, the monkeys’ heart rates and
other measures of heart disease were assessed after 26 months. These measures constituted
the dependent variable. (The results? As hypothesized, monkeys who received the drug
showed lower heart rates and fewer symptoms of heart disease than those who did not.)
(Source: Based on a study by Kaplan & Manuck, 1989.)
WERE LATANE AND DARLEY RIGHT?
To test their hypothesis that increasing the number of bystanders in an emergency
situation would lower the degree of helping behavior, Latané and Darley placed the
participants in a room and told them that the purpose of the experiment was to talk
about personal problems associated with college. The discussion was to be held over
an intercom, supposedly to avoid the potential embarrassment of face-to-face contact.
Chatting about personal problems was not, of course, the true purpose of the exper-
iment, but telling the participants that it was provided a way of keeping their expec-
tations from biasing their behavior. (Consider how they would have been affected if
they had been told that their helping behavior in emergencies was being tested. The
experimenters could never have gotten an accurate assessment of what the partici-
pants would actually do in an emergency. By definition, emergencies are rarely
announced in advance.)
The sizes of the discussion groups were two, three, and six people, which con-
stituted the manipulation of the independent variable of group size. Participants
were randomly assigned to these groups upon their arrival at the laboratory. Each
group included a trained confederate, or employee, of the experimenters. In each two-
person group, then, there was only one real “bystander.”
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Research Method
Descriptive and
correlational research
Archival research
Naturalistic
observation
Survey research
Module 5 Conducting Psychological Research
Description
Researcher observes a
previously existing
situation but does not
make a change in the
situation
Examines existing data
to confirm hypothesis
Observation of
naturally occurring
behavior, without
making a change in the
situation
A sample is chosen to
represent a larger
population and asked a
series of questions
Advantages Shortcomings
Offers insight into Cannot
relationships between determine
variables causality
Ease of data collection
because data already
exist
Provides a sample of
people in their natural
environment
A small sample can be
used to infer attitudes
and behavior of a
larger population
Dependent on
availability of data
Cannot control the
“natural habitat” being
observed
Sample may not be
representative of the
larger population;
participants may not
45
Case study Intensive investigation
of an individual or
small group
Experimental
research
Investigator produces
a change in one
variable to observe
the effects of that
change on other
variables
FIGURE 3 Research strategies.
As the participants in each group were holding their discussion, they suddenly
heard through the intercom one of the other participants—the confederate—having
what sounded like an epileptic seizure and then calling for help.
The participants’ behavior was now what counted. The dependent variable was
the time that elapsed from the start of the “seizure” to the time a participant began
trying to help the “victim.” If six minutes went by without a participant’s offering
help, the experiment was ended.
As predicted by the hypothesis, the size of the group had a significant effect
on whether a participant provided help. The more people who were present, the
less likely it was that someone would supply help, as you can see in Figure 4
(Latané & Darley, 1970).
Because these results are straightforward, it seems clear that the experiment con-
firmed the original hypothesis. However, Latané and Darley could not be sure that
the results were truly meaningful until they determined whether the results repre-
sented a significant outcome. Using statistical analysis, researchers can determine
whether a numeric difference is a real difference or is due merely to chance. Only
when differences between groups are large enough that statistical tests show them
to be significant is it possible for researchers to confirm a hypothesis (Cohen, 2002;
Cwikel, Behar, & Rabson-Hare, 2000).
Provides a thorough,
in-depth understanding
of participants
Experiments offer the
only way to determine
cause-and-effect
relationships
provide accurate
responses to survey
questions
Results may not be
generalizable
beyond the sample
To be valid, experi-
ments require
random assignment
of participants to
conditions, well-
conceptualized
independent and
dependent vari-
ables, and other
careful controls
significant outcome Meaningful
results that make it possible for
researchers to feel confident that they
have confirmed their hypotheses.
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46 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
replicated research Research that
is repeated, sometimes using other
procedures, settings, and groups of
participants, to increase confidence
in prior findings.
The smaller the number
| of bystanders, the
greater the degree of
60 helping
50
40
30
20
10
i 2 3 6
Size of group
Percentage helping
FIGURE 4 The Latané and Darley experiment showed that as the size of the group
witnessing an emergency increased, helping behavior decreased. (Source: Darley & Latané, 1968.)
MOVING BEYOND THE STUDY
The Latané and Darley study contains all the elements of an experiment: an inde-
pendent variable, a dependent variable, random assignment to conditions, and mul-
tiple experimental groups. Consequently, we can say with some confidence that
group size caused changes in the degree of helping behavior.
Of course, one experiment alone does not forever resolve the question of
bystander intervention in emergencies. Psychologists-like other scientists—require
that findings be replicated, or repeated, sometimes using other procedures, in other
settings, with other groups of participants, before full confidence can be placed in
the results of any single experiment. A procedure called meta-analysis permits psy-
chologists to combine the results of many separate studies into one overall conclusion
(Cooper & Patall, 2009; Tenenbaum & Ruck, 2007).
In addition to replicating experimental results, psychologists need to test the
limitations of their theories and hypotheses to determine under which specific cir-
cumstances they do and do not apply. It seems unlikely, for instance, that increasing
the number of bystanders always results in less helping. Therefore, it is critical to
continue carrying out experiments to understand the conditions in which exceptions
to this general rule occur and other circumstances in which the rule holds (Garcia-
Palacios, Hoffmann, & Carlin, 2002).
Before leaving the Latané and Darley study, note that it represents a good illus-
tration of the basic principles of the scientific method we considered earlier (as
outlined in Figure 1 of Module 4 on page 33). The two psychologists began with a
question of interest, in this case stemming from a real-world incident in which
bystanders in an emergency did not offer help. They then formulated an explanation
by specifying a theory of diffusion of responsibility, and from that formulated the
specific hypothesis that increasing the number of bystanders in an emergency situ-
ation would lower the degree of helping behavior. Finally, they carried out research
to confirm their hypothesis, and they eventually communicated their findings by
publishing their results. This four-step process embodied in the scientific method
underlies all scientific inquiry, allowing us to develop a valid understanding of
others’—and our own—behavior. (Also see Applying Psychology in the 21st Century
for more information on how research provides objective answers to questions about
human behavior.)
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yin the 21st Century
Testing the Value
of Self-Affirmations:
Am | Lovable Because
I Tell Myself I’m Lovable?
If you've ever felt down about yourself,
you might have sought comfort from a
friend or family member who spent some
time telling you what a great and wonder-
ful person you really are. Perhaps you've
done the same for a friend of yours who
was having a crisis of confidence. Pop psy-
chology wisdom tells us that these affirma-
tive statements, or affirmations, help us feel
better about ourselves. We’re sometimes
even advised to use self-affirmations to
help boost our sense of self worth, and it
makes good common sense that if you keep
repeating to yourself statements such as
“Tm a lovable person” or “I will succeed,”
you'll believe it and like yourself more. But
is that really the case? (Gordon, 2001)
Relying on intuition alone to answer this
question is not enough. Something that
sounds like it should be true may not be.
The only way to tell is to put the hypothesis
to the test—and that’s exactly what a group
of psychology researchers did with affirma-
tions. They brought several dozen college
students into their laboratory, where they
first asked students to assess their self-
esteem level and mood using question-
naires. Then the researchers instructed the
students to write down their thoughts and
feelings for several minutes. Half the stu-
dents were given an additional instruction:
Whenever a certain tone sounded, they
were to give themselves a self-affirmation,
telling themselves “I’m a lovable person.”
(The group providing themselves the self-
RECAP
What research methods do psychologists use?
e Archival research uses existing records, such as old
newspapers or other documents, to test a hypothesis. In
naturalistic observation, the investigator acts mainly as e
an observer, making no change in a naturally occurring
situation. In survey research, people are asked a series of
Common sense tells us that self-affirmations
make us feel good, but research has shown
otherwise.
affirmation was the experimental group.
The other group, which did not receive this
additional instruction and did not engage
in any self-affirmations, was the control
group (Wood, Perunovic, & Lee, 2009).
After several minutes (and 16 repeti-
tions of the self-affirmation for the experi-
mental group), both groups were then
given new tests of their current level of
self esteem and mood to see if changes
occurred. The results clearly showed that
a change did occur for students who had
low self-esteem and who engaged in self-
affirmations: their mood and self-esteem
went down. This is, of course, the exact
RETHINK
opposite of the result that proponents of
self-affirmation would intuitively expect.
Instead, the study showed that not only
were self-affirmations not helpful but that
they actually seemed to backfire.
Why might this happen? Interpreting
these surprising findings is easier if we con-
sider the findings of other, related research.
If you consider these self-affirmations to be
a form of self-persuasion, we can look at
research on persuasion and find that people
tend to be more persuaded by messages
that are in line with their pre-existing atti-
tudes. When a message is strongly contra-
dictory to what a person already believes,
he or she may counter that message with an
argument.
So when people who have low self-
esteem tell themselves a contradictory
message, such as “I’m a lovable person,”
instead of being able to accept the message,
they might think of times when they were
not lovable because they acted unpleas-
antly or were rejected by others. The self-
affirmation might therefore backfire by
causing people with low-self-esteem to lin-
ger on negative thoughts that just confirm
their poor self-image.
These findings, which run counter to
common-sense explanations, underscore
the need to submit hypotheses to scientific
testing. Even when the outcome seems
“obvious,” we need to do research, because
our intuitions are often simply wrong
(Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
e Are you convinced by the experiment results that self-affirmations are not effective?
Why or why not?
e Could you design another experiment to test the same hypothesis?
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
questions about their behavior, thoughts, or attitudes.
The case study is an in-depth interview and examination
of one person or group. (p. 37)
These descriptive research methods rely on correlational
techniques, which describe associations between variables
but cannot determine cause-and-effect relationships. (p. 39)
47
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48 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
How do psychologists establish cause-and-effect relationships
in research studies?
e Ina formal experiment, the relationship between variables
is investigated by deliberately producing a change—
called the experimental manipulation—in one variable
and observing changes in the other variable. (p. 41)
e Inan experiment, at least two groups must be compared
to assess cause-and-effect relationships. The group re-
ceiving the treatment (the special procedure devised by
the experimenter) is the experimental group; the second
group (which receives no treatment) is the control group.
There also may be multiple experimental groups, each
of which is subjected to a different procedure and then
compared with the others. (p. 41)
e The variable that experimenters manipulate is the in-
dependent variable. The variable that they measure
and expect to change as a result of manipulation of the
independent variable is called the dependent variable.
(p. 42)
e Ina formal experiment, participants must be assigned
randomly to treatment conditions, so that participant
characteristics are distributed evenly across the different
conditions. (p. 43)
e Psychologists use statistical tests to determine whether
research findings are significant. (p. 45)
EVALUATE
1. Match the following forms of research to their definitions:
1. archival research a. directly asking a sample of people
2. naturalistic questions about their behavior
observation b. examining existing records to
3. survey research test a hypothesis
4. case study c. looking at behavior in its true
setting without intervening in
the setting
d. doing an in-depth investigation
of a person or small group
KEY TERMS
archival research p. 37
naturalistic
observation p. 37
survey research p. 38
case study p. 38
variables p. 39
correlational research p. 39
experiment p. 41
experimental
manipulation p. 41
2. Match each of the following research methods with its pri-
mary disadvantage:
1. archival research
2. naturalistic
a. The researcher may not be able
to generalize to the population
observation at large.
3. survey research b. People’s behavior can change if
4. case study they know they are being watched.
c. The data may not exist or may
be unusable.
d. People may lie in order to pre-
sent a good image.
3. A friend tells you, “Anxiety about speaking in public and
performance are negatively correlated. Therefore, high
anxiety must cause low performance.” Is this statement
true or false, and why?
4. A psychologist wants to study the effect of attractiveness
on willingness to help a person with a math problem.
Attractiveness would be the variable, and the
amount of helping would be the variable.
5. The group in an experiment that receives no treatment is
called the group.
RETHINK
1. Can you describe how a researcher might use naturalistic
observation, case studies, and survey research to investi-
gate gender differences in aggressive behavior at the
workplace? First state a hypothesis, and then describe
your research approaches. What positive and negative
features does each method have?
. From a healthcare worker's perspective: Tobacco companies
have asserted that no experiment has ever proved that to-
bacco use causes cancer. Can you explain this claim in
terms of the research procedures and designs discussed in
this module? What sort of research would establish a
cause-and-effect relationship between tobacco use and
cancer?
N
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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treatment p. 41
experimental group p. 41
control group p. 41
independent variable p. 42
dependent variable p. 42
random assignment to
condition p. 43
significant outcome p. 45
replicated research p. 46
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You probably realize by now that there are few simple formulas for psychological
research. Psychologists must make choices about the type of study to conduct, the
measures to take, and the most effective way to analyze the results. Even after they
have made these essential decisions, they must still consider several critical issues.
We turn first to the most fundamental of these issues: ethics.
The Ethics of Research
Put yourself in the place of one of the participants in the experiment conducted by
Latané and Darley to examine the helping behavior of bystanders, in which another
“bystander” simulating a seizure turned out to be a confederate of the experimenters
(Latané & Darley, 1970). How would you feel when you learned that the supposed
victim was in reality a paid accomplice?
Although you might at first experience relief that there had been no real emer-
gency, you might also feel some resentment that you had been deceived by the
experimenter. You might also experience concern that you had been placed in an
embarrassing or compromising situation—one that might have dealt a blow to your
self-esteem, depending on how you had behaved.
Most psychologists argue that deception is sometimes necessary to prevent par-
ticipants from being influenced by what they think a study’s true purpose is. (If you
knew that Latané and Darley were actually studying your helping behavior, wouldn’t
you automatically have been tempted to intervene in the emergency?) To avoid such
outcomes, a small proportion of research involves deception.
Nonetheless, because research has the potential to violate the rights of partici-
pants, psychologists are expected to adhere to a strict set of ethical guidelines aimed
at protecting participants (American Psychological Association, 2002). Those guide-
lines involve the following safeguards:
e Protection of participants from physical and mental harm.
e The right of participants to privacy regarding their behavior.
e The assurance that participation in research is completely voluntary.
e The necessity of informing participants about the nature of procedures before
their participation in the experiment.
All experiments must be reviewed by an independent panel before being con-
ducted, including the minority of studies that involve deception (Fisher, 2003; Fisher
et al., 2002; Smith, 2003).
One of psychologists’ key ethical principles is informed consent. Before par-
ticipating in an experiment, the participants must sign a document affirming that
they have been told the basic outlines of the study and are aware of what their
participation will involve, what risks the experiment may hold, and the fact that
their participation is purely voluntary and they may terminate it at any time.
What major issues confront
psychologists conducting
research?
> Study Alert
Because the protection of
experiment participants is
essential, remember the
key ethical guideline of
informed consent.
A document
signed by participants affirming that
they have been told the basic outlines
of the study and are aware of what
their participation will involve.
49
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50 Chapter 2 Psychological Research
Although readily available and widely used as research subjects, college students may not
represent the population at large. What are some advantages and drawbacks of using college
students as subjects?
Furthermore, after participation in a study, they must be given a debriefing in
which they receive an explanation of the study and the procedures that were
involved. The only time informed consent and a debriefing can be eliminated is
in experiments in which the risks are minimal, as in a purely observational study
in a public place (Barnett, Wise, & Johnson-Greene, 2007; Fallon, 2006; Koocher,
Norcross, & Hill, 2005).
Ex p | O ri n g When Latané and Darley, both college professors, decided who
DIVERSITY would participate in their experiment, they turned to the people
at hand: college students. Using college students as participants
has both advantages and drawbacks. The big benefit is that
because most research occurs in university settings, college
students are readily available. Typically, they cost the researcher
very little: They participate for either extra course credit or a
relatively small payment.
The problem is that college students may not represent the general population
adequately. They tend to be younger and better educated than a significant percentage
of the rest of the population of the United States. Compared with older adults, their
attitudes are likely to be less well formed, and they are more apt to be influenced by
authority figures and peers (Sears, 1986).
College students are also disproportionately white and middle class. However,
even in research that does not involve college students, participants are often white,
middle-class participants; the use of African Americans, Latinos, Asians, and other
minorities as participants is relatively low (Graham, 1992; Guthrie, 1998). Because
Choosing Participants Who Represent the
Scope of Human Behavior
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Module 6 Critical Research Issues
The Importance
of Using Representative Participants
FIGURE 1 Choosing a diverse set of participants is important in research studies, because
personal characteristics are reflected in participants’ responses as basic as brain activity. In
these graphs, we can see that the level of education of a child's mother influences a child's
ability to pay attention. In the study, scientists recorded electrical brain activity. Children
whose mothers had a higher level of education show greater brain activation when they were
attending to a story than when they were ignoring the story, compared with children whose
mothers had a lower level of education. (Source: Stevens et al., 2009.)
High Maternal Education
FT74
Attended
EAEE ATETT Unattended
Low Maternal Education
Attended
AEOS ENDENRRNEN Unattended
psychology is a science whose goal is to explain human behavior generally, its
studies must use participants who are fully representative of the general population
in terms of gender, age, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and educational level
(see also Figure 1). To encourage a wider range of participants, the National Institute
of Mental Health and the National Science Foundation—the primary U.S. funding
sources for psychological research—now require that experiments address issues of
diverse populations (Carpenter, 2002; Lindley, 2006).
51
52
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Chapter 2 Psychological Research
Research involving animals is controversial but, when conducted within ethical guidelines,
yields significant benefits for humans.
Should Animals Be Used
in Research?
Like those who work with humans, researchers who use nonhuman animals in exper-
iments have their own set of exacting guidelines to ensure that the animals do not
suffer. Specifically, researchers must make every effort to minimize discomfort, ill-
ness, and pain. Procedures that subject animals to distress are permitted only when
an alternative procedure is unavailable and when the research is justified by its pro-
spective value. Moreover, researchers strive to avoid causing physical discomfort, but
they are also required to promote the psychological well-being of some species of
research animals, such as primates (Auer et al., 2007; Lutz & Novak, 2005; Rusche,
2003).
But why should animals be used for research in the first place? Is it really pos-
sible to learn about human behavior from the results of research employing rats,
gerbils, and pigeons?
The answer is that psychological research that does employ nonhumans is
designed to answer questions different from those posed in research with humans.
For example, the shorter life span of animals (rats live an average of two years)
allows researchers to learn about the effects of aging in a relatively short time frame.
It is also possible to provide greater experimental control over nonhumans and to carry
out procedures that might not be possible with people. For example, some studies
require large numbers of participants that share similar backgrounds or have been
exposed to particular environments—conditions that could not practically be met with
human beings.
Research with animals has provided psychologists with information that has
profoundly benefited humans. For instance, it furnished the keys to detecting eye
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disorders in children early enough to prevent permanent damage, to communicating
more effectively with severely retarded children, and to reducing chronic pain in
people. Still, the use of research using nonhumans is controversial, involving com-
plex moral and philosophical concerns. Consequently, all research involving non-
humans must be carefully reviewed beforehand to ensure that it is conducted ethically
(Hackam, 2007; Saucier & Cain, 2006; Shankar & Simmons, 2009).
Threats to Experimental Validity:
Avoiding Experimental Bias
Even the best-laid experimental plans are susceptible to experimental bias—factors
that distort the way the independent variable affects the dependent variable in an
experiment. One of the most common forms of experimental bias is experimenter
expectations: An experimenter unintentionally transmits cues to participants about the
way they are expected to behave in a given experimental condition. The danger is
that those expectations will bring about an “appropriate” behavior—one that other-
wise might not have occurred (Rosenthal, 2002, 2003).
A related problem is participant expectations about appropriate behavior. If you
have ever been a participant in an experiment, you know that you quickly develop
guesses about what is expected of you. In fact, it is typical for people to develop
their own hypotheses about what the experimenter hopes to learn from the study.
If participants form their own hypotheses, it may be the participant’s expectations,
rather than the experimental manipulation, that produce an effect (Rutherford et al.,
2009).
To guard against participant expectations biasing the results of an experiment,
the experimenter may try to disguise the true purpose of the experiment. Participants
who do not know that helping behavior is being studied, for example, are more apt
to act in a “natural” way than they would if they knew.
Sometimes it is impossible to hide the actual purpose of research; when that is
the case, other techniques are available to prevent bias. Suppose you were interested
in testing the ability of a new drug to alleviate the symptoms of severe depression.
If you simply gave the drug to half your participants and not to the other half, the
participants who were given the drug might report feeling less depressed, merely
because they knew they were getting a drug. Similarly, the participants who got
nothing might report feeling no better, because they knew that they were in a no-
treatment control group.
To solve this problem, psychologists typically use a procedure in which all the
participants receive a treatment, but those in the control group receive only a
placebo—a false treatment, such as a pill, “drug,” or other substance that has no
significant chemical properties or active ingredient. Because members of both groups
are kept in the dark about whether they are getting a real or a false treatment, any
differences in outcome can be attributed to the quality of the drug and not to the
possible psychological effects of being administered a pill or other substance (Crum
& Langer, 2007; Rajagopal, 2006).
However, there is one more safeguard that a careful researcher must apply in an
experiment such as this one. To overcome the possibility that experimenter expecta-
tions will affect the participant, the person who administers the drug shouldn’t know
whether it is actually the true drug or the placebo. By keeping both the participant
and the experimenter who interacts with the participant “blind” to the nature of the
drug that is being administered, researchers can more accurately assess the effects of
the drug. This method is known as the double-blind procedure.
Module 6 Critical Research Issues 53
experimental bias Factors that distort
how the independent variable affects the
dependent variable in an experiment.
y Alert
Learn the main types of po-
tential bias in experiments:
experimenter expecta-
tions, participant expecta-
tions, and placebo effects.
placebo A false treatment, such as a
pill, “drug,” or other substance,
without any significant chemical
properties or active ingredient.
54
Chapter 2 Psychological Research
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
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© Donald Reilly/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
If you were about to purchase an automobile, you would not
likely stop at the nearest car dealership and drive off with the
first car a salesperson recommended. Instead, you would
of Psychology probably mull over the purchase, read about automobiles,
Thinking Critically About Research
consider the alternatives, talk to others about their experiences,
and ultimately put in a fair amount of thought before you made
such a major purchase.
In contrast, many of us are considerably less conscientious when we expend our
intellectual, rather than financial, assets. People often jump to conclusions on the
basis of incomplete and inaccurate information, and only rarely do they take the time
to critically evaluate the research and data to which they are exposed.
Because the field of psychology is based on an accumulated body of research, we
must scrutinize thoroughly the methods, results, and claims of researchers. Several
basic questions can help us sort through what is valid and what is not. Among the most
important questions to ask are these:
e What was the purpose of the research? Research studies should evolve from a clearly
specified theory. Furthermore, we must take into account the specific hypothesis
that is being tested. Unless we know what hypothesis is being examined, we
cannot judge how successful a study has been.
How well was the study conducted? Consider who the participants were, how many
were involved, what methods were employed, and what problems the researcher
encountered in collecting the data. There are important differences, for example,
between a case study that reports the anecdotes of a handful of respondents and
a survey that collects data from several thousand people.
Are the results presented fairly? Statements must be assessed on the basis of the
actual data they reflect and their logic. For instance, when the manufacturer of
car X boasts that “no other car has a better safety record than car X,” this does not
mean that car X is safer than every other car. It just means that no other car has
been proved safer, though many other cars could be just as safe as car X.
Expressed in the latter fashion, the finding doesn’t seem worth bragging about.
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Module 6 Critical Research Issues 55
These three basic questions can help you assess the validity of research findings you
come across—both within and outside the field of psychology. The more you know
how to evaluate research in general, the better you will be able to assess what the field
of psychology has to offer.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Deception is one means experimenters can use to try to
eliminate participants’ expectations. True or false?
ae Ota eaves a onion py olope an e 4. A false treatment, such as a pill that has no significant
research?
e One of the key ethical principles followed by psycholo-
gists is that of informed consent. Participants must be in-
formed, before participation, about the basic outline of
the experiment and the risks and potential benefits of
their participation. (p. 49)
e Although the use of college students as participants
has the advantage of easy availability, there are draw-
backs, too. For instance, students do not necessarily
represent the population as a whole. The use of non-
human animals as participants may also have costs in
terms of the ability to generalize to humans, although
the benefits of using animals in research have been
profound. (p. 51)
e Experiments are subject to a number of biases, or threats.
Experimenter expectations can produce bias when an ex-
perimenter unintentionally transmits cues to participants
about her or his expectations regarding their behavior in
a given experimental condition. Participant expectations
can also bias an experiment. Among the tools experi-
menters use to help eliminate bias are placebos and
double-blind procedures. (p. 52)
EVALUATE
1. Ethical research begins with the concept of informed con-
sent. Before signing up to participate in an experiment,
participants should be informed of:
a. the procedure of the study, stated generally.
b. the risks that may be involved.
c. their right to withdraw at any time.
d. all of these.
. List three benefits of using animals in psychological
research.
chemical properties or active ingredient, is known as a
A study has shown that men differ from women in their
preference for ice cream flavors. This study was based on
a sample of two men and three women. What might be
wrong with this study?
RETHINK
1. A researcher strongly believes that college professors tend
to show female students less attention and respect in the
classroom than they show male students. He sets up an
experimental study involving observations of classrooms
in different conditions. In explaining the study to the pro-
fessors and the students who will participate, what steps
should the researcher take to eliminate experimental bias
based on both experimenter expectations and participant
expectations?
. From a research analyst's perspective: You are hired to study
people’s attitudes toward welfare programs by developing
and circulating a questionnaire via the Internet. Is this
study likely to accurately reflect the views of the general
population? Why or why not?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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KEY TERMS
informed consent p. 49
experimental bias p. 52
placebo p. 53
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Psychology on the Web
1. Identify a product or a service that is advertised on the Internet using broad, unspe-
cific claims, such as a weight-loss formula or a body-building method. Find at least
two advertisements on the Internet for that product or service, and evaluate the
claims they make according to the principles discussed in this group of modules.
Summarize the evidence that is presented for those claims, and describe a method
by which you might confirm the claims by using actual research.
2. Find a website that focuses on an important social issue (for example, urban violence,
gender differences in hiring or promotion, poverty), and locate descriptions of a
research study about the issue. Evaluate the study by identifying the hypotheses that
were tested, the methods used to test them, and the validity of the results that were
reported.
E D | log U Q We have been discussing the ways in which psycholo-
gists seek to understand phenomena and answer
questions of interest. We examined the scientific method and its reliance on posing
good questions, creating productive theories, and crafting testable hypotheses. We also
looked at the basic methods psychologists use to conduct research studies and com-
pared correlational methods and experimental methods. Finally, we explored some of
the major challenges that psychologists have to deal with when conducting research,
including ethical considerations, the use of animals in research, and potential bias.
Before leaving this topic, reconsider the lack of bystander help in the case of
78-year-old Angel Torres, who was hit by a car and lay in the road, receiving no help
from bystanders. Reflect on the following questions in light of what you now know
about conducting psychological research.
1. Suppose you were interested in studying why a hit-and-run driver (like the one who
hit Torres) would leave the scene of an accident. What theory might you construct to
explain such behavior?
2. Design a correlational study to test one of your hypotheses. Which correlational
method(s) (archival research, naturalistic observation, survey research, case study)
would you use in your study?
3. Design an experimental study to test the same or another hypothesis. Describe the
experiment, including the participants, the experimental manipulation, the treatment,
and the independent and dependent variables.
57
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Key Concepts for Chapter 3
Why do psychologists study the brain and
Neurons: The Basic Elements
of Behavior
the nervous system? @ What are the basic
The Structure of the Neuron
elements of the nervous system? @ How How Neurons Fire
Where Neurons Meet: Bridging the Gap
does the nervous system communicate Neurotransmitters: Multitalented
electrical and chemical messages from one part nemi a e OUNT
to another?
MODULE 8
How are the structures of the nervous system The Nervous System
, , and the Endocrine System:
linked? @ How does the endocrine system affect Communicating Within the Body
behavior? he Nervous System: Linking Neurons
The Evolutionary Foundations of the
Nervous System
The Endocrine System: Of Chemicals
and Glands
MODULE 9
The Brain
Studying the Brain's Structure
and Functions: Spying on the Brain
How do researchers identify the major parts
and functions of the brain? @ What are the
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Mind over Cursor: Harnessing
Brainpower to Improve Lives
The Central Core: Our “Old Brain”
The Limbic System:
@ How can an understanding of the nervous system help us find Beyondiihe Central Core
The Cerebral Cortex: Our “New Brain”
major parts of the brain, and for what
behaviors is each part responsible? @ How do
the halves of the brain operate interdependently?
ways to alleviate disease and pain? PsychWork: Rehabilitation Counselor
Neuroplasticity and the Brain
Neuroscience in Your Life:
The Plastic Brain
[he Specialization of the Hemispheres:
Two Brains or One?
Exploring Diversity: Human
Diversity and the Brain
The Split Brain: Exploring
the Two Hemispheres
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Learning to Control Your
Heart—and Mind—Through Biofeedback
59
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Prologue Brain Diet
Carol Poe, a 60-year-old grandmother from West
Virginia, was the second person to receive a new
obesity treatment called deep brain stimulation.
~ The procedure involves inserting electrodes into
the brain to deliver tiny bursts of electricity to
alter the patient’s behavior. With obese patients,
the idea is to target the. hypothalamus, the area of
the brain that controls our desire to eat. It works by
making the patient feel full. à
During the surgery, Carol was asked if she felt hungry or not
to help pinpoint the correct position for the electrodes. “I was
actually able to experience feelings of hunger and of fullness
while the neurosurgeon experimented with the best place to put
the electrodes,” Carol explained. “Once the electrodes were in the
right place, my desire to eat went away. It was amazing going
from feeling hungry to feeling full. I’m delighted with what's
happened so far. Now I’m hoping to start losing some serious
weight.’ (Halle, 2009)
Carol Poe had an experience that is difficult even to imagine: She
experienced physiological sensations of hunger and fullness that
were triggered by direct stimulation of her brain, rather than by
the parts of the body where food was being digested.
The ability of surgeons to identify and stimulate such specific
areas of the brain is little short of miraculous. The greater miracle,
though, is the brain itself. An organ roughly half the size of a loaf
of bread, the brain controls our behavior through every waking
and sleeping moment. Our movements, thoughts, hopes,
aspirations, dreams—our very awareness that we are human—all
depend on the brain and the nerves that extend throughout the
body, constituting the nervous system.
Because of the importance of the nervous system in control-
ling behavior, and because humans at their most basic level are
biological beings, many researchers in psychology and other
fields as diverse as computer science, zoology, and medicine
have made the biological underpinnings of behavior their
specialty. These experts collectively are called neuroscientists
(Beatty, 2000; Cartwright, 2006; Gazzaniga, Ivry, & Mangun, 2002;
Posner & DiGiorlamo, 2000).
Psychologists who specialize in considering the ways in which
the biological structures and functions of the body affect
behavior are known as behavioral neuroscientists (or biopsy-
chologists). They seek to answer several key questions: How does
60
the brain control the voluntary and involuntary functioning of
the body? How does the brain communicate with other parts
of the body? What is the physical structure of the brain, and how
does this structure affect behavior? Are psychological disorders
caused by biological factors, and how can such disorders be
treated?
As you consider the biological processes that we discuss in
this chapter, keep in mind the reason why behavioral neuro-
science is an essential part of psychology: Our understanding of
human behavior requires knowledge of the brain and other
parts of the nervous system. Biological factors are central to our
sensory experiences, states of consciousness, motivation and
emotion, development throughout the life span, and physical
and psychological health. Furthermore, advances in behavioral
neuroscience have led to the creation of drugs and other treat-
ments for psychological and physical disorders. In short, we
cannot understand behavior without understanding our biological
makeup (Compagni & Manderscheid, 2006; Kosslyn et al., 2002;
Plomin, 2003).
behavioral neuroscientists (or biopsychologists) Psychologists who
specialize in considering the ways in which the biological structures
and functions of the body affect behavior.
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MODULE 7
Watching Serena Williams hit a stinging backhand, Dario Vaccaro dance a complex
ballet routine, or Derek Jeter swing at a baseball, you may have marveled at the
complexity—and wondrous abilities—of the human body. But even the most every-
day tasks, such as pouring a cup of coffee or humming a tune, depend on a sophis-
ticated sequence of events in the body that is itself truly impressive.
The nervous system is the pathway for the instructions that permit our bodies
to carry out such precise activities. Here we look at the structure and function of
neurons, the cells that make up the nervous system, including the brain.
The Structure of the Neuron
Playing the piano, driving a car, or hitting a tennis ball depends, at one level, on
exact muscle coordination. But if we consider how the muscles can be activated so
precisely, we see that more fundamental processes are involved. For the muscles to
produce the complex movements that make up any meaningful physical activity, the
brain has to provide the right messages to them and coordinate those messages.
Such messages—as well as those which enable us to think, remember, and
experience emotion—are passed through specialized cells called neurons. Neurons,
or nerve cells, are the basic elements of the nervous system. Their quantity is
staggering—perhaps as many as 1 trillion neurons throughout the body are involved
in the control of behavior (Boahen, 2005).
Although there are several types of neurons, they all have a similar structure, as
illustrated in Figure 1. Like most cells in the body, neurons have a cell body that con-
tains a nucleus. The nucleus incorporates the hereditary material that determines how
a cell will function. Neurons are physically held in place by glial cells. Glial cells provide
nourishment to neurons, insulate them, help repair damage, and generally support
neural functioning (Bassotti et al., 2007; Fields, 2004; Kettenmann & Ransom, 2005).
In contrast to most other cells, however, neurons have a distinctive feature: the
ability to communicate with other cells and transmit information across relatively
long distances. Many of the body’s neurons receive signals from the environment or
relay the nervous system’s messages to muscles and other target cells, but the vast
majority of neurons communicate only with other neurons in the elaborate informa-
tion system that regulates behavior.
As shown in Figure 1, a neuron has a cell body with a cluster of fibers called
dendrites at one end. Those fibers, which look like the twisted branches of a tree,
receive messages from other neurons. On the opposite side of the cell body is a long,
slim, tubelike extension called an axon. The axon carries messages received by the
dendrites to other neurons. The axon is considerably longer than the rest of the
neuron. Although most axons are several millimeters in length, some are as long as
3 feet. Axons end in small bulges called terminal buttons, which send messages to
other neurons.
The messages that travel through a neuron are electrical in nature. Although
there are exceptions, those electrical messages, or impulses, generally move across
neurons in one direction only, as if they were traveling on a one-way street. Impulses
Why do psychologists study
the brain and the nervous
system?
What are the basic elements
of the nervous system?
How does the nervous system
communicate electrical and
chemical messages from one
part to another?
Nerve cells, the basic
elements of the nervous system.
A cluster of fibers at one end
of a neuron that receives messages
from other neurons.
The part of the neuron that
carries messages destined for other
neurons.
Small bulges at the
end of axons that send messages to
other neurons.
61
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62 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
á 7 Dendrites
Cell body
idy Alert
Remember that dendrites
detect messages from other
neurons; axons carry
signals away from the cell
body.
myelin sheath A protective coat of fat
and protein that wraps around the axon.
all-or-none law The rule that neurons
are either on or off.
resting state The state in which there
is a negative electrical charge of about
-70 millivolts within a neuron.
Myelin sheath
Axon (inside myelin sheath)
—S Terminal buttons
FIGURE 1 The primary components of the specialized cell called the neuron, the basic element
of the nervous system. A neuron, like most types of cells in the body, has a cell body, but it also
contains structures that carry messages: the dendrites, which receive messages from other
neurons, and the axon, which carries messages to other neurons or body cells. In this neuron,
as in most neurons, the axon is protected by the sausage-like myelin sheath. What advantages
does the treelike structure of the neuron provide?
follow a route that begins with the dendrites, continues into the cell body, and leads
ultimately along the tubelike extension, the axon, to adjacent neurons.
To prevent messages from short-circuiting one another, axons must be insulated
in some fashion (just as electrical wires must be insulated). Most axons are insulated
by a myelin sheath, a protective coating of fat and protein that wraps around the
axon like the casing on links of sausage.
The myelin sheath also serves to increase the velocity with which electrical
impulses travel through axons. Those axons that carry the most important and
most urgently required information have the greatest concentrations of myelin. If
your hand touches a painfully hot stove, for example, the information regarding
the pain is passed through axons in the hand and arm that have a relatively thick
coating of myelin, speeding the message of pain to the brain so that you can react
instantly.
How Neurons Fire
Like a gun, neurons either fire—that is, transmit an electrical impulse along the
axon—or don’t fire. There is no in-between stage, just as pulling harder on a gun
trigger doesn’t make the bullet travel faster. Similarly, neurons follow an all-or-none
law: They are either on or off, with nothing in between the on state and the off state.
Once there is enough force to pull the trigger, a neuron fires.
Before a neuron is triggered—that is, when it is in a resting state—it has a
negative electrical charge of about -70 millivolts (a millivolt is one 14,00 of a volt).
This charge is caused by the presence of more negatively charged ions within the
neuron than outside it. (An ion is an atom that is electrically charged.) You might
think of the neuron as a miniature battery in which the inside of the neuron repre-
sents the negative pole and the outside represents the positive pole.
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Module 7 Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 63
Time 3
J \ s— Voltage
—=—_—___—
= Positive charge
Negative charge
==» Direction of impulse
When a message arrives at a neuron, gates along the cell membrane open
briefly to allow positively charged ions to rush in at rates as high as 100 million
ions per second. The sudden arrival of these positive ions causes the charge
within the nearby part of the cell to change momentarily from negative to posi-
tive. When the positive charge reaches a critical level, the “trigger” is pulled, and
an electrical impulse, known as an action potential, travels along the axon of the
neuron (see Figure 2).
The action potential moves from one end of the axon to the other like a flame
moving along a fuse. As the impulse travels along the axon, the movement of ions
causes a change in charge from negative to positive in successive sections of the axon
(see Figure 3) on page 64. After the impulse has passed through a particular section
of the axon, positive ions are pumped out of that section, and its charge returns to
negative while the action potential continues to move along the axon.
Just after an action potential has passed through a section of the axon, the cell
membrane in that region cannot admit positive ions again for a few milliseconds,
and so a neuron cannot fire again immediately no matter how much stimulation it
receives. It is as if the gun has to be reloaded after each shot. There then follows a
period in which, though it is possible for the neuron to fire, a stronger stimulus is
needed than would be if the neuron had reached its normal resting state. Eventually,
though, the neuron is ready to fire once again.
These complex events can occur at dizzying speeds, although there is great
variation among different neurons. The particular speed at which an action poten-
tial travels along an axon is determined by the axon’s size and the thickness of
its myelin sheath. Axons with small diameters carry impulses at about 2 miles
per hour; longer and thicker ones can average speeds of more than 225 miles per
hour.
Neurons differ not only in terms of how quickly an impulse moves along the
axon but also in their potential rate of firing. Some neurons are capable of firing
as many as 1,000 times per second; others fire at much slower rates. The intensity
of a stimulus determines how much of a neuron’s potential firing rate is reached.
A strong stimulus, such as a bright light or a loud sound, leads to a higher rate of
firing than a less intense stimulus does. Thus, even though all impulses move at
the same strength or speed through a particular axon—because of the all-or-none
FIGURE 2 Movement of an action
potential along an axon. Just before
Time 1, positively charged ions enter
the cell membrane, changing the charge
in the nearby part of the axon from
negative to positive and triggering an
action potential. The action potential
travels along the axon, as illustrated in
the changes occurring from Time 1 to
Time 3 (from top to bottom in this
drawing). Immediately after the action
potential has passed through a section
of the axon, positive ions are pumped
out, restoring the charge in that section
to negative. The change in voltage
illustrated at the top of the axon can be
seen in greater detail in Figure 3.
(Source: Stevens, 1979.)
action potential An electric nerve
impulse that travels through a
neuron’s axon when it is set off by
a “trigger,” changing the neuron’s
charge from negative to positive.
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64 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
Neuron
cou
`
Di
Outside
axon
mirror neurons Specialized neurons
that fire not only when a person enacts
a particular behavior, but also when a
person simply observes another
individual carrying out the same
behavior.
50
40
o A sudden, brief reversal
= 30 of charge within the
Outside 2 neuron results in an
axon S action potential.
E 0
v
5
$
i |
HES g
estin,
Bi D ON
K O-A
Time —~
FIGURE 3 Changes in the electrical charge in a neuron during the passage of an action
potential. In its normal resting state, a neuron has a negative charge of about -70 millivolts.
When an action potential is triggered, however, the charge becomes positive, increasing from
around —70 millivolts to about +40 millivolts. Following the passage of the action potential, the
charge becomes even more negative than it is in its typical resting state. It is not until the charge
returns to its normal resting state that the neuron will be fully ready to be triggered once again.
law—there is variation in the frequency of impulses, providing a mechanism by
which we can distinguish the tickle of a feather from the weight of someone stand-
ing on our toes.
MIRROR NEURONS
Although all neurons operate through the firing of action potentials, there is signifi-
cant specialization among different types of neurons. For example, in the last decade,
neuroscientists have discovered the existence of mirror neurons, neurons that fire
not only when a person enacts a particular behavior but also when a person simply
observes another individual carrying out the same behavior (Falck-Ytter, 2006; Lepage
& Theoret, 2007; Schulte-Ruther et al., 2007).
Mirror neurons may help explain how (and why) humans have the capacity to
understand others’ intentions. Specifically, mirror neurons may fire when we view
someone doing something, helping us to predict what their goals are and what they
may do next.
The discovery of mirror neurons suggests that the capacity of even young
children to imitate others may be an inborn behavior. Furthermore, mirror neurons
may be at the root of empathy—those feelings of concern, compassion, and sympa-
thy for others—and even the development of language in humans (Iacoboni, 2009;
Ramachandra, 2009; Triesch, Jasso, & Deak, 2007).
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Module 7 Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 65
Where Neurons Meet:
Bridging the Gap
If you have looked inside a computer, you’ve seen that each part is physically con-
nected to another part. In contrast, evolution has produced a neural transmission
system that at some points has no need for a structural connection between its com-
ponents. Instead, a chemical connection bridges the gap, known as a synapse, between
two neurons (see Figure 4). The synapse is the space between two neurons where
the axon of a sending neuron communicates with the dendrites of a receiving neuron
synapse The space between two
neurons where the axon of a sending
neuron communicates with the
dendrites of a receiving neuron by
using chemical messages.
by using chemical messages (Dean & Dresbach, 2006; Fanselow & Poulos, 2005). neurotransmitters Chemicals that
When a nerve impulse comes to the end of the axon and reaches a terminal carry messages across the synapse to
button, the terminal button releases a chemical courier called a neurotransmitter. the dendrite (and sometimes the cell
Neurotransmitters are chemicals that carry messages across the synapse to a dendrite body) of a receiver neuron.
Step l: Neurotransmitters Step 3: Neurotransmitters
are produced and stored travel across the synapse to
in the axon. receptor sites on another
neuron’s dendrite.
Neurotransmitter
~~
© o “4 =
Receptor site
Step 2: If an action potential | Step 4: When a neurotransmitter
arrives, the axon releases 4 fits into a receptor site, it delivers
neurotransmitters. an excitatory or inhibitory message.
If enough excitatory messages are
delivered, the neuron will fire.
: Dendri Á
Neurotransmitter endrite ‘
Neurotransmitter
S
N
(a) (b)
FIGURE 4 A synapse is the junction between an axon and a dendrite. The gap between
the axon and the dendrite is bridged by chemicals called neurotransmitters (Mader, 2000). In
(a) read Step 1 through Step 4 to follow this process. (b) Just as the pieces of a jigsaw puzzle
can fit in only one specific location in a puzzle, each kind of neurotransmitter has a distinctive
configuration that allows it to fit into a specific type of receptor cell (Johnson, 2000). Why is it
advantageous for axons and dendrites to be linked by temporary chemical bridges rather
than by the hard wiring typical of a radio connection or telephone hookup?
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66 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
y Alert
Remember this key fact:
Messages inside neurons
are transmitted in electrical
form, whereas messages
traveling between neurons
travel via chemical means.
excitatory message A chemical
message that makes it more likely
that a receiving neuron will fire and
an action potential will travel down
its axon.
inhibitory message A chemical
message that prevents or decreases
the likelihood that a receiving neuron
will fire.
reuptake The reabsorption of neuro-
transmitters by a terminal button.
(and sometimes the cell body) of a receiving neuron. Like a boat that ferries pas-
sengers across a river, these chemical messengers move toward the shorelines of
other neurons. The chemical mode of message transmission that occurs between neu-
rons is strikingly different from the means by which communication occurs inside
neurons: Although messages travel in electrical form within a neuron, they move
between neurons through a chemical transmission system.
There are several types of neurotransmitters, and not all neurons are capable of
receiving the chemical message carried by a particular neurotransmitter. In the same
way that a jigsaw puzzle piece can fit in only one specific location in a puzzle, each
kind of neurotransmitter has a distinctive configuration that allows it to fit into a
specific type of receptor site on the receiving neuron (see Figure 4b). It is only when
a neurotransmitter fits precisely into a receptor site that successful chemical com-
munication is possible.
If a neurotransmitter does fit into a site on the receiving neuron, the chemical
message it delivers is basically one of two types: excitatory or inhibitory. Excitatory
messages make it more likely that a receiving neuron will fire and an action poten-
tial will travel down its axon. Inhibitory messages, in contrast, do just the opposite;
they provide chemical information that prevents or decreases the likelihood that the
receiving neuron will fire.
Because the dendrites of a neuron receive both excitatory and inhibitory mes-
sages simultaneously, the neuron must integrate the messages by using a kind of
chemical calculator. Put simply, if the excitatory messages (“Fire!”) outnumber the
inhibitory ones (“Don’t fire!”), the neuron fires. In contrast, if the inhibitory messages
outnumber the excitatory ones, nothing happens, and the neuron remains in its rest-
ing state (Flavell et al., 2006; Mel, 2002; Rapport, 2005).
If neurotransmitters remained at the site of the synapse, receiving neurons would
be awash in a continual chemical bath, producing constant stimulation or constant
inhibition of the receiving neurons—and effective communication across the synapse
would no longer be possible. To solve this problem, neurotransmitters are either
deactivated by enzymes or—more commonly—treabsorbed by the terminal button in
an example of chemical recycling called reuptake. Like a vacuum cleaner sucking up
dust, neurons reabsorb the neurotransmitters that are now clogging the synapse. All
this activity occurs at lightning speed, with the process taking just several millisec-
onds (Helmuth, 2000; Holt & Jahn, 2004).
Our understanding of the process of reuptake has permitted the development of
a number of drugs used in the treatment of psychological disorders. As we discuss
later in the book, some antidepressant drugs, called SSRIs, or selective serotonin reup-
take inhibitors, permit certain neurotransmitters to remain active for a longer period
at certain synapses in the brain, thereby reducing the symptoms of depression (Mont-
gomery, 2006; Ramos, 2006).
Neurotransmitters:
Multitalented Chemical Couriers
Neurotransmitters are a particularly important link between the nervous system and
behavior. Not only are they important for maintaining vital brain and body functions,
a deficiency or an excess of a neurotransmitter can produce severe behavior dis-
orders. More than a hundred chemicals have been found to act as neurotransmitters,
and neuroscientists believe that more may ultimately be identified (Penney, 2000;
Schmidt, 2006).
Neurotransmitters vary significantly in terms of how strong their concentration
must be to trigger a neuron to fire. Furthermore, the effects of a particular neurotrans-
mitter vary, depending on the area of the nervous system in which it is produced.
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Module 7 Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 67
Neurotransmitter
Name Location Effect Function
Acetylcholine (ACh) Brain, spinal cord, peripheral Excitatory in brain and Muscle movement,
nervous system, especially autonomic nervous cognitive functioning
some organs of the system; inhibitory
parasympathetic nervous elsewhere
system
Glutamate Brain, spinal cord Excitatory Memory
Dopaminepatnways Gamma-amino Brain, spinal cord Main inhibitory Eating, aggression, sleeping
butyric acid (GABA) neurotransmitter
Serotonin pathways Dopamine (DA) Brain Inhibitory or excitatory Movement control,
pleasure and reward,
attention
Serotonin Brain, spinal cord Inhibitory Sleeping, eating, mood,
pain, depression
Endorphins Brain, spinal cord Primarily inhibitory, Pain suppression,
except in hippocampus pleasurable feelings,
appetites, placebos
FIGURE 5 Major neurotransmitters.
The same neurotransmitter, then, can act as an excitatory message to a neuron located
in one part of the brain and can inhibit firing in neurons located in another part.
(The major neurotransmitters and their effects are described in Figure 5.)
One of the most common neurotransmitters is acetylcholine (or ACh, its chemical
symbol), which is found throughout the nervous system. ACh is involved in our
every move, because—among other things—it transmits messages relating to our
skeletal muscles. ACh is also involved in memory capabilities, and diminished pro-
duction of ACh may be related to Alzheimer’s disease (Bazalakova et al., 2007; Mohapel
et al., 2005).
Another common excitatory neurotransmitter, glutamate, plays a role in memory.
Memories appear to be produced by specific biochemical changes at particular syn-
apses, and glutamate, along with other neurotransmitters, plays an important role in
this process (Carvalho, 2006; Riedel, Platt, & Micheau, 2003; Winters & Bussey, 2005).
Gamma-amino butyric acid (GABA), which is found in both the brain and the spi-
nal cord, appears to be the nervous system’s primary inhibitory neurotransmitter. It
moderates a variety of behaviors, ranging from eating to aggression. Several common
substances, such as the tranquilizer Valium and alcohol, are effective because they
permit GABA to operate more efficiently (Akirav, Raizel, & Maroun, 2006; Ball, 2004;
Criswell et al., 2008; Lobo & Harris, 2008).
Another major neurotransmitter is dopamine (DA), which is involved in move-
ment, attention, and learning. The discovery that certain drugs can have a significant TH SAS SAIL 1 POREO
effect on dopamine release has led to the development of effective treatments fora | FOX aries
wide variety of physical and mental ailments. For instance, Parkinson’s disease, from
which actor Michael J. Fox suffers, is caused by a deficiency of dopamine in the brain. Michael J. Fox suffers from Parkinson’s
Techniques for increasing the production of dopamine in Parkinson’s patients are disease, and has become a strong
proving effective (Antonini & Barone, 2008; Iversen & Iversen, 2007; Willis, 2005). advocate for research into the disorder.
68
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Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
In other instances, overproduction of dopamine produces negative consequences.
For example, researchers have hypothesized that schizophrenia and some other
severe mental disturbances are affected or perhaps even caused by the presence of
unusually high levels of dopamine. Drugs that block the reception of dopamine
reduce the symptoms displayed by some people diagnosed with schizophrenia (Di
Forti, Lappin, & Murray, 2007; Howes & Kapur, 2009; Murray, Lappin, & Di Forti,
2008).
Another neurotransmitter, serotonin, is associated with the regulation of sleep,
eating, mood, and pain. A growing body of research points toward a broader role
for serotonin, suggesting its involvement in such diverse behaviors as alcoholism,
depression, suicide, impulsivity, aggression, and coping with stress (Carillo et al.,
2009; Murphy, Lappin, & Di Forti, 2008; Popa et al., 2008).
Endorphins, another class of neurotransmitters, are a family of chemicals pro-
duced by the brain that are similar in structure to painkilling drugs such as mor-
phine. The production of endorphins reflects the brain’s effort to deal with pain as
well as to elevate mood.
Endorphins also may produce the euphoric feelings that runners sometimes
experience after long runs. The exertion and perhaps the pain involved in a long run
may stimulate the production of endorphins, ultimately resulting in what has been
called “runner’s high” (Kolata, 2002; Pert, 2002; Stanojevic, Mitic, & Vujic, 2007).
Endorphin release might also explain other phenomena that have long puzzled
psychologists. For example, the act of taking placebos (pills or other substances that
contain no actual drugs but that patients believe will make them better) may induce
the release of endorphins, leading to the reduction of pain (Crum & Langer, 2007;
Rajagopal, 2006; Wager, 2005).
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Module 7 Neurons: The Basic Elements of Behavior 69
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP e Endorphins, another type of neurotransmitter, are
related to the reduction of pain. Endorphins aid in the
; ; 5
Why do psychologists study the brain and nervous system? production of a natural painkiller and are probably
e A full understanding of human behavior requires knowl-
edge of the biological influences underlying that behav-
ior, especially those originating in the nervous system.
Psychologists who specialize in studying the effects of
responsible for creating the kind of euphoria that joggers
sometimes experience after running. (p. 68)
biological structures and functions on behavior are EVALUATE
known as behavioral neuroscientists: (p60) 1. The is the fundamental element of the nervous
What are the basic elements of the nervous system? system.
e Neurons, the most basic elements of the nervous system, 2. Neurons receive information through their
carry nerve impulses from one part of the body to an-
and send messages through their
other. Information in a neuron generally follows a route 3. Just as electrical wires have an outer coating, axons are in-
that begins with the dendrites, continues into the cell sulated by a coating called the
body, and leads ultimately down the tubelike extension, 4. The gap between two neurons is bridged by a chemical
the axon. (p. 61) connection called a
: ' 5. Endorphins are one kind of , the chemical
How does the nervous system communicate electrical and 5 3
messengers” between neurons.
chemical messages from one part to another?
e Most axons are insulated by a coating called the myelin
sheath. When a neuron receives a message to fire, it RETHINK
releases an action potential, an electric charge that travels
through the axon. Neurons operate according to an
all-or-none law: Either they are at rest, or an action
potential is moving through them. There is no in-between
state. (p. 62)
e Once a neuron fires, nerve impulses are carried to other
neurons through the production of chemical substances,
neurotransmitters, that actually bridge the gaps—known
as synapses—between neurons. Neurotransmitters may
be either excitatory, telling other neurons to fire, or
inhibitory, preventing or decreasing the likelihood of
other neurons firing. (p. 65)
1. How might psychologists use drugs that mimic the effects
of neurotransmitters to treat psychological disorders?
2. From the perspective of a health care provider: How would
you explain the placebo effect and the role of endorphins
to patients who wish to try unproven treatment methods
that they find on the Web?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Jo}TUIsuR.OINAU 'G
‘asdeuds ‘p ‘yyeays ulpaAut ‘g ‘SuOXe ‘sayLIpUap ‘z ‘UOINEU *T
KEY TERMS
behavioral neuroscientists
(or biopsychologists) p. 60
neurons p. 61
dendrite p. 61
neurotransmitters p. 65
excitatory message p. 66
inhibitory message p. 66
reuptake p. 66
axon p. 61
terminal buttons p. 61
myelin sheath p. 62
all-or-none law p. 62
resting state p. 62
action potential p. 63
mirror neurons p. 64
synapse p. 65
MODULE 8
How are the structures of
the nervous system linked?
How does the endocrine
system affect behavior?
The part of the nervous system that
includes the brain and spinal cord.
A bundle of neurons that
leaves the brain and runs down the
length of the back and is the main
means for transmitting messages
between the brain and the body.
An automatic, involuntary
response to an incoming stimulus.
70
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In light of the complexity of individual neurons and the neurotransmission process,
it should come as no surprise that the connections and structures formed by the
neurons are complicated. Because each neuron can be connected to 80,000 other
neurons, the total number of possible connections is astonishing. For instance, esti-
mates of the number of neural connections within the brain fall in the neighborhood
of 10 quadrillion—a 1 followed by 16 zeros—and some experts put the number even
higher. However, connections among neurons are not the only means of communi-
cation within the body; as we'll see, the endocrine system, which secretes chemical
messages that circulate through the blood, also communicates messages that influ-
ence behavior and many aspects of biological functioning (Kandel, Schwartz, &
Jessell, 2000; Forlenza & Baum, 2004; Boahen, 2005).
The Nervous System:
Linking Neurons
Whatever the actual number of neural connections, the human nervous system has
both logic and elegance. We turn now to a discussion of its basic structures.
CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL NERVOUS SYSTEMS
As you can see from the schematic representation in Figure 1, the nervous system is
divided into two main parts: the central nervous system and the peripheral nervous
system. The central nervous system (CNS) is composed of the brain and spinal cord.
The spinal cord, which is about the thickness of a pencil, contains a bundle of neu-
rons that leaves the brain and runs down the length of the back (see Figure 2). As
you can see in Figure 1, the spinal cord is the primary means for transmitting mes-
sages between the brain and the rest of the body.
However, the spinal cord is not just a communication channel. It also controls
some simple behaviors on its own, without any help from the brain. An example is
the way the knee jerks forward when it is tapped with a rubber hammer. This
behavior is a type of reflex, an automatic, involuntary response to an incoming
stimulus. A reflex is also at work when you touch a hot stove and immediately
withdraw your hand. Although the brain eventually analyzes and reacts to the sit-
uation (“Ouch—hot stove—pull away!”), the initial withdrawal is directed only by
neurons in the spinal cord.
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Module 8 The Nervous System and the Endocrine System: Communicating Within the Body 71
FIGURE 1 A schematic diagram of the relationship of the parts of the nervous system.
FIGURE 2 The central nervous system
Peripheral nervous consists of the brain and spinal cord,
system ;
and the peripheral nervous system
encompasses the network of nerves
connecting the brain and spinal cord to
other parts of the body.
Central nervous
system
Spinal
nerves
Use Figures 1 and 2 to learn
the components of the
central and peripheral
nervous systems.
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72 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
sensory (afferent) neurons Neurons
that transmit information from the
perimeter of the body to the central
nervous system.
motor (efferent) neurons Neurons
that communicate information from
the nervous system to muscles and
glands.
interneurons Neurons that connect
sensory and motor neurons, carrying
messages between the two.
peripheral nervous system The part
of the nervous system that includes the
autonomic and somatic subdivisions;
made up of neurons with long axons
and dendrites, it branches out from the
spinal cord and brain and reaches the
extremities of the body.
somatic division The part of the
peripheral nervous system that
specializes in the control of voluntary
movements and the communication of
information to and from the sense
organs.
autonomic division The part of the
peripheral nervous system that
controls involuntary movement of the
heart, glands, lungs, and other organs.
sympathetic division The part of the
autonomic division of the nervous
system that acts to prepare the body
for action in stressful situations, engag-
ing all the organism’s resources to
respond to a threat.
parasympathetic division The part of
the autonomic division of the nervous
system that acts to calm the body after
an emergency has ended.
Three kinds of neurons are involved in reflexes. Sensory (afferent) neurons
transmit information from the perimeter of the body to the central nervous system.
Motor (efferent) neurons communicate information from the nervous system to
muscles and glands. Interneurons connect sensory and motor neurons, carrying mes-
sages between the two.
The importance of the spinal cord and reflexes is illustrated by the outcome of
accidents in which the cord is injured or severed. In some cases, injury results in
quadriplegia, a condition in which voluntary muscle movement below the neck is lost.
In a less severe but still debilitating condition, paraplegia, people are unable to vol-
untarily move any muscles in the lower half of the body.
As suggested by its name, the peripheral nervous system branches out from the
spinal cord and brain and reaches the extremities of the body. Made up of neurons
with long axons and dendrites, the peripheral nervous system encompasses all the
parts of the nervous system other than the brain and spinal cord. There are two major
divisions—the somatic division and the autonomic division—both of which connect
the central nervous system with the sense organs, muscles, glands, and other organs.
The somatic division specializes in the control of voluntary movements—such as the
motion of the eyes to read this sentence or those of the hand to turn this page—and
the communication of information to and from the sense organs. The autonomic
division controls the parts of the body that keep us alive—the heart, blood vessels,
glands, lungs, and other organs that function involuntarily without our awareness.
As you are reading at this moment, the autonomic division of the peripheral nervous
system is pumping blood through your body, pushing your lungs in and out, and
overseeing the digestion of your last meal.
ACTIVATING THE DIVISIONS
OF THE AUTONOMIC NERVOUS SYSTEM
The autonomic division plays a particularly crucial role during emergencies. Suppose
that as you are reading you suddenly sense that a stranger is watching you through
the window. As you look up, you see the glint of something that might be a knife.
As confusion clouds your mind and fear overcomes your attempts to think rationally,
what happens to your body? If you are like most people, you react immediately on
a physiological level. Your heart rate increases, you begin to sweat, and you develop
goose bumps all over your body.
The physiological changes that occur during a crisis result from the activation of
one of the two parts of the autonomic nervous system: the sympathetic division.
The sympathetic division acts to prepare the body for action in stressful situations
by engaging all of the organism’s resources to run away or to confront the threat.
This is often called the “fight or flight” response.
In contrast, the parasympathetic division acts to calm the body after the emer-
gency has ended. When you find, for instance, that the stranger at the window is
actually your roommate, who has lost his keys and is climbing in the window to
avoid waking you, your parasympathetic division begins to take over, lowering your
heart rate, stopping your sweating, and returning your body to the state it was in
before you became alarmed. The parasympathetic division also directs the body to
store energy for use in emergencies.
The sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions work together to regulate many
functions of the body (see Figure 3). For instance, sexual arousal is controlled by the
parasympathetic division, but sexual orgasm is a function of the sympathetic divi-
sion. The sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions also are involved in a number
of disorders. For example, one explanation of documented examples of “voodoo
death”—in which a person is literally scared to death resulting from a voodoo
curse—may be produced by overstimulation of the sympathetic division due to
extreme fear (Sternberg, 2002).
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Module 8 The Nervous System and the Endocrine System: Communicating Within the Body
Parasympathetic
Eyes RO} nK
Contracts pupils
Sympathetic
Dilates pupils
(enhanced vision)
= ge
Constricts bronchi Relaxes bronchi
(increased air to lungs)
Heart us wa -
Slows heartbeat Accelerates, strengthens
heartbeat (increased oxygen)
Stomach,
intestines
i
Inhibits activity
Stimulates activit;
y (blood sent to muscles)
Blood vessels
of internal
organs
Contracts vessels
Dilates vessels (increased blood pressure)
The Evolutionary Foundations
of the Nervous System
The complexities of the nervous system can be better understood if we take the
course of evolution into consideration. The forerunner of the human nervous system
is found in the earliest simple organisms to have a spinal cord. Basically, those organ-
isms were simple input-output devices: When the upper side of the spinal cord was
stimulated by, for instance, being touched, the organism reacted with a simple
response, such as jerking away. Such responses were completely a consequence of
the organism’s genetic makeup.
Over millions of years, the spinal cord became more specialized, and organisms
became capable of distinguishing between different kinds of stimuli and responding
appropriately to them. Ultimately, a portion of the spinal cord evolved into what we
would consider a primitive brain.
Today, the nervous system is hierarchically organized, meaning that relatively
newer (from an evolutionary point of view) and more sophisticated regions of the
brain regulate the older, and more primitive, parts of the nervous system. As we
move up along the spinal cord and continue upward into the brain, then, the func-
tions controlled by the various regions become progressively more advanced.
Why should we care about the evolutionary background of the human nervous
system? The answer comes from researchers working in the area of evolutionary
psychology, the branch of psychology that seeks to identify how behavior is influ-
enced and produced by our genetic inheritance from our ancestors.
73
FIGURE 3 The major functions of
the autonomic nervous system. The
sympathetic division acts to prepare
certain organs of the body for stressful
situations, and the parasympathetic
division acts to calm the body after the
emergency has been passed. Can you
explain why each response of the
sympathetic division might be useful in
an emergency?
evolutionary psychology The branch
of psychology that seeks to identify
behavior patterns that are a result of
our genetic inheritance from our
ancestors.
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74 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
behavioral genetics The study of the
effects of heredity on behavior.
Evolutionary psychologists argue that the course of evolution is reflected in the
structure and functioning of the nervous system and that evolutionary factors con-
sequently have a significant influence on our everyday behavior. Their work, in
conjunction with the research of scientists studying genetics, biochemistry, and med-
icine, has led to an understanding of how our behavior is affected by heredity, our
genetically determined heritage. In fact, evolutionary psychologists have spawned
a new and increasingly influential field: behavioral genetics.
BEHAVIORAL GENETICS
Our evolutionary heritage manifests itself not only through the structure and func-
tioning of the nervous system but through our behavior as well. In the view of a
growing area of study, people’s personality and behavioral habits are affected in part
by their genetic heritage. Behavioral genetics is the study of the effects of heredity
on behavior. Behavioral genetics researchers are finding increasing evidence that cog-
nitive abilities, personality traits, sexual orientation, and psychological disorders are
determined to some extent by genetic factors (Ilies, Arvey, & Bouchard, 2006; Livesley
& Jang, 2008; Vernon et al., 2008).
Behavioral genetics lies at the heart of the nature-nurture question, one of the key
issues in the study of psychology. Although no one would argue that our behavior is
determined solely by inherited factors, evidence collected by behavioral geneticists
does suggest that our genetic inheritance predisposes us to respond in particular ways
to our environment, and even to seek out particular kinds of environments. For
instance, research indicates that genetic factors may be related to such diverse behav-
iors as level of family conflict, schizophrenia, learning disabilities, and general socia-
bility (Ball et al., 2008; Davis, Haworth, & Plomin, 2009; Lakhan & Vieira, 2009).
Furthermore, important human characteristics and behaviors are related to the
presence (or absence) of particular genes, the inherited material that controls the trans-
mission of traits. For example, researchers have found evidence that novelty-seeking
behavior is determined, at least in part, by a certain gene (Golimbet et al., 2007).
As we consider later in the book when we discuss human development, research-
ers have identified some 25,000 individual genes, each of which appears in a specific
sequence on a particular chromosome, a rod-shaped structure that transmits genetic
information across generations. In 2003, after a decade of effort, researchers identified
the sequence of the 3 billion chemical pairs that make up human DNA, the basic
component of genes. Understanding the basic structure of the human genome—the
“map” of humans’ total genetic makeup—brings scientists a giant step closer to
understanding the contributions of individual genes to specific human structures and
functioning (Andreasen, 2005; Dale & von Schantz, 2007; Plomin & Davis, 2009).
Molecular Genetics and Psychological Disorders Despite its relative infancy, the field
of behavioral genetics has already made substantial contributions to our understanding
of behavior. One branch of behavioral genetics, molecular genetics, seeks to identify
specific genes that are associated with behavior and, in particular, psychological dis-
orders. Genes that are physically close to one another on a particular chromosome tend
to be linked and inherited together. By finding genetic markers—genes with a known
location—that are linked to a disorder, scientists are beginning to learn how disorders
such as schizophrenia and depression develop and can potentially be treated.
Molecular geneticists have already found that the risk of developing autism (a
disorder that influences the development of language and effective social functioning)
is increased in the presence of a gene related to early brain development. Children with
this gene, a variation of the gene called HOXA1, are twice as likely to develop the
disorder as children who do not have this variant (Hyman, 2003; Gregg et al., 2007).
Yet having the variant gene does not always lead to autism. More than 99.5% of
people with the variant do not develop the disorder, and 60% of those with autism
do not have the variant. It is probable that autism, like other disorders with a genetic
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Module 8 The Nervous System and the Endocrine System: Communicating Within the Body 75
basis, is not triggered by the presence or absence of a single, particular gene. More
likely, it is produced by several genes in combination, as well as perhaps requiring
the presence of certain environmental influences, such as infection or brain injury.
The challenge for behavior geneticists, then, is not only to determine what genes are
responsible for particular behaviors but also to identify the environmental triggers
that activate those genes (Sen et al., 2007).
In examining the genetic roots of various behaviors, the study of behavior genet-
ics has stirred controversy. For instance, questions about the existence of genetic
influences on criminality, intelligence, and homosexuality raise considerable emotion.
Furthermore, it is unclear what the social and political consequences of discoveries
in behavioral genetics would be. Would finding a strong genetic basis for criminal
behavior lead to genetic screening and restricted civil rights for individuals having
“criminal” genes? Clearly, behavioral genetic discoveries could have an impact on a
number of important social issues (Wensley & King, 2008).
Behavioral Genetics, Gene Therapy, and Genetic Counseling Behavioral genetics
also holds the promise of developing new diagnostic and treatment techniques for
genetic deficiencies that can lead to physical and psychological difficulties. In gene
therapy, scientists inject into a patient’s bloodstream genes meant to cure a particular
disease. When the genes arrive at the site of defective genes that are producing the
illness, they trigger the production of chemicals that can treat the disease (Jaffé,
Prasad, & Larcher, 2006; Eberling et al., 2008; Isacson & Kordower, 2008).
The number of diseases that can be treated through gene therapy is growing, as
we will see when we discuss human development. For example, gene therapy is now
being used in experimental trials involving people with certain forms of cancer and
blindness (Hirschler, 2007; Nakamura, 2004; Wagner et al., 2004).
Advances in behavioral genetics also have led to the development of a profession
that did not exist several decades ago: genetic counseling. Genetic counselors help
people deal with issues related to inherited disorders. For example, genetic counselors
provide advice to prospective parents about the potential risks in a future pregnancy,
based on their family history of birth defects and hereditary illnesses. In addition, the
counselor considers the parents’ age and problems with children they already have.
They also can take blood, skin, and urine samples to examine specific chromosomes.
Scientists have already developed genetic tests to determine whether someone is
susceptible to certain types of cancer or heart disease, and it may not be long before
analysis of a drop of blood can indicate whether a child—or potentially an unborn
fetus—is susceptible to certain psychological disorders. How such knowledge will be
used is a source of considerable speculation and controversy, controversy that is certain
to grow as genetic testing becomes more common (Etchegary, 2004; Malpas, 2008).
The Endocrine System:
Of Chemicals and Glands
Another of the body’s communication systems, the endocrine system is a chemical
communication network that sends messages throughout the body via the blood-
stream. Its job is to secrete hormones, chemicals that circulate through the blood and
regulate the functioning or growth of the body. It also influences—and is influenced
by—the functioning of the nervous system. Although the endocrine system is not
part of the brain, it is closely linked to the hypothalamus.
As chemical messengers, hormones are like neurotransmitters, although their
speed and mode of transmission are quite different. Whereas neural messages are
measured in thousandths of a second, hormonal communications may take minutes
to reach their destination. Furthermore, neural messages move through neurons in
endocrine system A chemical
communication network that sends
messages throughout the body via the
bloodstream.
hormones Chemicals that circulate
through the blood and regulate the
functioning or growth of the body.
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76 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
Anterior pituitary gland:
Produces 6 hormones
with diverse actions.
Hypothalamus:
Secretes several neurohormones that
stimulate or inhibit anterior pituitary
function.
Posterior pituitary gland:
Secretes oxytocin, which stimulates
uterine contractions during birth; also
secretes antidiuretic hormone, which
increases water retention in the kidney.
Heart:
Makes atrial natriuretic peptide,
which lowers blood sodium.
Pineal:
Makes melatonin, which regulates
daily rhythms.
Adrenal glands
Medulla:
Makes epinephrine and norepinephrine,
which mediate the “fight-or-flight”
response.
Parathyroids (behind the thyroid):
Make parathyroid hormone, which
increases blood calcium.
Cortex:
Makes aldosterone, which regulates
sodium and potassium balance in the
blood; also makes glucocorticoids (such
as cortisol), which regulate growth,
metabolism, development, immune
function, and the body’s response
to stress.
Thyroid:
Regulates metabolic rate and growth.
Stomach and small intestine:
Secrete hormones that facilitate
digestion and regulate
pancreatic activity.
Liver and kidneys:
Secrete erythropoietin, which regulates
production of red blood cells.
Pancreas:
Makes insulin. Ovaries:
Produce estrogens such as
progesterone, which control
reproduction in females.
Testes:
Produce androgens, such as
testosterone, which control
reproduction in males.
Adipose tissue:
Produces adipokines (for example, leptin),
which regulate appetite and metabolic rate.
A3
DF
FIGURE 4 Location and function of the major endocrine glands. The pituitary gland controls
the functioning of the other endocrine glands and, in turn, is regulated by the hypothalamus.
specific lines (like a signal carried by wires strung along telephone poles), whereas
hormones travel throughout the body, similar to the way radio waves are transmit-
ted across the entire landscape. Just as radio waves evoke a response only when a
radio is tuned to the correct station, hormones flowing through the bloodstream
activate only those cells that are receptive and “tuned” to the appropriate hormonal
message.
pituitary gland The major component A key component of the endocrine system is the tiny pituitary gland, which is
of the endocrine system, or “master found near—and regulated by—the hypothalamus. The pituitary gland has some-
gland,” which secretes hormones that times been called the “master gland” because it controls the functioning of the rest
control growth and other parts of the of the endocrine system. But the pituitary gland is more than just the taskmaster of
endocrine system. other glands; it has important functions in its own right. For instance, hormones
secreted by the pituitary gland control growth. Extremely short people and unusually
tall ones usually have pituitary gland abnormalities. Other endocrine glands, shown
in Figure 4, affect emotional reactions, sexual urges, and energy levels.
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Module 8 The Nervous System and the Endocrine System: Communicating Within the Body 77
Despite its designation as the “master gland,” the pituitary is actually a servant of
the brain, because the brain is ultimately responsible for the endocrine system’s func-
tioning. The brain maintains the internal balance of the body through the hypothalamus.
Individual hormones can wear many hats, depending on circumstances. For
example, the hormone oxytocin is at the root of many of life’s satisfactions and plea-
sures. In new mothers, oxytocin produces an urge to nurse newborn offspring. The
same hormone also seems to stimulate cuddling between species members. And—at
least in rats—it encourages sexually active males to seek out females more passion-
ately, and females to be more receptive to males’ sexual advances. There’s even evi-
dence that oxytocin is related to the development of trust in others, helping to grease
the wheels of effective social interaction (Kosfeld et al., 2005; Meinlschmidt & Heim,
2007; Guastella, Mitchell, & Dadds, 2008).
Although hormones are produced naturally by the endocrine system, the ingestion
of artificial hormones has proved to be both beneficial and potentially dangerous. For
example, before the early 2000s, physicians frequently prescribed hormone replacement
therapy (HRT) to treat symptoms of menopause in older women. However, because
recent research suggests that the treatment has potentially dangerous side effects, health
experts now warn that the dangers outweigh the benefits (Herrington & Howard, 2003).
The use of testosterone, a male hormone, and drugs known as steroids, which act
like testosterone, is increasingly common. For athletes and others who want to bulk
up their appearance, steroids provide a way to add muscle weight and increase
strength. However, these drugs can lead to heart attacks, strokes, cancer, and even
violent behavior, making them extremely dangerous. For example, in one infamous
case, professional wrestler Chris Benoit strangled his wife, suffocated his son, and
later hanged himself—acts that were attributed to his use of steroids (Klötz, 2006;
Pagonis, Angelopoulos, & Koukoulis, 2006; Sandomir, 2007).
Steroids can provide added muscle and
strength, but they have dangerous side
effects. A number of well-known
athletes in a variety of sports have been
accused of using the drugs illegally.
dy Alert
The endocrine system pro-
duces hormones, chemicals
that circulate through the
body via the bloodstream.
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78 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
How are the structures of the nervous system linked? 1. If you put your hand on a red-hot piece of metal, the
e The nervous system is made up of the central nervous
system (the brain and spinal cord) and the peripheral
nervous system. The peripheral nervous system is made
up of the somatic division, which controls voluntary
movements and the communication of information to
and from the sense organs, and the autonomic division,
which controls involuntary functions such as those of the
heart, blood vessels, and lungs. (p. 70)
e The autonomic division of the peripheral nervous
system is further subdivided into the sympathetic and
parasympathetic divisions. The sympathetic division
prepares the body in emergency situations, and the
parasympathetic division helps the body return to its
typical resting state. (p. 72)
e Evolutionary psychology, the branch of psychology that
seeks to identify behavior patterns that are a result of
our genetic inheritance, has led to increased under-
standing of the evolutionary basis of the structure and
organization of the human nervous system. Behavioral
genetics extends this study to include the evolutionary
and hereditary basis of human personality traits and
behavior. (p. 73)
How does the endocrine system affect behavior?
e The endocrine system secretes hormones, chemicals
that regulate the functioning of the body, via the
bloodstream. The pituitary gland secretes growth
hormones and influences the release of hormones by
other endocrine glands, and in turn is regulated by the
hypothalamus. (p. 75)
immediate response of pulling it away would be an
example of a(n)
2. The central nervous system is composed of the
3. In the peripheral nervous system, the
and the
division
controls voluntary movements, whereas the
division controls organs that keep us alive and function
without our awareness.
4, Maria saw a young boy run into the street and get hit by a
5. The emerging field of
car. When she got to the fallen child, she was in a state of
panic. She was sweating, and her heart was racing. Her bi-
ological state resulted from the activation of what division
of the nervous system?
a. parasympathetic
b. central
c. sympathetic
studies ways in which
our genetic inheritance predisposes us to behave in certain
ways.
RETHINK
1.
In what ways is the “fight-or-flight” response helpful to
humans in emergency situations?
2. From the perspective of a genetic counselor: How would you
explain the pros and cons of genetic counseling to some-
one who was interested in receiving genetic screening for
various diseases and disorders?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
soouas [eIoTAvyagq *¢
Soneyyedurds 2p Oruouome yewos ‘g /prIOD TeuTds ‘uwaq 'z ‘Xapo I
KEY TERMS
central nervous system motor (efferent) autonomic division p.72 behavioral genetics p. 74
(CNS) p. 70 neurons p. 72 sympathetic division p. 72 endocrine system p. 75
spinal cord p. 70 interneurons p. 72 parasympathetic hormones p. 75
reflex p. 70 peripheral nervous division p. 72 pituitary gland p. 76
sensory (afferent) system p. 72 evolutionary
neurons p. 72 somatic division p. 72 psychology p. 73
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It is not much to look at. Soft, spongy, mottled, and pinkish-gray in color, it hardly
can be said to possess much in the way of physical beauty. Despite its physical
appearance, however, it ranks as the greatest natural marvel that we know and has
a beauty and sophistication all its own.
The object to which this description applies: the brain. The brain is responsible for
our loftiest thoughts—and our most primitive urges. It is the overseer of the intricate
workings of the human body. If one were to attempt to design a computer to mimic
the range of capabilities of the brain, the task would be nearly impossible; in fact, it
has proved difficult even to come close. The sheer quantity of nerve cells in the brain
is enough to daunt even the most ambitious computer engineer. Many billions of
neurons make up a structure weighing just 3 pounds in the average adult. However,
it is not the number of cells that is the most astounding thing about the brain but its
ability to allow the human intellect to flourish by guiding our behavior and thoughts.
We turn now to a consideration of the particular structures of the brain and the
primary functions to which they are related. However, a caution is in order. Although
we'll discuss specific areas of the brain in relation to specific behaviors, this approach
is an oversimplification. No straightforward one-to-one correspondence exists
between a distinct part of the brain and a particular behavior. Instead, behavior is
produced by complex interconnections among sets of neurons in many areas of the
brain: Our behavior, emotions, thoughts, hopes, and dreams are produced by a vari-
ety of neurons throughout the nervous system working in concert.
The brain has posed a continual challenge to those who would study
it. For most of history, its examination was possible only after an indi-
vidual had died. Only then could the skull be opened and the brain
cut into without serious injury. Although informative, this procedure
could hardly tell us much about the functioning of the healthy brain.
Today, however, brain-scanning techniques provide a window
into the living brain. Using these techniques, investigators can take a
“snapshot” of the internal workings of the brain without having to
cut open a person’s skull. The most important scanning techniques,
illustrated in Figure 1 on page 80, are the electroencephalogram (EEG),
positron emission tomography (PET), functional magnetic resonance
imaging (fMRI), and transcranial magnetic stimulation imaging (TMS).
The electroencephalogram (EEG) records electrical activity in the
brain through electrodes placed on the outside of the skull. Although
traditionally the EEG could produce only a graph of electrical wave
How do researchers identify
the major parts and functions
of the brain?
What are the major parts of
the brain, and for what
behaviors is each part
responsible?
How do the two halves
of the brain operate inter-
dependently?
How can an understanding of
the nervous system help us
find ways to alleviate disease
and pain?
The brain (shown here in cross-section) may not be much to
look at, but it represents one of the great marvels of human
development. Why do most scientists believe that it will be
difficult, if not impossible, to duplicate the brain’s abilities?
79
80
(a) EEG
(b) fMRI
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Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
‘eh
(c) PET scan (d) TMS Apparatus
dy Alert
Remember that EEG, fMRI,
PET, and TMS differ in terms
of whether they examine
brain structures or brain
functioning.
FIGURE 1 Brain scans produced by different techniques. (a) A computer-produced EEG
image. (b) The fMRI scan uses a magnetic field to provide a detailed view of brain activity on
a moment-by-moment basis. (c) The PET scan displays the functioning of the brain at a given
moment. (d) Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), the newest type of scan, produces a
momentary disruption in an area of the brain, allowing researchers to see what activities are
controlled by that area. TMS also has the potential to treat some psychological disorders.
patterns, new techniques are now used to transform the brain’s electrical activity into
a pictorial representation of the brain that allows more precise diagnosis of disorders
such as epilepsy and learning disabilities.
Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) scans provide a detailed, three-
dimensional computer-generated image of brain structures and activity by aiming a
powerful magnetic field at the body. With fMRI scanning, it is possible to produce
vivid, detailed images of the functioning of the brain.
Using fMRI scans, researchers are able to view features of less than a millimeter
in size and view changes occurring in intervals of Yo of a second. For example, {MRI
scans can show the operation of individual bundles of nerves by tracing the flow of
blood, opening the way for improved diagnosis of ailments ranging from chronic back
pain to nervous system disorders such as strokes, multiple sclerosis, and Alzheimer’s.
Scans using fMRI are routinely used in planning brain surgery, because they can help
surgeons distinguish areas of the brain involved in normal and disturbed functioning
(Mazard et al., 2005; Quenot et al., 2005; D’Arcy et al., 2007).
Positron emission tomography (PET) scans show biochemical activity within the
brain at a given moment. PET scans begin with the injection of a radioactive (but
safe) liquid into the bloodstream, which makes its way to the brain. By locating
radiation within the brain, a computer can determine which are the more active
regions, providing a striking picture of the brain at work. For example, PET scans
may be used in cases of memory problems, seeking to identify the presence of brain
tumors (Gronholm et al., 2005; McMurtray et al., 2007).
Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) is one of the newest types of scan. By
exposing a tiny region of the brain to a strong magnetic field, TMS causes a momen-
tary interruption of electrical activity. Researchers then are able to note the effects of
this interruption on normal brain functioning. The procedure is sometimes called a
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“virtual lesion,” because it produces effects analogous to what would occur if areas
of the brain were physically cut. The enormous advantage of TMS, of course, is that
the virtual cut is only temporary. In addition to identifying areas of the brain that
are responsible for particular functions, TMS has the potential to treat certain kinds
of psychological disorders, such as depression and schizophrenia, by shooting brief
magnetic pulses through the brain (Fitzgerald & Daskalakis, 2008; Rado, Dowd, &
Janicak, 2008; Pallanti & Bernardi, 2009).
Future discoveries may yield even more sophisticated methods of examining the
brain. For example, the emerging field of optogenetics involves genetic engineering
and the use of special types of light to view individual circuits of neurons (Gradinaru
et al., 2009; Miesenbock, 2008).
Advances in our understanding of the brain also are paving the way for the
development of new methods for harnessing the brain’s neural signals. We consider
some of these intriguing findings in Applying Psychology in the 21st Century.
The Central Core:
Our “Old Brain”
Although the capabilities of the human brain far exceed those of the brain of any
other species, humans share some basic functions, such as breathing, eating, and
sleeping, with more primitive animals. Not surprisingly, those activities are directed
by a relatively primitive part of the brain. A portion of the brain known as the
central core (see Figure 2) is quite similar in all vertebrates (species with back-
bones). The central core is sometimes referred to as the “old brain,” because its
evolution can be traced back some 500 million years to primitive structures found
in nonhuman species.
If we were to move up the spinal cord from the base of the skull to locate the
structures of the central core of the brain, the first part we would come to would
be the hindbrain, which contains the medulla, pons, and cerebellum (see Figure 3 on
page 83). The medulla controls a number of critical body functions, the most impor-
tant of which are breathing and heartbeat. The pons comes next, joining the two
halves of the cerebellum, which lies adjacent to it. Containing large bundles of
nerves, the pons acts as a transmitter of motor information, coordinating muscles
and integrating movement between the right and left halves of the body. It is also
involved in regulating sleep.
The cerebellum is found just above the medulla and behind the pons. Without
the help of the cerebellum we would be unable to walk a straight line without stag-
gering and lurching forward, for it is the job of the cerebellum to control bodily
balance. It constantly monitors feedback from the muscles to coordinate their place-
ment, movement, and tension. In fact, drinking too much alcohol seems to depress
the activity of the cerebellum, leading to the unsteady gait and movement charac-
teristic of drunkenness. The cerebellum is also involved in several intellectual func-
tions, ranging from the analysis and coordination of sensory information to problem
solving (Bower & Parsons, 2003; Paquier & Marién, 2005; Vandervert, Schimpf, &
Liu, 2007).
The reticular formation extends from the medulla through the pons, passing
through the middle section of the brain—or midbrain—and into the front-most part
of the brain, called the forebrain. Like an ever-vigilant guard, the reticular formation
is made up of groups of nerve cells that can activate other parts of the brain imme-
diately to produce general bodily arousal. If, for example, we are startled by a loud
noise, the reticular formation can prompt a heightened state of awareness to deter-
mine whether a response is necessary. The reticular formation serves a different func-
tion when we are sleeping, seeming to filter out background stimuli to allow us to
sleep undisturbed.
Module 9 The Brain
Cerebral cortex
(the “new brain”)
81
Central core
(the “old brain”)
FIGURE 2 The major divisions of the
brain: the cerebral cortex and the
central core. (Source: Seeley, Stephens,
& Tate, 2000.)
central core The “old brain,” which
controls basic functions such as eating
and sleeping and is common to all
vertebrates.
cerebellum (ser-uh-BELL-um) The
part of the brain that controls bodily
balance.
reticular formation The part of the
brain extending from the medulla
through the pons and made up of
groups of nerve cells that can immedi-
ately activate other parts of the brain
to produce general bodily arousal.
81
Applying Psychology in
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the 21st Century
Mind over Cursor: Harnessing
Brainpower to Improve Lives
Hans-Peter Salzmann, a lawyer suffering
from Lou Gehrig’s disease, was locked
within his own body. Paralyzed by the dis-
ease and unable to eat, speak, or even
breathe on his own, he had to rely on a res-
pirator and a feeding tube to survive. Al-
though his mind functioned normally, he
was unable to communicate with the out-
side world.
All that changed, however, after Salz-
mann obtained an experimental device that
allows brain waves to be translated into
written communication. Using EEG scan-
ning techniques that react to the pattern of
brain waves originating in the brain, Salz-
mann learned to boost and curtail certain
types of brain waves. After hundreds of
hours of practice, he was able to select let-
ters that appear on a video screen. By
stringing letters together, he could spell out
messages. The process, which makes use of
brain waves called “slow cortical poten-
tials,” permitted Salzmann to communicate
effectively for the first time in years. Al-
though the method is slow and tedious—
Salzmann can produce only about two
characters per minute—it holds great
promise for people with spinal cord injuries
and diseases that have left them paralyzed
(Neumann & Birbaumer, 2004; Pollack,
2006; Hatsopoulos & Donoghue, 2009).
Neuroscience researchers are making re-
markable progress at developing this tech-
nology of thought-based interfaces. It’s not
ready to be put into widespread use, but
recent discoveries show how rapidly the
technology is developing. In one extraordi-
nary experiment, researchers implanted
freckle-sized electrodes onto the brains of
two monkeys at the motor cortex—the re-
gion of the brain responsible for voluntary
muscle movement. Each electrode con-
nected with 100 individual neurons in this
region. A computer wired to the electrodes
interpreted the signals coming from these
neurons and used the information to direct
the movement of a mechanical arm while
the monkeys’ own arms were restrained
(Velliste et al., 2008).
82
Brain scanning techniques allow people to communicate via brain waves alone.
The monkeys were initially “trained”
in the manipulation of the arm, using joy-
sticks at first and then using the brain in-
terface with additional computer guidance
(somewhat like using training wheels
while learning to ride a bicycle). Within
days, the monkeys were operating the
arm using just their thoughts with no ad-
ditional help. They sat in a chair and used
the arm to reach out and grab treats such
as grapes and marshmallows and bring
them to their mouths. This task required
them not only to move the arm through
space but also to manipulate the grip on
its end to seize the food and then to re-
lease it into their mouths.
While this much of a successful accom-
plishment was extraordinary by itself, the
progress didn’t stop there. The monkeys
actually proceeded to show the scientists a
new trick or two by becoming adept
enough with the brain interface to impro-
vise entirely unanticipated manipulations
of the mechanical arm, such as using it to
push food into their mouths as if it were
their own hand. This ability is an impor-
tant step forward, as any practical device
for assisting the disabled would have to be
able to be used in inventive ways in order
to provide for their unique needs in a natu-
ral way. No computer program alone can
anticipate every possible movement that
might be necessary, but the monkeys
showed that they could adapt the device to
serve their own goals (Carey, 2008; Velliste
et al., 2008).
Many hurdles remain before paralyzed
people will be using thought-controlled
devices routinely, particularly in terms of
the need for stable electrodes, wireless
communication, and portable translating
computers. But achievements such as this
give researchers hope that they are close to
overcoming the remaining challenges such
that one day—perhaps sooner than one
might expect—their seemingly wild dream
of giving new mobility to paralyzed people
will be realized (Stix, 2008).
e Why is it so important to develop a complex and very expensive means of com-
munication for the relatively small number of people who are living with locked-in
syndrome?
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Module 9 The Brain 83
Thalamus
Relay center for cortex;
handles incoming and
outgoing signals
Midbrain
Cerebral cortex
Corpus callosum
Bridge of fibers passing
information between the
two cerebral hemispheres Hypothalamus
Responsible for regulating basic
biological needs: hunger, thirst,
temperature control
Hippocampus
Amygdala Olfactory bulb
Pituitary gland
“Master” gland that regulates
other endocrine glands
Cerebellum
Controls bodily balance
Spinal cord
Responsible for communication
between brain and rest of body;
involved in simple reflexes
Pons
Involved in sleep and arousal
Medulla
Responsible for regulating largely
unconscious functions such as
breathing and circulation
FIGURE 3 The major structures in the brain. (Source: Brooker, Widmaier, Graham, & Stiling, 2008.)
Hidden within the forebrain, the thalamus acts primarily as a relay station for thalamus The part of the brain located
information about the senses. Messages from the eyes, ears, and skin travel to the in the middle of the central core that
thalamus to be communicated upward to higher parts of the brain. The thalamus acts primarily to relay information
also integrates information from higher parts of the brain, sorting it out so that itcan about the senses.
be sent to the cerebellum and medulla.
The hypothalamus is located just below the thalamus. Although tiny—about the hypothalamus A tiny part of the
size of a fingertip—the hypothalamus plays an extremely important role. One of its brain, located below the thalamus, that
major functions is to maintain homeostasis, a steady internal environment for the body. maintains homeostasis and produces
The hypothalamus helps provide a constant body temperature and monitors the and regulates vital behavior, such as
amount of nutrients stored in the cells. A second major function is equally important: eating, drinking, and sexual behavior.
the hypothalamus produces and regulates behavior that is critical to the basic sur-
vival of the species, such as eating, self-protection, and sex.
The Limbic System:
Beyond the Central Core
In an eerie view of the future, science fiction writers have suggested that people
someday will routinely have electrodes implanted in their brains. Those electrodes
will permit them to receive tiny shocks that will produce the sensation of pleasure
by stimulating certain centers of the brain. When they feel upset, people will simply
activate their electrodes to achieve an immediate high.
Although far-fetched—and ultimately improbable—such a futuristic fantasy is limbic system The part of the brain
based on fact. The brain does have pleasure centers in several areas, including some that controls eating, aggression, and
in the limbic system. Consisting of a series of doughnut-shaped structures that reproduction.
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84 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
Hippocampus
Spinal cord
Frontal lobe include the amygdala and hippocampus, the limbic system borders the top of
the central core and has connections with the cerebral cortex (see Figure 4).
The structures of the limbic system jointly control a variety of basic
functions relating to emotions and self-preservation, such as eating, aggres-
sion, and reproduction. Injury to the limbic system can produce striking
changes in behavior. For example, injury to the amygdala, which is involved
in fear and aggression, can turn animals that are usually docile and tame
into belligerent savages. Conversely, animals that are usually wild and
uncontrollable may become meek and obedient following injury to the
amygdala (Bedard & Persinger, 1995; Gontkovsky, 2005).
Research examining the effects of mild electric shocks to parts of the
limbic system and other parts of the brain has produced some thought-
provoking findings. In one experiment, rats that pressed a bar received
mild electric stimulation through an electrode implanted in their brains,
which produced pleasurable feelings. Even starving rats on their way to
food would stop to press the bar as many times as they could. Some rats
FIGURE 4 The limbic system is involved in self- would actually stimulate themselves literally thousands of times an hour—
preservation, learning, memory, and the experience until they collapsed with fatigue (Routtenberg & Lindy, 1965; Olds & Fobes,
of pleasure.
cerebral cortex The “new brain,”
responsible for the most sophisticated
information processing in the brain;
contains four lobes.
1981; Fountas & Smith, 2007).
The extraordinarily pleasurable quality of certain kinds of stimulation
has also been experienced by humans, who, as part of the treatment for
certain kinds of brain disorders, have received electrical stimulation to certain areas
of the limbic system. Although at a loss to describe just what it feels like, these
people report the experience to be intensely pleasurable, similar in some respects to
sexual orgasm.
The limbic system and hippocampus in particular play an important role in
learning and memory, a finding demonstrated in patients with epilepsy. In an attempt
to stop their seizures, such patients have had portions of the limbic system removed.
One unintended consequence of the surgery is that individuals sometimes have dif-
ficulty learning and remembering new information. In one case, a patient who had
undergone surgery was unable to remember where he lived, although he had resided
at the same address for eight years. Further, even though the patient was able to
carry on animated conversations, he was unable, a few minutes later, to recall what
had been discussed (Milner, 1966; Rich & Shapiro, 2007).
The limbic system, then, is involved in several important functions, including
self-preservation, learning, memory, and the experience of pleasure. These functions
are hardly unique to humans; in fact, the limbic system is sometimes referred to as
the “animal brain,” because its structures and functions are so similar to those of
other mammals. To identify the part of the brain that provides the complex and
subtle capabilities that are uniquely human, we need to turn to another structure—
the cerebral cortex.
The Cerebral Cortex:
Our “New Brain”
As we have proceeded up the spinal cord and into the brain, our discussion has
centered on areas of the brain that control functions similar to those found in less
sophisticated organisms. But where, you may be asking, are the portions of the
brain that enable humans to do what they do best and that distinguish humans
from all other animals? Those unique features of the human brain—indeed, the
very capabilities that allow you to come up with such a question in the first
place—are embodied in the ability to think, evaluate, and make complex judg-
ments. The principal location of these abilities, along with many others, is the
cerebral cortex.
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| Motor area
Frontal lobe 5
Broca’s area
FIGURE 5 The cerebral cortex of the brain. The major physical structures of the cerebral cortex
are called lobes. This figure also illustrates the functions associated with particular areas of the
cerebral cortex. Are any areas of the cerebral cortex present in nonhuman animals?
The cerebral cortex is referred to as the “new brain” because of its relatively
recent evolution. It consists of a mass of deeply folded, rippled, convoluted tissue.
Although only about 1⁄2 of an inch thick, it would, if flattened out, cover an area
more than 2 feet square. This configuration allows the surface area of the cortex to
be considerably greater than it would be if it were smoother and more uniformly
packed into the skull. The uneven shape also permits a high level of integration of
neurons, allowing sophisticated information processing.
The cortex has four major sections called lobes. If we take a side view of the
brain, the frontal lobes lie at the front center of the cortex and the parietal lobes lie
behind them. The temporal lobes are found in the lower-center portion of the cortex,
with the occipital lobes lying behind them. These four sets of lobes are physically
separated by deep grooves called sulci. Figure 5 shows the four areas.
Another way to describe the brain is in terms of the functions associated with
a particular area. Figure 5 also shows the specialized regions within the lobes related
to specific functions and areas of the body. Three major areas are known: the motor
areas, the sensory areas, and the association areas. Although we will discuss these
areas as though they were separate and independent, keep in mind that this is an
oversimplification. In most instances, behavior is influenced simultaneously by several
structures and areas within the brain, operating interdependently. To give one exam-
ple, people use different areas of the brain when they create sentences (a verbal task)
compared with when they improvise musical tunes. Furthermore, when people suffer
brain injury, uninjured portions of the brain can sometimes take over the functions
that were previously handled by the damaged area. (Also see PsychWork.) In short,
the brain is extraordinarily adaptable (Sacks, 2003; Boller, 2004; Brown, Martinez, &
Parsons, 2006).
Somatosensory area
Somatosensory association
area
Primary auditory area
Visual area
Visual association
area
Module 9 The Brain
— Parietal lobe
Wernicke’s area — Temporal lobe
Auditory association
area
— Occipital lobe
lobes The four major sections of the
cerebral cortex: frontal, parietal,
temporal, and occipital.
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86 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
Rehabilitation counselor Monique Tremaine helps individuals
Psyc h Wo r k who have suffered severe brain injury regain as much normal
functioning as possible. She does this by systematically assess-
eee SEEOR ing patients’ problems, providing psychological and behavioral
treatment, and ensuring that the treatment is state-of-the-art
and is grounded in evidence gleaned from research.
According to Tremaine, her work requires an understand-
ing of the structure of the brain and nervous system as well
as expertise in clinical psychology in order to understand how
brain injury effects emotion, function, and behavior.
“Sudden acquired or traumatic brain injury can impact many
aspects of an individual's life, including their personality, cogni-
tion, sense of physical well-being, family roles, and occupa-
tional functioning,” she noted. “It is my role to communicate such changes to a
multidisciplinary staff, to the patient, and to the family to develop a comprehensive
treatment plan.”
Name: Monique J. Tremaine
Position: Rehabilitation Counselor
Education: BS in Psychology & Natural Sciences,
Ball State University; MA in Clinical Psychology,
California School of Professional Psychology;
PhD in Clinical Neuropsychology, California School
of Professional Psychology
THE MOTOR AREA OF THE CORTEX
If you look at the frontal lobe in Figure 5, you will see a shaded portion labeled
motor area The part of the cortex that motor area. This part of the cortex is largely responsible for the body’s voluntary
is largely responsible for the body’s movement. Every portion of the motor area corresponds to a specific locale within
voluntary movement. the body. If we were to insert an electrode into a particular part of the motor area of
the cortex and apply mild electrical stimulation, there would be involuntary move-
ment in the corresponding part of the body. If we moved to another part of the motor
area and stimulated it, a different part of the body would move.
The motor area is so well mapped that researchers have identified the amount
and relative location of cortical tissue used to produce movement in specific parts of
the human body. For example, the control of movements that are relatively large scale
and require little precision, such as the movement of a knee or a hip, is centered in
a very small space in the motor area. In contrast, movements that must be precise
and delicate, such as facial expressions and finger movements, are controlled by a
considerably larger portion of the motor area (Schwenkreis et al., 2007).
In short, the motor area of the cortex provides a guide to the degree of complex-
ity and the importance of the motor capabilities of specific parts of the body. In fact,
it may do even more: Increasing evidence shows that not only does the motor cortex
control different parts of the body, but it may also direct body parts into complex
postures, such as the stance of a football center just before the ball is snapped to the
quarterback or a swimmer standing at the edge of a diving board (Graziano, Taylor,
& Moore, 2002; Dessing et al., 2005).
Ultimately, movement, like other behavior, is produced through the coordinated
firing of a complex variety of neurons in the nervous system. The neurons that pro-
duce movement are linked in elaborate ways and work closely together.
THE SENSORY AREA OF THE CORTEX
Given the one-to-one correspondence between the motor area and body location, it
is not surprising to find a similar relationship between specific portions of the cortex
sensory area The site in the brain of and the senses. The sensory area of the cortex includes three regions: one that cor-
the tissue that corresponds to each of responds primarily to body sensations (including touch and pressure), one relating
the senses, with the degree of to sight, and a third relating to sound. For instance, the somatosensory area in the
sensitivity related to the amount of parietal lobe encompasses specific locations associated with the ability to perceive
tissue. touch and pressure in a particular area of the body. As with the motor area, the
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amount of brain tissue related to a particular location on the
body determines the degree of sensitivity of that location: The
greater the area devoted to a specific area of the body within
the cortex, the more sensitive is that area of the body. As you
can see from the weird-looking individual in Figure 6, parts
such as the fingers are related to a larger portion of the somato-
sensory area and are the most sensitive.
The senses of sound and sight are also represented in spe-
cific areas of the cerebral cortex. An auditory area located in the
temporal lobe is responsible for the sense of hearing. If the
auditory area is stimulated electrically, a person will hear
sounds such as clicks or hums. It also appears that particular
locations within the auditory area respond to specific pitches
(Hudspeth, 2000; Brown & Martinez, 2007; Hyde, Peretz, &
Zatorre, 2008; Bizley et al., 2009).
The visual area in the cortex, located in the occipital lobe,
responds in the same way to electrical stimulation. Stimulation
by electrodes produces the experience of flashes of light or
colors, suggesting that the raw sensory input of images from
the eyes is received in this area of the brain and transformed
into meaningful stimuli. The visual area provides another
example of how areas of the brain are intimately related to specific areas of the body:
Specific structures in the eye are related to a particular part of the cortex—with, as
you might guess, more area of the brain given to the most sensitive portions of the
retina (Wurtz & Kandel, 2000; Stenbacka & Vanni, 2007).
THE ASSOCIATION AREAS OF THE CORTEX
In a freak accident in 1848, an explosion drove a 3-feet-long iron bar completely
through the skull of railroad worker Phineas Gage, where it remained after the acci-
dent. Amazingly, Gage survived and, despite the rod lodged through his head, a few
minutes later seemed to be fine.
But he wasn’t. Before the accident, Gage was hard-working and cautious. After-
ward, he became irresponsible, drank heavily, and drifted from one wild scheme to
another. In the words of one of his physicians, “he was ‘no longer Gage’” (Harlow,
1869, p. 14).
What had happened to the old Gage? Although there is no way of knowing for
sure, we can speculate that the accident injured the region of Gage’s cerebral cortex
known as the association areas, which generally are considered to be the site of
higher mental processes such as thinking, language, memory, and speech (Rowe et
al., 2000).
The association areas make up a large portion of the cerebral cortex and consist
of the sections that are not directly involved in either sensory processing or directing
movement. The association areas control executive functions, which abilities are relat-
ing to planning, goal setting, judgment, and impulse control.
Much of our understanding of the association areas comes from patients who,
like Phineas Gage, have suffered some type of brain injury. For example, when parts
of the association areas are damaged, people undergo personality changes that affect
their ability to make moral judgments and process emotions. At the same time, people
with damage in those areas can still be capable of reasoning logically, performing
calculations, and recalling information (Bechara et al., 1994).
Injuries to the association areas of the brain can produce aphasia, problems with
language. In Broca’s aphasia, speech becomes halting, laborious, and often ungram-
matical, and a speaker is unable to find the right words. In contrast, Wernicke’s
aphasia produces difficulties both in understanding others’ speech and in the produc-
tion of language. The disorder is characterized by speech that sounds fluent but
Module 9 The Brain 87
FIGURE 6 The greater the amount of tissue in the somatosensory
area of the brain that is related to a specific body part, the more
sensitive is that body part. If the size of our body parts reflected
the corresponding amount of brain tissue, we would look like this
strange creature.
association areas One of the major
regions of the cerebral cortex; the site
of the higher mental processes, such
as thought, language, memory, and
speech.
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88 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
neuroplasticity Changes in the brain
that occur throughout the life span
relating to the addition of new
neurons, new interconnections
between neurons, and the reorganiza-
tion of information-processing areas.
neurogenesis The creation of new
neurons.
y Alert
Remember that neuroplas-
ticity is the reorganization
of existing neuronal con-
nections, whereas neuro-
genesis is the creation of
new neurons.
makes no sense, as in this example from a Wernicke’s patient: “Boy, I’m sweating,
I’m awful nervous, you know, once in a while I get caught up, I can’t mention the
tarripoi, a month ago, quite a little . . .” (Gardner, 1975: Kearns, 2005; Caplan, Waters,
& Dede, 2007).
Neuroplasticity and the Brain
Shortly after he was born, Jacob Stark’s arms and legs started jerking every 20 minutes.
Weeks later he could not focus his eyes on his mother’s face. The diagnosis: uncontrol-
lable epileptic seizures involving his entire brain.
His mother, Sally Stark, recalled: “When Jacob was 22 months old, they said he
would never learn to sit up, would never be able to feed himself. . . . They told us to
take him home, love him, and find an institution. (Blakeslee, 1992: C3)
Instead, Jacob had brain surgery when he was 5 months old in which physicians
removed 20% of his brain. The operation was a complete success. Three years later
Jacob seemed normal in every way, with no sign of seizures.
The surgery that helped Jacob was based on the premise that the diseased part
of his brain was producing seizures throughout the brain. Surgeons reasoned that if
they removed the misfiring portion, the remaining parts of the brain, which appeared
intact in PET scans, would take over. They correctly bet that Jacob could still lead a
normal life after surgery, particularly because the surgery was being done at so
young an age.
The success of Jacob’s surgery illustrates that the brain has the ability to shift
functions to different locations after injury to a specific area or in cases of surgery.
But equally encouraging are some new findings about the regenerative powers of the
brain and nervous system.
Scientists have learned in recent years that the brain continually reorganizes itself
in a process termed neuroplasticity. Although for many years conventional wisdom
held that no new brain cells are created after childhood, new research finds other-
wise. Not only do the interconnections between neurons become more complex
throughout life, but it now appears that new neurons are also created in certain areas
of the brain during adulthood—a process called neurogenesis. Each day, thousands
of new neurons are created, especially in areas of the brain related to learning and
memory (Jang, You, & Ahn, 2007; Poo & Isaacson, 2007; Shors, 2009).
The ability of neurons to renew themselves during adulthood has significant impli-
cations for the potential treatment of disorders of the nervous system (see Figure 7).
For example, drugs that trigger the development of new neurons might be used to
counter such diseases as Alzheimer’s, which are produced when neurons die (Tsai,
Tsai, & Shen, 2007; Eisch et al., 2008; Waddell & Shors, 2008).
Furthermore, specific experiences can modify the way in which information is
processed. For example, if you learn to read Braille, the amount of tissue in your
cortex related to sensation in the fingertips will expand. Similarly, if you take up the
violin, the area of the brain that receives messages from your fingers will grow—but
only relating to the fingers that actually move across the violin’s strings (Kolb, Gibb,
& Robinson, 2003; Schwartz & Begley, 2002).
The future also holds promise for people who suffer from the tremors and loss
of motor control produced by Parkinson’s disease, although the research is mired in
controversy. Because Parkinson’s disease is caused by a gradual loss of cells that
stimulate the production of dopamine in the brain, many investigators have reasoned
that a procedure that would increase the supply of dopamine might be effective.
They seem to be on the right track. When stem cells—immature cells from human
fetuses that have the potential to develop into a variety of specialized cell types,
depending on where they are implanted—are injected directly into the brains of
Parkinson’s sufferers, they take root and stimulate dopamine production. Preliminary
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Module 9 The Brain
The Plastic Brain
FIGURE 7 The brain is incredibly plastic, meaning that it can change structurally (through
changing connections between neurons) and chemically (through changing levels of
neurotransmitters and hormones) throughout our lifetime. This plasticity can also be used to
adapt to new situations. For example, it can reorganize how it represents the motor system
when limbs are lost. (a) Here we see how the brain learns to respond and control a new
artificial robotic hand. In the brain scans in (b) and (c), we see the areas responsible for hand
movement. They appear in red and yellow. The first scan (b) shows the activation in the
motor and parietal cortex before the person has used the robotic hand. The second scan (c)
shows greater activation after the person has used it for a month, demonstrating the brain's
ability to alter its functioning to better utilize the new prosthetic hand. (Source: Kato et al., 2009.)
(b) (c)
results have been promising, with some patients showing great improvement (Kor-
ecka, Verhaagen, & Hol, 2007; Parish & Arenas, 2007; Newman & Bakay, 2008).
Stem cells thus hold great promise. When a stem cell divides, each newly created
cell has the potential to be transformed into more specialized cells that have the
potential to repair damaged cells. Because many of the most disabling diseases, rang-
ing from cancer to stroke, result from cell damage, the potential of stem cells to
revolutionize medicine is significant.
However, because the source of implanted stem cells typically is aborted fetuses,
their use is controversial. Some critics have argued that the use of stem cells in research
and treatment should be prohibited, while supporters argue that the potential benefits
of the research are so great that stem cell research should be unrestricted. The issue has
been politicized, and the question of whether and how stem cell research should be
regulated is not clear (Rosen, 2005; Giacomini, Baylis, & Robert, 2007; Holden, 2007).
The Specialization of the
Hemispheres: Two Brains or One?
The most recent development, at least in evolutionary terms, in the organization and
operation of the human brain probably occurred in the last several million years: a
specialization of the functions controlled by the left and right sides of the brain (Hopkins
& Cantalupo, 2008; MacNeilage, Rogers, & Vallortigara, 2009; Tommasi, 2009).
The brain is divided into two roughly mirror-image halves. Just as we have two hemispheres Symmetrical left and
arms, two legs, and two lungs, we have a left brain and a right brain. Because of the right halves of the brain that control
way nerves in the brain are connected to the rest of the body, these symmetrical left the side of the body opposite to their
and right halves, called hemispheres, control motion in—and receive sensation location.
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90 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
lateralization The dominance of one
hemisphere of the brain in specific
functions, such as language.
y Alert
Although the hemispheres
of the brain specialize in
particular kinds of
functions, the degree of
specialization is not great,
and the two hemispheres work
interdependently.
Human Diversity and the Brain
from—the side of the body opposite their location. The left hemisphere of the brain,
then, generally controls the right side of the body, and the right hemisphere controls
the left side of the body. Thus, damage to the right side of the brain is typically
indicated by functional difficulties in the left side of the body.
Despite the appearance of similarity between the two hemispheres of the brain,
they are somewhat different in the functions they control and in the ways they con-
trol them. Certain behaviors are more likely to reflect activity in one hemisphere than
in the other, or are lateralized.
For example, for most people, language processing occurs more in the left side
of the brain. In general, the left hemisphere concentrates more on tasks that require
verbal competence, such as speaking, reading, thinking, and reasoning. In addition,
the left hemisphere tends to process information sequentially, one bit at a time
(Turkewitz, 1993; Banich & Heller, 1998; Hines, 2004).
The right hemisphere has its own strengths, particularly in nonverbal areas such
as the understanding of spatial relationships, recognition of patterns and drawings,
music, and emotional expression. The right hemisphere tends to process information
globally, considering it as a whole (Ansaldo, Arguin, & Roch-Locours, 2002; Holowka
& Petitto, 2002).
Keep in mind that the differences in specialization between the hemispheres are
not great, and the degree and nature of lateralization vary from one person to another.
If, like most people, you are right-handed, the control of language is probably con-
centrated more in your left hemisphere. By contrast, if you are among the 10% of
people who are left-handed or are ambidextrous (you use both hands interchange-
ably), it is much more likely that the language centers of your brain are located more
in the right hemisphere or are divided equally between the left and right hemispheres.
Furthermore, the two hemispheres of the brain function in tandem. It is a mistake
to think of particular kinds of information as being processed solely in the right or
the left hemisphere. The hemispheres work interdependently in deciphering, inter-
preting, and reacting to the world.
In addition, people who suffer injury to the left side of the brain and lose lin-
guistic capabilities often recover the ability to speak: The right side of the brain often
takes over some of the functions of the left side, especially in young children; the
extent of recovery increases the earlier the injury occurs (Gould et al., 1999; Kemper-
mann & Gage, 1999; Johnston, 2004).
Researchers also have unearthed evidence that there may be subtle differences
in brain lateralization patterns between males and females and members of different
cultures, as we see next.
i The interplay of biology and environment in behavior is
Exploring DIVERSITY
especially clear when we consider evidence suggesting that
even in brain structure and function there are both sex and
cultural differences. Let’s consider sex differences first.
Accumulating evidence seems to show intriguing differences in
males’ and females’ brain lateralization and weight (Kosslyn
et al., 2002; Boles, 2005; Clements, Rimvodt, & Abel, 2006).
For instance, most males tend to show greater lateralization of language in the left
hemisphere. For them, language is clearly relegated largely to the left side of the brain. In
contrast, women display less lateralization, with language abilities apt to be more evenly
divided between the two hemispheres. Such differences in brain lateralization may account,
in part, for the superiority often displayed by females on certain measures of verbal skills,
such as the onset and fluency of speech (Frings et al., 2006; Petersson et al., 2007).
Other research suggests that men’s brains are somewhat bigger than women’s brains
even after taking differences in body size into account. In contrast, part of the corpus
callosum, a bundle of fibers that connects the hemispheres of the brain, is proportionally
larger in women than in men (Cahill, 2005; Luders et al., 2006; Smith et al., 2007).
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Men and women also may process information differently. For example, in one
study, fMRI brain scans of men making judgments discriminating real from false
words showed activation of the left hemisphere of the brain, whereas women used
areas on both sides of the brain (Rossell et al., 2002).
The meaning of such sex differences is far from clear. Consider one possibility
related to differences in the proportional size of the corpus callosum. Its greater size
in women may permit stronger connections to develop between the parts of the brain
that control speech. In turn, this would explain why speech tends to emerge slightly
earlier in girls than in boys.
Before we rush to such a conclusion, though, we must consider an alternative
hypothesis: The reason verbal abilities emerge earlier in girls may be that infant girls
receive greater encouragement to talk than do infant boys. In turn, this greater early
experience may foster the growth of certain parts of the brain. Hence, physical brain
differences may be a reflection of social and environmental influences rather than a
cause of the differences in men’s and women’s behavior. At this point, it is impos-
sible to know which of these alternative hypotheses is correct.
Culture also gives rise to differences in brain lateralization. Native speakers of
Japanese seem to process information regarding vowel sounds primarily in the
brain’s left hemisphere. In contrast, North and South Americans, Europeans, and
individuals of Japanese ancestry who learn Japanese later in life handle vowel
sounds principally in the right hemisphere. One explanation for this difference is
that certain characteristics of the Japanese language, such as the ability to express
complex ideas by using only vowel sounds, result in the development of a specific
type of brain lateralization in native speakers (Isunoda, 1985; Kess & Miyamoto,
1994; Lin et al., 2005).
The Split Brain: Exploring
the Two Hemispheres
The patient, V. J., had suffered severe seizures. By cutting her corpus callosum, the
fibrous portion of the brain that carries messages between the hemispheres, surgeons
hoped to create a firebreak to prevent the seizures from spreading. The operation did
decrease the frequency and severity of V. J.’s attacks. But V. J. developed an unexpected
side effect: She lost the ability to write at will, although she could read and spell words
aloud. (Strauss, 1998, p. 287)
People like V. J., whose corpus callosum has been surgically cut to stop seizures and
who are called split-brain patients, offer a rare opportunity for researchers investigat-
ing the independent functioning of the two hemispheres of the brain. For example,
psychologist Roger Sperry—who won the Nobel Prize for his work—developed a
number of ingenious techniques for studying how each hemisphere operates (Sperry,
1982; Gazzaniga, 1998; Savazzi et al., 2007).
In one experimental procedure, blindfolded patients touched an object with their
right hand and were asked to name it (see Figure 8). Because the right side of the
body corresponds to the language-oriented left side of the brain, split-brain patients
were able to name it. However, if blindfolded patients touched the object with their
left hand, they were unable to name it aloud, even though the information had reg-
istered in their brains: When the blindfold was removed, patients could identify the
object they had touched. Information can be learned and remembered, then, using
only the right side of the brain. (By the way, unless you've had split-brain surgery,
this experiment won’t work with you, because the bundle of fibers connecting the
two hemispheres of a normal brain immediately transfers the information from one
hemisphere to the other.)
Module 9 The Brain
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92 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
Left cerebral hemisphere
Site where
corpus
callosum
is severed
Corpus
callosum
Right cerebral”
hemisphere
(a)
(b)
FIGURE 8 Hemispheres of the brain. (a) The corpus callosum
connects the cerebral hemispheres of the brain as shown in this
cross-section. (b) A split-brain patient is tested by touching objects
behind a screen. Patients could name objects when they touched it
with their right hand, but couldn't if they touched with their left
hand. If a split-brain patient with her eyes closed was given a pencil
to hold and called it a pencil, what hand was the pencil in? (Source:
Brooker et al., 2008, p. 943.)
It is clear from experiments like this one that the right and left hemispheres of
the brain specialize in handling different sorts of information. At the same time, it is
important to realize that both hemispheres are capable of understanding, knowing,
and being aware of the world, in somewhat different ways. The two hemispheres,
then, should be regarded as different in terms of the efficiency with which they
process certain kinds of information, rather than as two entirely separate brains. The
hemispheres work interdependently to allow the full range and richness of thought
of which humans are capable.
BECOMING AN INFORMED When Tammy DeMichael was involved in a horrific car accident
CONSUMER that broke her neck and crushed her spinal cord, experts told
her that she was doomed to be a quadriplegic for the rest of her
of P S yc h O | O g y life, unable to move from the neck down. But they were wrong.
Not only did she regain the use of her arms, but she was able to
walk 60 feet with a cane (Hess, Houg, & Tammaro, 2007 Morrow
& Wolf, 1991).
Learning to Control Your Heart
—and Mind—Through Biofeedback
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Module 9 The Brain 93
The key to DeMichael’s astounding recovery: biofeedback. Biofeedback is a biofeedback A procedure in which a
procedure in which a person learns to control through conscious thought internal person learns to control through
physiological processes such as blood pressure, heart and respiration rate, skin conscious thought internal physiologi-
temperature, sweating, and the constriction of particular muscles. Although it cal processes such as blood pressure,
traditionally had been thought that the heart rate, respiration rate, blood pressure, and heart and respiration rate, skin temper-
other bodily functions are under the control of parts of the brain over which we have ature, sweating, and the constriction of
no influence, psychologists have discovered that these responses are actually particular muscles.
susceptible to voluntary control (Nagai et al., 2004; Cho, Holyoak, & Cannon, 2007).
In biofeedback, a person is hooked up to electronic devices that provide con-
tinuous feedback relating to the physiological response in question. For instance, a
person interested in controlling headaches through biofeedback might have elec-
tronic sensors placed on certain muscles on her head and learn to control the con-
striction and relaxation of those muscles. Later, when she felt a headache starting,
she could relax the relevant muscles and abort the pain (Andrasik, 2007; Nestoriuc
et al., 2008).
In DeMichael’s case, biofeedback was effective because not all of the nervous
system’s connections between the brain and her legs were severed. Through biofeed-
back, she learned how to send messages to specific muscles, “ordering” them to
move. Although it took more than a year, DeMichael was successful in restoring a
large degree of her mobility.
Although the control of physiological processes through the use of biofeedback
is not easy to learn, it has been employed with success in a variety of ailments,
including emotional problems (such as anxiety, depression, phobias, tension head-
aches, insomnia, and hyperactivity), physical illnesses with a psychological compo-
nent (such as asthma, high blood pressure, ulcers, muscle spasms, and migraine
headaches), and physical problems (such as DeMichael’s injuries, strokes, cerebral
palsy, and curvature of the spine) (Cho, Holyoak, & Cannon, 2007; Morone & Greco,
2007; Reiner, 2008).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP stasis, or body equilibrium, and regulates behavior re-
lated to basic survival). The functions of the central core
structures are similar to those found in other vertebrates.
This central core is sometimes referred to as the “old
brain.” (p. 81)
e The cerebral cortex—the “new brain’”—has areas that
control voluntary movement (the motor area); the senses
(the sensory area); and thinking, reasoning, speech, and
memory (the association areas). The limbic system,
How do researchers identify the major parts and functions of
the brain?
e Brain scans take a “snapshot” of the internal workings of
the brain without having to cut surgically into a person’s
skull. Major brain-scanning techniques include the elec-
troencephalogram (EEG), positron emission tomography
(PET), functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI),
and transcranial magnetic stimulation imaging (TMS). foand Gn ihe border or ihe old al en bene ee
(p. 79) sociated with eating, aggression, reproduction, and the
What are the major parts of the brain, and for what behaviors experiences of pleasure and pain. (p. 84)
is each part responsible?
e The central core of the brain is made up of the medulla
(which controls functions such as breathing and the
heartbeat), the pons (which coordinates the muscles and
the two sides of the body), the cerebellum (which con-
trols balance), the reticular formation (which acts to
heighten awareness in emergencies), the thalamus
(which communicates sensory messages to and from the
brain), and the hypothalamus (which maintains homeo-
How do the two halves of the brain operate interdependently?
e The brain is divided into left and right halves, or hemi-
spheres, each of which generally controls the opposite
side of the body. Each hemisphere can be thought of as
being specialized in the functions it carries out: The left
specializes in verbal tasks, such as logical reasoning,
speaking, and reading; the right specializes in nonverbal
tasks, such as spatial perception, pattern recognition,
and emotional expression. (p. 89)
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94 Chapter 3 Neuroscience and Behavior
How can an understanding of the nervous system help us to
find ways to alleviate disease and pain?
e Biofeedback is a procedure by which a person learns to
control internal physiological processes. By controlling
involuntary responses, people are able to relieve anxiety,
tension, migraine headaches, and a wide range of other
psychological and physical problems. (p. 92)
EVALUATE
1. Match the name of each brain scan with the appropriate
description:
a. EEG 1. By locating radiation within the
b. fMRI brain, a computer can provide a
@ PET striking picture of brain activity.
2. Electrodes placed around the
skull record the electrical signals
transmitted through the brain.
3. This technique provides a three-
dimensional view of the brain
by aiming a magnetic field at the
body.
2. Match the portion of the brain with its function:
a. medulla 1. Maintains breathing and
b. pons heartbeat.
c. cerebellum 2. Controls bodily balance.
d. reticular 3. Coordinates and integrates
formation muscle movements.
4. Activates other parts of the
brain to produce general
bodily arousal.
KEY TERMS
central core p. 81 hypothalamus p. 83
cerebellum limbic system p. 83
(ser-uh-BELL-um) p. 81 cerebral cortex p. 84
reticular formation p. 81 lobes p. 85
thalamus p. 83
. A surgeon places an electrode on a portion of your brain
and stimulates it. Immediately, your right wrist involun-
tarily twitches. The doctor has most likely stimulated a
portion of the ____ area of your brain.
. Each hemisphere controls the side of the body.
. Nonverbal realms, such as emotions and music, are con-
trolled primarily by the ____ hemisphere of the
brain, whereas the ______ hemisphere is more
responsible for speaking and reading.
RETHINK
il
Before sophisticated brain-scanning techniques were de-
veloped, behavioral neuroscientists’ understanding of the
brain was based largely on the brains of people who had
died. What limitations would this pose, and in what areas
would you expect the most significant advances once
brain-scanning techniques became possible?
. Could personal differences in people’s specialization of
right and left hemispheres be related to occupational suc-
cess? For example, might an architect who relies on spatial
skills have a pattern of hemispheric specialization differ-
ent from that of a writer?
. From the perspective of an educator: How might you use dif-
ferent techniques to teach reading to boys and girls based
on the brain evidence?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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motor area p. 86 neurogenesis p. 88
sensory area p. 86 hemispheres p. 89
association areas p. 87 lateralization p. 90
neuroplasticity p. 88 biofeedback p. 93
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Psychology on the Web
1. Biofeedback research is continuously changing and being applied to new areas of
human functioning. Find at least two websites that discuss recent research on
biofeedback, and summarize the research and any findings it has produced. Include
in your summary your best estimate of future applications of this technique.
2. Find one or more websites on Parkinson's disease and learn more about this topic.
Specifically, find reports of new treatments for Parkinson’s disease that do not involve
the use of fetal tissue. Write a summary of your findings.
E D | | OQ U e In our examination of neuroscience, we've traced the
ways in which biological structures and functions of the
body affect behavior. Starting with neurons, we considered each of the components of
the nervous system, culminating in an examination of how the brain permits us to think,
reason, speak, recall, and experience emotions—the hallmarks of being human.
Before proceeding, turn back for a moment to the chapter prologue about Carol
Poe, who underwent brain surgery to produce feelings of fullness in order to help her
lose weight. Consider the following questions.
1. In what region of Carol Poe's brain were the electrodes most likely inserted, and why?
2. If a small region of Carol Poe's brain were damaged by the surgical procedure, would
she necessarily lose forever the function associated with the damaged region? Why or
why not?
3. What other parts of the nervous or endocrine system might be involved in the
regulation of hunger?
4. Do you think that biofeedback techniques could be used to help a patient such as
Carol Poe to regulate her own hunger? Why or why not?
95
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Key Concepts for Chapter 4
MODULE 10
What is sensation, and how do psychologists Sensing the World Around Us
Absolute Thresholds: Detecting
What's Out There
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Driven to Distraction
study it? @ What is the relationship between
a physical stimulus and the kinds of sensory
responses that result from it? Difference Thresholds: Noticing
Distinctions Between Stimuli
Sensory Adaptation: Turning Down
Our Responses
What basic processes underlie the sense of Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye
dision? @ How de we see colors? Illuminating the Structure of the Eye
Neuroscience in Your Life:
Seeing Vision in the Brain
Color Vision and Color Blindness:
The 7-Million-Color Spectrum
MODULE 12
What role does the ear play in the senses of Hearing and the Other Senses
; i d
sound, motion, and balance? @ How do sensing sgun
Smell and Taste
smell and taste function? @ What are the The Skin Senses: Touch, Pressure,
Temperature, and Pain
skin senses, and how do they relate to the ceanna iir Anane
experience of pain? of Psychology: Managing Pain
How Our Senses Interact
What principles underlie our organization of the Perceptual Organization:
Constructing Our View of the World
visual world and allow us to make sense of our = a
he Gestalt Laws of Organization
environment? @ How are we able to perceive the Top-Down and Bottom-Up Processing
, , : . Depth Perception: Translating 2-D to 3-D
world in three dimensions when our retinas are 5
erceptual Constancy
capable of sensing only two-dimensional images? Motion Perception: As the World Turns
; r . R Perceptual Illusions: The Deceptions
@ What clues do visual illusions give us about our af Percestions
understanding of general perceptual mechanisms? r Diversity: Culture and
erception
97
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Prologue Never Forgetting a Face
She never forgets a face. Literally.
For a woman known as C. S., remembering people is not a
problem. In fact, she—like a very few other individuals—can
remember faces of people she met years ago, sometimes only in
passing. These “super-recognizers,’ as they are called, excel at
recalling faces.
One super-recognizer said she-had identified another woman
on the street who served her as a waitress five years earlier in a
different city. Critically, she was able to confirm that the other
woman had, in fact, been a waitress in the different city. Often,
super-recognizers are able to recognize another person despite
\
significant changes in appearance, such as aging or a different
hair color.
But being a super-recognizer is a mixed blessing. As one
woman with this ability says, “It doesn’t matter how many years
pass, if I've seen your face before | will be able to recall it” In
fact, she sometimes pretends she doesn’t remember a person,
“because it seems like | stalk them, or that they mean more to me
than they do when | recall that we saw each other once walking
on campus four years ago in front of the quad!” (Munger, 2009;
Russell, Duchaine, & Nakayma, 2009)
Most of us are reasonably good at recognizing people's faces,
thanks in part to regions of the brain that specialize in detecting
facial patterns. Super-recognizers represent a small minority of
people who happen to be exceptionally good at facial recogni-
tion. At the other extreme are people with “faceblindness,’ a rare
disorder that makes it extremely difficult for them to recognize
faces at all—even those of friends and family.
Disorders such as super-recognition and faceblindness
illustrate how much we depend on our senses to function
normally. Our senses offer a window to the world, not only
providing us with an awareness, understanding, and apprecia-
tion of the world’s beauty, but alerting us to its dangers. Our
senses enable us to feel the gentlest of breezes, see flickering
lights miles away, and hear the soft murmuring of distant
songbirds.
In the next four modules, we focus on the field of psychology
that is concerned with the ways our bodies take in information
through the senses and the ways we interpret that information.
We explore both sensation and perception. Sensation encom-
passes the processes by which our sense organs receive informa-
tion from the environment. Perception is the brain’s and the sense
organs’ sorting out, interpretation, analysis, and integration of
stimuli.
98
Although perception clearly represents a step beyond
sensation, in practice it is sometimes difficult to find the precise
boundary between the two. Indeed, psychologists—and
philosophers as well—have argued for years over the distinction.
The primary difference is that sensation can be thought of as an
organism’s first encounter with a raw sensory stimulus, whereas
perception is the process by which it interprets, analyzes, and
integrates that stimulus with other sensory information.
For example, if we were considering sensation, we might ask
about the loudness of a ringing fire alarm. If we were considering
perception, we might ask whether someone recognizes the
ringing sound as an alarm and identifies its meaning.
To a psychologist interested in understanding the causes of
behavior, sensation and perception are fundamental topics,
because so much of our behavior is a reflection of how we react
to and interpret stimuli from the world around us. The areas of
sensation and perception deal with a wide range of questions—
among them, how we respond to the characteristics of physical
stimuli; what processes enable us to see, hear, and experience
pain; why visual illusions fool us; and how we distinguish one
person from another. As we explore these issues, we'll see how
the senses work together to provide us with an integrated view
and understanding of the world.
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MODULE 10
As Isabel sat down to Thanksgiving dinner, her father carried the turkey in on a tray and
placed it squarely in the center of the table. The noise level, already high from the talking
and laughter of family members, grew louder still. As Isabel picked up her fork, the smell
of the turkey reached her and she felt her stomach growl hungrily. The sight and sound
of her family around the table, along with the smells and tastes of the holiday meal,
made Isabel feel more relaxed than she had since starting school in the fall.
Put yourself in this setting and consider how different it might be if any one of your
senses were not functioning. What if you were blind and unable to see the faces of
your family members or the welcome shape of the golden-brown turkey? What if
you had no sense of hearing and could not listen to the conversations of family
members or were unable to feel your stomach growl, smell the dinner, or taste the
food? Clearly, you would experience the dinner very differently from someone whose
sensory apparatus was intact.
Moreover, the sensations mentioned above barely scratch the surface of sensory
experience. Although perhaps you were taught, as I was, that there are just five
senses—sight, sound, taste, smell, and touch—that enumeration is too modest.
Human sensory capabilities go well beyond the basic five senses. For example, we
are sensitive not merely to touch but to a considerably wider set of stimuli—pain,
pressure, temperature, and vibration, to name a few. In addition, vision has two
subsystems—relating to day and night vision—and the ear is responsive to informa-
tion that allows us not only to hear but also to keep our balance.
To consider how psychologists understand the senses and, more broadly, sensation
and perception, we first need a basic working vocabulary. In formal terms, sensation
is the activation of the sense organs by a source of physical energy. Perception is the
sorting out, interpretation, analysis, and integration of stimuli carried out by the sense
organs and brain. A stimulus is any passing source of physical energy that produces
a response in a sense organ.
Stimuli vary in both type and intensity. Different types of stimuli activate differ-
ent sense organs. For instance, we can differentiate light stimuli (which activate the
sense of sight and allow us to see the colors of a tree in autumn) from sound stimuli
(which, through the sense of hearing, permit us to hear the sounds of an orchestra).
In addition, stimuli differ in intensity, relating to how strong a stimulus needs to be
before it can be detected.
Questions of stimulus type and intensity are considered in a branch of psychol-
ogy known as psychophysics. Psychophysics is the study of the relationship between
the physical aspects of stimuli and our psychological experience of them. Psycho-
physics played a central role in the development of the field of psychology. Many of
the first psychologists studied issues related to psychophysics, and there is still an
active group of psychophysics researchers (Chechile, 2003; Gardner, 2005; Hock &
Ploeger, 2006).
What is sensation, and how
do psychologists study it?
What is the relationship
between a physical stimulus
and the kinds of sensory
responses that result from it?
ly Alert
Remember that sensation
refers to the activation
of the sense organs
(a physical response),
whereas perception
refers to how stimuli are interpreted
(a psychological response).
The activation of the sense
organs by a source of physical energy.
The sorting out, interpre-
tation, analysis, and integration of
stimuli by the sense organs and brain.
Energy that produces a
response in a sense organ.
The study of the
relationship between the physical
aspects of stimuli and our psychologi-
cal experience of them.
99
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100 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
Crowded conditions, sounds, and sights
can all be considered as noise that
interferes with sensation. Can you think
of other examples of noise that is not
auditory in nature?
absolute threshold The smallest
intensity of a stimulus that must be
present for the stimulus to be detected.
FIGURE 1 This test can shed some light
on how sensitive the human senses are.
(Source: Galanter, 1962.)
Absolute Thresholds:
Detecting What’s Out There
Just when does a stimulus become strong enough to be detected by our sense organs?
The answer to this question requires an understanding of the concept of absolute
threshold. An absolute threshold is the smallest intensity of a stimulus that must be
present for it to be detected (Aazh & Moore, 2007).
Despite the “absolute” in absolute threshold, things are not so cut and dried. As
the strength of a stimulus increases, the likelihood that it will be detected increases
gradually. Technically, then, an absolute threshold is the stimulus intensity that is
detected 50% of the time.
It often takes a very small stimulus to produce a response in our senses. For
example, the sense of touch is so sensitive that we can feel a bee’s wing falling on our
cheeks when it is dropped from a distance of 1 centimeter. Test your knowledge of the
absolute thresholds of other senses by completing the questionnaire in Figure 1.
In fact, our senses are so fine-tuned that we might have problems if they were
any more sensitive. For instance, if our ears were slightly more acute, we would be
able to hear the sound of air molecules in our ears knocking into the eardrum—a
phenomenon that would surely prove distracting and might even prevent us from
hearing sounds outside our bodies.
Of course, the absolute thresholds we have been discussing are measured under
ideal conditions. Normally our senses cannot detect stimulation quite as well because
of the presence of noise. Noise, as defined by psychophysicists, is background stimu-
lation that interferes with the perception of other stimuli. Hence, noise refers not just
to auditory stimuli, as the word suggests, but also to unwanted stimuli that interfere
with other senses.
For example, picture a talkative group of people crammed into a small, crowded,
smoke-filled room at a party. The din of the crowd makes it hard to hear individual
voices, and the smoke makes it difficult to see, or even taste, the food. In this case,
the smoke and the crowded conditions would both be considered “noise,” because
—Keahialiabaalilaalie PPPOE
How Sensitive Are You?
To test your awareness of the capabilities of your senses, answer the following questions:
1. How far can a candle flame be seen on a clear, dark night:
a. From a distance of 10 miles
b. From a distance of 30 miles
2. How far can the ticking of a watch be heard under quiet conditions?
a. From 5 feet away
b. From 20 feet away
3. How much sugar is needed to allow it to be detected when dissolved in 2 gallons
of water?
a. 2 tablespoons
b. 1 teaspoon
4. Over what area can a drop of perfume be detected?
a. A 5-foot by 5-foot area
b. A 3-room apartment
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Driven to Distraction
Twenty-four year old Aiden Quinn
couldn’t believe his good fortune. At his
young age, he had beaten the competition
to land his dream job of conducting
trolleys through the streets of Boston. But
in just one moment his world came
crashing down around him: It was the
moment when he took his eyes off the
tracks to send a text message to his Increasing research shows that texting while
girlfriend and the trolley he was driving driving is extremely dangerous.
crashed into the one ahead of it.
If you've ever texted while driving, you’re
not alone. A recent survey conducted by
the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety
shows that nearly half of drivers aged 18 to
24 admit to doing so, even though the ma-
jority of them were aware that they were
increasing their risk of having an accident.
In fact, nearly 90% of survey respondents
rated texting while driving as a very seri-
ous threat to safety (AAA Foundation for
Traffic Safety, 2008, 2009).
Researchers are now confirming what
intuition suggests is true: The distraction
caused by texting while driving is ex-
seemingly short period of time until you
realize that a vehicle at highway speed
travels about 150 yards in those few sec-
onds (Virginia Tech Transportation Insti-
tute, 2009).
Another study using college students
and a driving simulator showed that text-
ing produced the same duration of about
5 seconds of distraction and that the stu-
dents were 8 times more likely to have a
collision while texting. Although those
may seem like better odds, they’re still
tremely dangerous. One study used video RETHINK Žž — — > —— —————__—__
cameras to monitor truckers on long hauls e Most people assume that they are able to text and drive at the same time without
and found that they were 23 times more declines in their driving ability. Why do you think that is the case, and how accu-
likely to be in a collision while texting than rate is their assumption?
while not texting. In collisions caused by e Why would frequent multitaskers be more distractible than those who multitask
texting, the driver had typically taken his less frequently?
eyes off the road for about 5 seconds—a
much worse than the risk presented by
other distractors such as changing the sta-
tion on a car’s radio. Even though the
study used students, who are likely skillful
at texting and multitasking, and light ve-
hicles that are more maneuverable than
trucks, the results clearly show that texting
while driving poses a terrific risk (Cooper
& Strayer, 2008).
Multitasking in general is difficult. For
instance, in one study, researchers divided
a group of college students into two
groups, one composed of students who
multitasked online regularly and a second
that did not. The frequent multitaskers
were more easily distracted, and they were
unable to filter out stimuli that were irrele-
vant to tasks that they were trying to com-
plete (Ophir, Nass, & Wagner, 2009)
If you, like many of the respondents to
the AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety sur-
vey, believe that you’re the exception to the
rule, just keep one thing in mind: that’s
what Aiden Quinn thought, too. He lost his
job and is facing civil lawsuits and criminal
prosecution.
they are preventing sensation at more discriminating levels. Similarly, we have lim-
ited ability to concentrate on several stimuli simultaneously, as we discuss in Apply-
ing Psychology in the 21st Century.
Difference Thresholds: Noticing
Distinctions Between Stimuli
Suppose you wanted to choose the six best apples from a supermarket display—the
biggest, reddest, and sweetest apples. One approach would be to compare one apple
with another systematically until you were left with a few so similar that you could
not tell the difference between them. At that point, it wouldn’t matter which ones
you chose.
Psychologists have discussed this comparison problem in terms of the difference
threshold, the smallest level of added (or reduced) stimulation required to sense that
difference threshold (just noticeable
difference) The smallest level of
added or reduced stimulation required
to sense that a change in stimulation
has occurred.
101
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102 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
Weber's law A basic law of psycho-
physics stating that a just noticeable
difference is a constant proportion to
the intensity of an initial stimulus
(rather than a constant amount).
ly Alert
Remember that Weber's law
holds for every type of sen-
sory stimuli: vision, sound,
taste, and so on.
adaptation An adjustment in sensory
capacity after prolonged exposure to
unchanging stimuli.
a change in stimulation has occurred. Thus, the difference threshold is the minimum
change in stimulation required to detect the difference between two stimuli, and so
it also is called a just noticeable difference (Nittrouer & Lowenstein, 2007).
The size of a stimulus that constitutes a just noticeable difference depends on
the initial intensity of the stimulus. The relationship between changes in the original
size of a stimulus and the degree to which a change will be noticed forms one of the
basic laws of psychophysics: Weber’s law. Weber’s law (Weber is pronounced “VAY-
ber”) states that a just noticeable difference is a constant proportion of the intensity of
an initial stimulus (rather than a constant amount).
For example, Weber found that the just noticeable difference for weight is 1:50.
Consequently, it takes a 1-ounce increase in a 50-ounce weight to produce a notice-
able difference, and it would take a 10-ounce increase to produce a noticeable differ-
ence if the initial weight were 500 ounces. In both cases, the same proportional
increase is necessary to produce a just noticeable difference—1:5 = 10:500. Similarly,
the just noticeable difference distinguishing changes in loudness between sounds is
larger for sounds that are initially loud than it is for sounds that are initially soft,
but the proportional increase remains the same.
Weber’s law helps explain why a person in a quiet room is more startled by the
ringing of a telephone than is a person in an already noisy room. To produce the
same amount of reaction in a noisy room, a telephone ring might have to approxi-
mate the loudness of cathedral bells. Similarly, when the moon is visible during the
late afternoon, it appears relatively dim—yet against a dark night sky, it seems quite
bright.
Sensory Adaptation:
Turning Down Our Responses
You enter a movie theater, and the smell of popcorn is everywhere. A few minutes
later, though, you barely notice the smell. The reason you become accustomed to the
odor is sensory adaptation. Adaptation is an adjustment in sensory capacity after
prolonged exposure to unchanging stimuli. Adaptation occurs as people become
accustomed to a stimulus and change their frame of reference. In a sense, our brain
mentally turns down the volume of the stimulation that it’s experiencing (Calin-
Jageman & Fischer, 2007).
One example of adaptation is the decrease in sensitivity that occurs after repeated
exposure to a strong stimulus. If you were to hear a loud tone over and over again,
eventually it would begin to sound softer. Similarly, although jumping into a cold
lake may be temporarily unpleasant, eventually you probably will get used to the
temperature.
This apparent decline in sensitivity to sensory stimuli is due to the inability of
the sensory nerve receptors to fire off messages to the brain indefinitely. Because these
receptor cells are most responsive to changes in stimulation, constant stimulation is
not effective in producing a sustained reaction (Wark, Lundstrom, & Fairhall, 2007).
Judgments of sensory stimuli are also affected by the context in which the judg-
ments are made. This is the case because judgments are made not in isolation from
other stimuli but in terms of preceding sensory experience. You can demonstrate this
for yourself by trying a simple experiment:
Take two envelopes, one large and one small, and put 15 nickels in each one.
Now lift the large envelope, put it down, and lift the small one. Which seems to
weigh more? Most people report that the small one is heavier, although, as you know,
the weights are nearly identical. The reason for this misconception is that the visual
context of the envelope interferes with the sensory experience of weight. Adaptation
to the context of one stimulus (the size of the envelope) alters responses to another
stimulus (the weight of the envelope) (Coren, 2004).
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Module 10 Sensing the World Around Us 103
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
What is sensation, and how do psychologists study it? 1, ______is the stimulation of the sense organs;
e Sensation is the activation of the sense organs by any ——~ ~~~ isthe sorting out, interpretation, analysis, and
source of physical energy. In contrast, perception is the integration of stimuli by the sense organs and the brain.
process by which we sort out, interpret, analyze, and in- 2. The term absolute threshold refers to the ______ inten-
tegrate stimuli to which our senses are exposed. (p. 99) sity of a stimulus that must be present for the stimulus to
be detected.
3. Weber discovered that for a difference between two stim-
uli to be perceptible, the stimuli must differ by at least a
proportion.
4, After completing a very difficult rock climb in the morn-
ing, Carmella found the afternoon climb unexpectedly
easy. This example illustrates the phenomenon of
What is the relationship between a physical stimulus and the
kinds of sensory responses that result from it?
e Psychophysics studies the relationship between the
physical nature of stimuli and the sensory responses
they evoke. (p. 99)
e The absolute threshold is the smallest amount of physi-
cal intensity at which a stimulus can be detected. Under
ideal conditions absolute thresholds are extraordinarily
sensitive, but the presence of noise (background stimuli
that interfere with other stimuli) reduces detection capa-
bilities. (p. 100) BENS
e The difference threshold, or just noticeable difference, is 1. Do you think it is possible to have sensation without
the smallest change in the level of stimulation required perception? Is it possible to have perception without
to sense that a change has occurred. According to sensation?
Weber’s law, a just noticeable difference is a constant 2. From the perspective of a manufacturer: How might you need
proportion of the intensity of an initial stimulus. (p. 101) to take psychophysics into account when developing new
e Sensory adaptation occurs when we become accustomed products or modifying existing ones?
to a constant stimulus and change our evaluation of it.
Repeated exposure to a stimulus results in an apparent Answers to Evaluate Questions
decline in sensitivity to it. (p. 102) uoyejdepe ‘p 4uejsuod ‘g 4satpeuts ‘z ‘uoydaoied ‘uoHesuas ‘T
sensation p. 99 absolute threshold p. 100 Weber’s law p. 102
perception p. 99 difference threshold (just adaptation p. 102
stimulus p. 99 noticeable difference) p. 101
psychophysics p. 99
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MODULE 11
If, as poets say, the eyes provide a window to the soul, they also provide us with a
window to the world. Our visual capabilities permit us to admire and to react to
scenes ranging from the beauty of a sunset, to the configuration of a lover’s face, to
the words written on the pages of a book.
Vision starts with light, the physical energy that stimulates the eye. Light is a
form of electromagnetic radiation waves, which, as shown in Figure 1, are mea-
sured in wavelengths. The sizes of wavelengths correspond to different types of
energy. The range of wavelengths that humans are sensitive to—called the visual
spectrum—is relatively small. Many nonhuman species have different capabilities.
For instance, some reptiles and fish sense energies of longer wavelengths than
humans do, and certain insects sense energies of shorter wavelengths than humans
do. For example, bees are attracted to flowers that reflect ultraviolet rays that
humans can’t detect.
Light waves coming from some object outside the body (such as the tree in
Figure 2) are sensed by the only organ that is capable of responding to the visible
spectrum: the eye. Our eyes convert light to a form that can be used by the neurons
that serve as messengers to the brain. The neurons themselves take up a relatively
small percentage of the total eye. Most of the eye is a mechanical device that is
similar in many respects to a nonelectronic camera that uses film, as you can see in
Figure 2.
Despite the similarities between the eye and a camera, vision involves processes
that are far more complex and sophisticated than those of any camera. Furthermore,
once an image reaches the neuronal receptors of the eye, the eye/camera analogy
ends, for the processing of the visual image in the brain is more reflective of a com-
puter than it is of a camera.
What basic processes underlie
the sense of vision?
How do we see colors?
Gamma Ultraviolet Shortwave
Nays X-rays rey Infrared Radar FM TV AM AC
| | | | rays | | | | electricity |
| | | | | | | | | | | | |
10-14 10-12 10-10 10-8 10-6 10-4 10-2 10! 102 104 106 108
Wavelength in meters
Visible light
Violet Blue Green Yellow Red
E EE )6hl(tkGa
400 500 600 700
Wavelength in nanometers (billionths of a meter)
GURE 1 The visible spectrum—the range of wavelengths to which people are sensitive—is
only a small part of the kinds of wavelengths present in our environment. Is it a benefit or
disadvantage to our everyday lives that we aren't more sensitive to a broader range of visual
stimuli? Why?
104
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Module 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 105
A camera’s lens focuses the
inverted image on the film in
the same way the eye’s lens
focuses images on the retina.
Cornea Optic nerve
lris Blind spot
Pupil f | Retina
Nonsensor cells
of retina
FIGURE 2 Although human vision is far more complicated than the most sophisticated
camera, in some ways basic visual processes are analogous to those used in photography.
Like the automatic lighting system on a traditional, nondigital camera, the human eye dilates
to let in more light and contracts to block out light.
Illuminating the Structure
of the Eye
The ray of light being reflected off the tree in Figure 2 first travels through the cornea,
a transparent, protective window. The cornea, because of its curvature, bends (or
refracts) light as it passes through, playing a primary role in focusing the light more
sharply. After moving through the cornea, the light traverses the pupil. The pupil is
a dark hole in the center of the iris, the colored part of the eye, which in humans
ranges from a light blue to a dark brown. The size of the pupil opening depends on
the amount of light in the environment. The dimmer the surroundings are, the more
the pupil opens to allow more light to enter.
Like the automatic lighting system on
a camera, the pupil in the human eye
expands to let in more light (left) and
contracts to block out light (right). Can
humans adjust their ears to let in more
or less sound in a similar manner?
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106 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
retina The part of the eye that
converts the electromagnetic energy of
light to electrical impulses for trans-
mission to the brain.
rods Thin, cylindrical receptor cells in
the retina that are highly sensitive to
light.
cones Cone-shaped, light-sensitive
receptor cells in the retina that are
responsible for sharp focus and color
perception, particularly in bright light.
udy Alert
Remember that cones relate
to color vision.
Why shouldn’t the pupil be open completely all the time, allowing the greatest
amount of light into the eye? The answer relates to the basic physics of light. A small
pupil greatly increases the range of distances at which objects are in focus. With a
wide-open pupil, the range is relatively small, and details are harder to discern. The
eye takes advantage of bright light by decreasing the size of the pupil and thereby
becoming more discriminating. In dim light the pupil expands to enable us to view
the situation better—but at the expense of visual detail. (Perhaps one reason candle-
light dinners are thought of as romantic is that the dim light prevents one from
seeing a partner’s physical flaws.)
Once light passes through the pupil, it enters the lens, which is directly behind
the pupil. The lens acts to bend the rays of light so that they are properly focused
on the rear of the eye. The lens focuses light by changing its own thickness, a process
called accommodation: It becomes flatter when viewing distant objects and rounder
when looking at closer objects.
REACHING THE RETINA
Having traveled through the pupil and lens, the image of the tree finally reaches its
ultimate destination in the eye—the retina. It is within the retina that the electromag-
netic energy of light is converted to electrical impulses for transmission to the brain.
Note that, because of the physical properties of light, the image has reversed itself
in traveling through the lens, and it reaches the retina upside down (relative to its
original position). Although it might seem that this reversal would cause difficulties
in understanding and moving about the world, this is not the case. The brain inter-
prets the image in terms of its original position.
The retina consists of a thin layer of nerve cells at the back of the eyeball (see
Figure 3). There are two kinds of light-sensitive receptor cells in the retina. The names
they have been given describe their shapes: rods and cones. Rods are thin, cylindri-
cal receptor cells that are highly sensitive to light. Cones are typically cone-shaped,
light-sensitive receptor cells that are responsible for sharp focus and color perception,
particularly in bright light. The rods and cones are distributed unevenly throughout
the retina. Cones are concentrated on the part of the retina called the fovea. The fovea
is a particularly sensitive region of the retina. If you want to focus on something of
particular interest, you will automatically try to center the image on the fovea to see
it more sharply.
The rods and cones not only are structurally dissimilar but they also play dis-
tinctly different roles in vision. Cones are primarily responsible for the sharply
focused perception of color, particularly in brightly lit situations; rods are related to
vision in dimly lit situations and are largely insensitive to color and to details as
sharp as those the cones are capable of recognizing. The rods play a key role in
peripheral vision—seeing objects that are outside the main center of focus—and in
night vision.
Rods and cones also are involved in dark adaptation, the phenomenon of adjusting
to dim light after being in brighter light. (Think of the experience of walking into a
dark movie theater and groping your way to a seat but a few minutes later seeing
the seats quite clearly.) The speed at which dark adaptation occurs is a result of the
rate of change in the chemical composition of the rods and cones. Although the cones
reach their greatest level of adaptation in just a few minutes, the rods take 20 to 30
minutes to reach the maximum level. The opposite phenomenon—light adaptation, or
the process of adjusting to bright light after exposure to dim light—occurs much
faster, taking only a minute or so.
SENDING THE MESSAGE FROM THE EYE TO THE BRAIN
When light energy strikes the rods and cones, it starts a chain of events that trans-
forms light into neural impulses that can be communicated to the brain. Even before
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Module 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 107
Cornea
Light waves
Impulses to Lens
optic nerve
f Retina
Nerve fibers
Light
waves »_ a
Front of eye
Ganglion cell Bipolar cell Cone Rod
N J
Fovea
Back of eye
y Wr
Layer of connecting neurons Receptor cells
FIGURE 3 The basic cells of the eye. Light entering the eye travels through the ganglion and
bipolar cells and strikes the light-sensitive rods and cones located at the back of the eye. The
rods and cones then transmit nerve impulses to the brain via the bipolar and ganglion cells.
(Source: Shier, Butler, & Lewis, 2000.)
the neural message reaches the brain, however, some initial coding of the visual
information takes place.
What happens when light energy strikes the retina depends in part on whether
it encounters a rod or a cone. Rods contain rhodopsin, a complex reddish-purple
substance whose composition changes chemically when energized by light. The sub-
stance in cone receptors is different, but the principles are similar. Stimulation of the
nerve cells in the eye triggers a neural response that is transmitted to other nerve
cells in the retina called bipolar cells and ganglion cells.
Bipolar cells receive information directly from the rods and cones and commu-
nicate that information to the ganglion cells. The ganglion cells collect and summa-
rize visual information, which is then moved out the back of the eyeball and sent to
the brain through a bundle of ganglion axons called the optic nerve.
Because the opening for the optic nerve passes through the retina, there are no
rods or cones in the area, and that creates a blind spot. Normally, however, this
optic nerve A bundle of ganglion
axons that carry visual information to
the brain.
108
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Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 4 To find your blind spot, close your right eye and look at the haunted house
with your left eye. You will see the ghost on the periphery of your vision. Now, while
staring at the house, move the page toward you. When the book is about a foot from your
eye, the ghost will disappear. At this moment, the image of the ghost is falling on your
blind spot.
But also notice how, when the page is at that distance, not only does the ghost seem
to disappear, but the line seems to run continuously through the area where the ghost
used to be. This simple experiment shows how we automatically compensate for missing
information by using nearby material to complete what is unseen. That's the reason you
never notice the blind spot. What is missing is replaced by what is seen next to the blind
spot. Can you think of any advantages that this tendency to provide missing information
gives humans as a species?
absence of nerve cells does not interfere with vision because you automatically com-
pensate for the missing part of your field of vision. (To find your blind spot, see
Figure 4.)
Once beyond the eye itself, the neural impulses relating to the image move
through the optic nerve. As the optic nerve leaves the eyeball, its path does not take
the most direct route to the part of the brain right behind the eye. Instead, the optic
nerves from each eye meet at a point roughly between the two eyes—called the optic
chiasm (pronounced KI-asm)—where each optic nerve then splits.
When the optic nerves split, the nerve impulses coming from the right half of
each retina are sent to the right side of the brain, and the impulses arriving from the
left half of each retina are sent to the left side of the brain. Because the image on the
retinas is reversed and upside down, however, those images coming from the right
half of each retina actually originated in the field of vision to the person’s left, and
the images coming from the left half of each retina originated in the field of vision
to the person’s right (see Figure 5).
PROCESSING THE VISUAL MESSAGE
By the time a visual message reaches the brain, it has passed through several stages
of processing. One of the initial sites is the ganglion cells. Each ganglion cell gathers
information from a group of rods and cones in a particular area of the eye and com-
pares the amount of light entering the center of that area with the amount of light
in the area around it. Some ganglion cells are activated by light in the center (and
darkness in the surrounding area). Other ganglion cells are activated when there is
darkness in the center and light in the surrounding areas. The outcome of this process
is to maximize the detection of variations in light and darkness. The image that is
passed on to the brain, then, is an enhanced version of the actual visual stimulus
outside the body (Kubovy, Epstein, & Gepshtein, 2003; Pearson & Clifford, 2005;
Lascaratos, Ji, & Wood, 2007).
The ultimate processing of visual images takes place in the visual cortex of the
brain, and it is here that the most complex kinds of processing occur. Psychologists
David Hubel and Torsten Wiesel won the Nobel Prize in 1981 for their discovery that
many neurons in the cortex are extraordinarily specialized, being activated only by
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Module 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 109
Primary visual area
of cerebral cortex
Optic tract
Optic chiasm
Optic nerve
Right
visual field Left visual field
visual stimuli of a particular shape or pattern—a process known as feature detection.
They found that some cells are activated only by lines of a particular width, shape,
or orientation. Other cells are activated only by moving, as opposed to stationary,
stimuli (Hubel & Wiesel, 2004; Pelli, Burns, & Farell, 2006).
More recent work has added to our knowledge of the complex ways in which
visual information coming from individual neurons is combined and processed. Dif-
ferent parts of the brain process nerve impulses in several individual systems simul-
taneously. For instance, one system relates to shapes, one to colors, and others to
movement, location, and depth. Furthermore, different parts of the brain are involved
in the perception of specific kinds of stimuli, showing distinctions, for example,
between the perception of human faces, animals, and inanimate stimuli (Bindemann
et al., 2008; Platek & Kemp, 2009; Werblin & Roska, 2007; Winston, O’Doherty, &
Kilner, 2006).
If separate neural systems exist for processing information about specific
aspects of the visual world, how are all these data integrated by the brain? The
brain makes use of information regarding the frequency, rhythm, and timing of
the firing of particular sets of neural cells. Furthermore, the brain’s integration of
visual information does not occur in any single step or location in the brain but
rather is a process that occurs on several levels simultaneously. The ultimate out-
come, though, is indisputable: a vision of the world around us (de Gelder, 2000;
Macaluso, Frith, & Driver, 2000; Werner, Pinna, & Spillmann, 2007; also see Figure 6
on page 110).
FIGURE 5 Because the optic nerve
coming from the eye splits at the optic
chiasm, the image to a person’s right
eye is sent to the left side of the brain
and the image to the person's left is
transmitted to the right side of the
brain. (Source: Mader, 2000.)
feature detection The activation of
neurons in the cortex by visual stimuli
of specific shapes or patterns.
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110 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
Seeing Vision in the Brain
FIGURE 6 In addition to having specialized neurons that respond more strongly to particular
shapes, orientations, and widths, our brains process information coming from each eye
separately, creating what are called ocular dominance columns. With new MRI techniques,
researchers can note the activity of the each eye more precisely. In these scans we can see the
variation in ocular dominance columns for three individuals. The red areas show the response
of one eye, and blue areas show the response of the other. (Source: Shmuel et al., 2010.)
Participant 1 Participant 2 Participant 3
Color Vision and Color Blindness:
The _7-Million-Color Spectrum
Although the range of wavelengths to which humans are sensitive is relatively nar-
row, at least in comparison with the entire electromagnetic spectrum, the portion to
which we are capable of responding allows us great flexibility in sensing the world.
Nowhere is this clearer than in terms of the number of colors we can discern. A
person with normal color vision is capable of distinguishing no less than 7 million
different colors (Bruce, Green, & Georgeson, 1997; Rabin, 2004).
Although the variety of colors that people are generally able to distinguish is
vast, there are certain individuals whose ability to perceive color is quite limited—the
color-blind. Interestingly, the condition of these individuals has provided some of the
most important clues to understanding how color vision operates (Bonnardel, 2006;
Neitz, Neitz, & Kainz, 1996).
Approximately 7% of men and .4% of women are color-blind. For most people
with color-blindness, the world looks quite dull (see Figure 7). Red fire engines
appear yellow, green grass seems yellow, and the three colors of a traffic light all
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Module 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye
(a) (b) (c)
FIGURE 7 To someone with normal vision, the hot-air balloon in the foreground appears
with regions of very pure red, orange, yellow, green, blue, and violet, as well as off-white; and
the balloon in the rear is a bright shade of red-orange. (b) A person with red-green color
blindness would see the scene in part (a) like this, in hues of blue and yellow. (c) A person
who is blue-yellow blind, conversely, would see it in hues of red and green.
look yellow. In fact, in the most common form of color-blindness, all red and green
objects are seen as yellow. In other forms of color-blindness, people are unable to tell
the difference between yellow and blue. In the most extreme cases of color-blindness,
which are quite rare, people perceive no color at all. To such individuals, the world
looks something like the picture on an old black-and-white television set.
EXPLAINING COLOR VISION
To understand why some people are color-blind, we need to consider the basics of color
vision. Two processes are involved. The first process is explained by the trichromatic
theory of color vision, which was first proposed by Thomas Young and extended by
Hermann von Helmholtz in the first half of the 1800s. This theory suggests that there
are three kinds of cones in the retina, each of which responds primarily to a specific
range of wavelengths. One is most responsive to blue-violet colors, one to green, and
the third to yellow-red (Brown & Wald, 1964). According to trichromatic theory, per-
ception of color is influenced by the relative strength with which each of the three
kinds of cones is activated. If we see a blue sky, the blue-violet cones are primarily
triggered, and the others show less activity.
However, there are aspects of color vision that the trichromatic theory is less
successful at explaining. For example, the theory does not explain what happens after
you stare at something like the flag shown in Figure 8 on page 112 for about a min-
ute. Try this yourself and then look at a blank white page: You'll see an image of the
traditional red, white, and blue U.S. flag. Where there was yellow, you'll see blue,
and where there were green and black, you'll see red and white.
The phenomenon you have just experienced is called an afterimage. It occurs
because activity in the retina continues even when you are no longer staring at the
original picture. However, it also demonstrates that the trichromatic theory does not
explain color vision completely. Why should the colors in the afterimage be different
from those in the original?
111
trichromatic theory of color vision
The theory that there are three kinds
of cones in the retina, each of which
responds primarily to a specific range
of wavelengths.
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112 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 8 Stare at the dot in this flag
for about a minute and then look at a
piece of plain white paper. What do you
see? Most people see an afterimage that
converts the colors in the figure into the
traditional red, white, and blue U.S. flag.
If you have trouble seeing it the first
time, blink once and try again.
opponent-process theory of color
vision The theory that receptor cells
for color are linked in pairs, working
in opposition to each other.
y Alert
Keep in mind that there are
two explanations for color
vision: trichromatic and
opponent-process
theories.
Because trichromatic processes do not provide a full explanation of color vision,
alternative explanations have been proposed. According to the opponent-process
theory of color vision, first proposed by German physiologist Ewald Hering in the
19th century, receptor cells are linked in pairs, working in opposition to each other.
Specifically, there are a blue-yellow pairing, a red-green pairing, and a black-white
pairing. If an object reflects light that contains more blue than yellow, it will stimulate
the firing of the cells sensitive to blue, simultaneously discouraging or inhibiting the
firing of receptor cells sensitive to yellow—and the object will appear blue. If, in
contrast, a light contains more yellow than blue, the cells that respond to yellow will
be stimulated to fire while the blue ones are inhibited, and the object will appear
yellow (D. N. Robinson, 2007).
The opponent-process theory provides a good explanation for afterimages. When
we stare at the yellow in the figure, for instance, our receptor cells for the yellow
component of the yellow-blue pairing become fatigued and are less able to respond
to yellow stimuli. In contrast, the receptor cells for the blue part of the pair are not
tired, because they are not being stimulated. When we look at a white surface, the
light reflected off it would normally stimulate both the yellow and the blue receptors
equally. But the fatigue of the yellow receptors prevents this from happening. They
temporarily do not respond to the yellow, which makes the white light appear to be
blue. Because the other colors in the figure do the same thing relative to their specific
opponents, the afterimage produces the opponent colors—for a while. The afterimage
lasts only a short time, because the fatigue of the yellow receptors is soon overcome,
and the white light begins to be perceived more accurately.
We now know that both opponent processes and trichromatic mechanisms are
at work in producing the perception of color vision, but in different parts of the visual
sensing system. Trichromatic processes work within the retina itself, whereas oppo-
nent mechanisms operate both in the retina and at later stages of neuronal processing
(Baraas, Foster, & Amano, 2006; Chen, Zhou, & Gong, 2004; Gegenfurtner, 2003).
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RECAP
What basic processes underlie the sense of vision?
e Vision depends on sensitivity to light, electromagnetic
waves in the visible part of the spectrum that are either
reflected off objects or produced by an energy source.
The eye shapes the light into an image that is trans-
formed into nerve impulses and interpreted by the
brain. (p. 104)
e As light enters the eye, it passes through the cornea,
pupil, and lens and ultimately reaches the retina, where
Module 11 Vision: Shedding Light on the Eye 113
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
2.
The structure that converts light into usable neural
messages is called the
. A woman with blue eyes could ke described as having
blue pigment in her
. What is the process by which te thickness of the lens is
changed in order to focus light properly?
. The proper sequence of structures that light passes
through in the eye is the 4 j
, and
. Match each type of visual receptor with its function.
à yas a. rods 1. used for dim light, largely
the electromagnetic energy of light is converted to nerve : not
; mS : z b. cones insensitive to color
impulses for transmission to the brain. These impulses eom
l th eed (p. 105) 2. detect color, good in bright light
E A T We theory states that there are three types of
e The visual information gathered by the rods and cones is
transferred via bipolar and ganglion cells through the
optic nerve, which leads to the optic chiasm—the point
where the optic nerve splits. (p. 106)
How do we see colors?
e Color vision seems to be based on two processes
described by the trichromatic theory and the opponent-
process theory. (p. 111)
e The trichromatic theory suggests that there are three
kinds of cones in the retina, each of which is responsive
to a certain range of colors. The opponent-process theory
presumes pairs of different types of cells in the eye that
work in opposition to each other. (p. 111)
cones in the retina, each of which responds primarily to a
different color.
RETHINK
1.
If the eye had a second lens that “unreversed” the image
hitting the retina, do you think there would be changes in
the way people perceive the world?
. From the perspective of an advertising specialist: How might
you market your products similarly or differently to those
who are color-blind versus those who have normal color
vision?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
OeUIOIYIAL, *Z ‘Z-q T- 9 ‘euTjoI
EVALUATE
‘suaj ‘Tidnd ‘eauroo 'g tuoyepowwoo ‘p ‘SHL’ ‘eUTJOI*Z feU I
1. Light entering the eye first passes through the ____,
a protective window.
KEY TERMS
retina p. 106
rods p. 106
cones p. 106
trichromatic theory of color
vision p. 111
opponent-process theory of
color vision p. 112
optic nerve p. 107
feature detection p. 109
What role does the ear play in
the senses of sound, motion,
and balance?
How do smell and taste
function?
What are the skin senses, and
how do they relate to the
experience of pain?
The movement of air molecules
brought about by a source of vibration.
The part of the ear that
vibrates when sound waves hit it.
(KOKE-lee-uh) A coiled tube
in the ear filled with fluid that vibrates
in response to sound.
A vibrating
structure that runs through the center
of the cochlea, dividing it into an upper
chamber and a lower chamber and
containing sense receptors for sound.
114
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The blast-off was easy compared with what the astronaut was experiencing now: space
sickness. The constant nausea and vomiting were enough to make him wonder why he
had worked so hard to become an astronaut. Even though he had been warned that
there was a two-thirds chance that his first experience in space would cause these
symptoms, he wasn’t prepared for how terribly sick he really felt.
Whether or not the astronaut wishes he could head right back to earth, his experi-
ence, a major problem for space travelers, is related to a basic sensory process: the
sense of motion and balance. This sense allows people to navigate their bodies
through the world and keep themselves upright without falling. Along with hearing—
the process by which sound waves are translated into understandable and meaning-
ful forms—the sense of motion and balance resides in the ear.
Sensing Sound
Although many of us think primarily of the outer ear when we speak of the ear, that
structure is only one simple part of the whole. The outer ear acts as a reverse mega-
phone, designed to collect and bring sounds into the internal portions of the ear (see
Figure 1). The location of the outer ears on different sides of the head helps with
sound localization, the process by which we identify the direction from which a sound
is coming. Wave patterns in the air enter each ear at a slightly different time, and
the brain uses the discrepancy as a clue to the sound’s point of origin. In addition,
the two outer ears delay or amplify sounds of particular frequencies to different
degrees.
Sound is the movement of air molecules brought about by a source of vibration.
Sounds travel through the air in wave patterns similar in shape to those made in
water when a stone is thrown into a still pond. Sounds, arriving at the outer ear in
the form of wavelike vibrations, are funneled into the auditory canal, a tubelike pas-
sage that leads to the eardrum. The eardrum is aptly named because it operates as
a miniature drum, vibrating when sound waves hit it. The more intense the sound,
the more the eardrum vibrates. These vibrations are then transferred into the middle
ear, a tiny chamber containing three bones (the hammer, the anvil, and the stirrup) that
transmit vibrations to the oval window, a thin membrane leading to the inner ear.
Because the hammer, anvil, and stirrup act as a set of levers, they not only transmit
vibrations but also increase their strength. Moreover, because the opening into the
middle ear (the eardrum) is considerably larger than the opening out of it (the oval
window), the force of sound waves on the oval window becomes amplified. The
middle ear, then, acts as a tiny mechanical amplifier.
The inner ear is the portion of the ear that changes the sound vibrations into a
form in which they can be transmitted to the brain. (As you will see, it also contains
the organs that allow us to locate our position and determine how we are moving
through space.) When sound enters the inner ear through the oval window, it moves
into the cochlea, a coiled tube that looks something like a snail and is filled with
fluid that vibrates in response to sound. Inside the cochlea is the basilar membrane,
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Outer ear Middle ear Inner ear
Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 115
Semicircular canals ii
os Vestibular system
Auditory
Eustachian
tube
Oval window
(under Stirrup)
FIGURE 1 The major parts of the ear. (Source: Brooker et al., 2008, Figure 45.6.)
a structure that runs through the center of the cochlea, dividing it into an upper
chamber and a lower chamber. The basilar membrane is covered with hair cells.
When the hair cells are bent by the vibrations entering the cochlea, the cells send a
neural message to the brain (Cho, 2000; Zhou, Liu, & Davis, 2005).
THE PHYSICAL ASPECTS OF SOUND
As we mentioned earlier, what we refer to as sound is actually the physical move-
ment of air molecules in regular, wavelike patterns caused by a vibrating source.
Sometimes it is even possible to see these vibrations: If you have ever seen an audio
speaker that has no enclosure, you know that, at least when the lowest notes are
playing, you can see the speaker moving in and out. Less obvious is what happens
next: The speaker pushes air molecules into waves with the same pattern as its move-
ment. Those wave patterns soon reach your ear, although their strength has been
weakened considerably during their travels. All other sources that produce sound
work in essentially the same fashion, setting off wave patterns that move through
the air to the ear. Air—or some other medium, such as water—is necessary to make
the vibrations of objects reach us. This explains why there can be no sound in a
vacuum.
We are able to see the audio speaker moving when low notes are played because
of a primary characteristic of sound called frequency. Frequency is the number of
wave cycles that occur in a second. At very low frequencies there are relatively few
wave cycles per second (see Figure 2). These cycles are visible to the naked eye as
vibrations in the speaker. Low frequencies are translated into a sound that is very
low in pitch. (Pitch is the characteristic that makes sound seem “high” or “low.”) For
Eustachian tube Cochlea
“unrolled”
hair cells Tiny cells covering the
basilar membrane that, when bent by
vibrations entering the cochlea,
transmit neural messages to the brain.
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116 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 2 The sound waves produced by
different stimuli are transmitted—usually
through the air—in different patterns,
with lower frequencies indicated by fewer
peaks and valleys per second. (Source:
Seeley, Stephens, & Tate, 2000.)
place theory of hearing The theory
that different areas of the basilar
membrane respond to different
frequencies.
frequency theory of hearing The
theory that the entire basilar mem-
brane acts like a microphone, vibrating
as a whole in response to a sound.
Lower frequency Higher frequency
(lower pitch) (higher pitch)
| |
l | |
g E beca
=
=
E
<
Time
example, the lowest frequency that humans are capable of hearing is 20 cycles per
second. Higher frequencies are heard as sounds of higher pitch. At the upper end of
the sound spectrum, people can detect sounds with frequencies as high as 20,000
cycles per second.
Amplitude is a feature of wave patterns that allows us to distinguish between
loud and soft sounds. Amplitude is the spread between the up-and-down peaks and
valleys of air pressure in a sound wave as it travels through the air. Waves with small
peaks and valleys produce soft sounds; those with relatively large peaks and valleys
produce loud sounds.
We are sensitive to broad variations in sound amplitudes. The strongest sounds
we are capable of hearing are over a trillion times as intense as the very weakest
sound we can hear. This range is measured in decibels. When sounds get higher than
120 decibels, they become painful to the human ear.
Our sensitivity to different frequencies changes as we age. For instance, as we
get older, the range of frequencies we can detect declines, particularly for high-
pitched sounds. This is why high school students sometimes choose high-pitched
ring tones for their cell phones in settings where cell phone use is forbidden: the
ringing sound goes undetected by their aging teachers (Vitello, 2006) (see Figure 3).
Sorting Out Theories of Sound How are our brains able to sort out wavelengths of
different frequencies and intensities? One clue comes from studies of the basilar
membrane, the area in the cochlea that translates physical vibrations into neural
impulses. It turns out that sounds affect different areas of the basilar membrane,
depending on the frequency of the sound wave. The part of the basilar membrane
nearest to the oval window is most sensitive to high-frequency sounds, and the part
nearest to the cochlea’s inner end is most sensitive to low-frequency sounds. This
finding has led to the place theory of hearing, which states that different areas of
the basilar membrane respond to different frequencies.
However, place theory does not tell the full story of hearing, because very low
frequency sounds trigger neurons across such a wide area of the basilar membrane
that no single site is involved. Consequently, an additional explanation for hearing
has been proposed: frequency theory. The frequency theory of hearing suggests that
the entire basilar membrane acts as a microphone, vibrating as a whole in response
to a sound. According to this explanation, the nerve receptors send out signals that
are tied directly to the frequency (the number of wave crests per second) of the
sounds to which we are exposed, with the number of nerve impulses being a direct
function of a sound’s frequency. Thus, the higher the pitch of a sound (and therefore
the greater the frequency of its wave crests), the greater the number of nerve impulses
that are transmitted up the auditory nerve to the brain.
Neither place theory nor frequency theory provides the full explanation for hear-
ing. Place theory provides a better explanation for the sensing of high-frequency
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Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 117
Range by age group
Audible frequencies for
sound at 60 decibels
SPL (sound pressure level)
50-59 years old ————‘-
40-49 ———_______
30-39 |
18-24 |
pEpEpAAA MMB Beis m 7 s 19 20
Low pitch L | High pitch
Highest note New
on a piano text-message
Frequency (in kilohertz) ringtone
FIGURE 3 Some teenagers set their text-message ring tone to a frequency too high for most
adults to hear, allowing them to use cell phones where they are prohibited. (Source: Vitello, 2006.)
sounds, whereas frequency theory explains what happens when low-frequency
sounds are encountered. Medium-frequency sounds incorporate both processes
(Hirsh & Watson, 1996; Hudspeth, 2000).
After an auditory message leaves the ear, it is transmitted to the auditory cortex
of the brain through a complex series of neural interconnections. As the message is
transmitted, it is communicated through neurons that respond to specific types of
sounds. Within the auditory cortex itself, there are neurons that respond selectively
to very specific sorts of sound features, such as clicks and whistles. Some neurons
respond only to a specific pattern of sounds, such as a steady tone but not an inter-
mittent one. Furthermore, specific neurons transfer information about a sound’s loca-
tion through their particular pattern of firing (Middlebrooks et al., 2005; Alho et al.,
2006; Wang et al., 2005).
If we were to analyze the configuration of the cells in the auditory cortex, we
would find that neighboring cells are responsive to similar frequencies. The auditory
cortex, then, provides us with a “map” of sound frequencies, just as the visual cortex
furnishes a representation of the visual field. In addition, because of the asymmetry
in the two hemispheres of the brain (which we discussed in the last chapter), the left
and right ears process sound differently. The right ear reacts more to speech, while
the left ear responds more to music (Sininger & Cone-Wesson, 2004, 2006).
Speech perception requires that we make fine discriminations among sounds that
are quite similar in terms of their physical properties. Furthermore, not only are we
able to understand what is being said from speech, we can use vocal cues to deter-
mine who is speaking, if they have an accent and where they may be from, and even
their emotional state. Such capabilities illustrate the sophistication of our sense of
hearing (Fowler & Galantucci, 2008; Massaro & Chen, 2008; Pell et al., 2009).
Balance: The Ups and Downs of Life Several structures of the ear are related more
to our sense of balance than to our hearing. Collectively, these structures are known
as the vestibular system, which responds to the pull of gravity and allows us to main-
tain our balance, even when standing in a bus in stop-and-go traffic.
The main structure of the vestibular system is formed by the semicircular canals
of the inner ear (refer to Figure 1 on page 115), which consist of three tubes contain-
ing fluid that sloshes through them when the head moves, signaling rotational or
angular movement to the brain. The pull on our bodies caused by the acceleration
of forward, backward, or up-and-down motion, as well as the constant pull of grav-
ity, is sensed by the otoliths, tiny, motion-sensitive crystals in the semicircular canals.
When we move, these crystals shift as sands do on a windy beach, contacting the
y Alert
Be sure to understand the dif-
ferences between the place
and frequency theories of
hearing.
semicircular canals Three tubelike
structures of the inner ear containing
fluid that sloshes through them when
the head moves, signaling rotational or
angular movement to the brain.
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118 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
The weightlessness of the ear’s otoliths
produces space sickness in most
astronauts.
More than 1,000 receptor cells, known
as olfactory cells, are spread across the
nasal cavity. The cells are specialized to
react to particular odors. Do you think it
is possible to “train” the nose to pick up
a greater number of odors?
specialized receptor hair cells in the semicircular canals. The brain’s inexperience in
interpreting messages from the weightless otoliths is the cause of the space sickness
commonly experienced by two-thirds of all space travelers, mentioned at the start of
this module (Flam, 1991; Stern & Koch, 1996).
Smell and Taste
Until he bit into a piece of raw cabbage on that February evening . . . , Raymond
Fowler had not thought much about the sense of taste. The cabbage, part of a pasta
dish he was preparing for his family’s dinner, had an odd, burning taste, but he did not
pay it much attention. Then a few minutes later, his daughter handed him a glass of
cola, and he took a swallow. “It was like sulfuric acid,” he said. “It was like the hottest
thing you could imagine boring into your mouth.” (Goode, 1999, pp. D1-D2)
It was evident that something was very wrong with Fowler’s sense of taste. After
extensive testing, it became clear that he had damaged the nerves involved in his
sense of taste, probably because of a viral infection or a medicine he was taking.
(Luckily for him, a few months later his sense of taste returned to normal.)
Even without disruptions in our ability to perceive the world such as those
experienced by Fowler, we all know the important roles that taste and smell play.
We'll consider these two senses next.
SMELL
Although many animals have keener abilities to detect odors than we do, the human
sense of smell (olfaction) permits us to detect more than 10,000 separate smells. We also
have a good memory for smells, and long-forgotten events and memories—good and
bad—can be brought back with the mere whiff of an odor associated with a memory
(Schroers, Prigot, & Fagen, 2007; Stevenson & Case, 2005; Willander & Larsson, 2006).
Results of “sniff tests” have shown that women generally have a better sense of
smell than men do (Engen, 1987). People also have the ability to distinguish males
from females on the basis of smell alone. In one experiment, blindfolded students
who were asked to sniff the breath of a female or male volunteer who was hidden
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Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 119
from view were able to distinguish the sex of the donor at better than chance levels.
People can also distinguish happy from sad emotions by sniffing under-arm smells,
and women are able to identify their babies solely on the basis of smell just a few
hours after birth (Doty et al., 1982; Fusari & Ballesteros, 2008; Haviland-Jones &
Chen, 1999).
The sense of smell is sparked when the molecules of a substance enter the nasal
passages and meet olfactory cells, the receptor neurons of the nose, which are spread
across the nasal cavity. More than 1,000 separate types of receptors have been identified
on those cells so far. Each of these receptors is so specialized that it responds only to
a small band of different odors. The responses of the separate olfactory cells are then
transmitted to the brain, where they are combined into recognition of a particular smell
(Marshall, Laing, & Jinks, 2006; Murphy et al., 2004; Zhou & Buck, 2006).
Smell may also act as a hidden means of communication for humans. It has long
been known that nonhumans release pheromones, chemicals they secrete into the envi-
ronment that produce a reaction in other members of the same species, permitting
the transmission of messages such as sexual availability. For instance, the vaginal
secretions of female monkeys contain pheromones that stimulate the sexual interest
of male monkeys (Hawkes & Doty, 2009; Holy, Dulac, & Meister, 2000; Touhara, 2007).
The degree to which pheromones are part of the human experience remains an
open question. Some psychologists believe that human pheromones affect emotional
responses, although the evidence is inconclusive. For one thing, it is not clear what
specific sense organ is receptive to pheromones. In non-humans, it is the vomeronasal
organ in the nose, but in humans the organ appears to recede during fetal develop-
ment (Haviland-Jones & Wilson, 2008; Hummer & McClintock, 2009).
TASTE
The sense of taste (gustation) involves receptor cells that respond to four basic
stimulus qualities: sweet, sour, salty, and bitter. A fifth category also exists, a flavor
called umami, although there is controversy about whether it qualifies as a funda-
mental taste. Umami is a hard-to-translate Japanese word, although the English
“meaty” or “savory” comes close. Chemically, umami involves food stimuli that
contain amino acids (the substances that make up proteins) (McCabe & Rolls, 2007;
Erickson, 2008).
Although the specialization of the receptor cells leads them to respond most
strongly to a particular type of taste, they also are capable of responding to other
tastes as well. Ultimately, every taste is simply a combination of the basic flavor
qualities, in the same way that the primary colors blend into a vast variety of shades
and hues (Dilorenzo & Youngentob, 2003; Yeomans, Tepper, & Ritezschel, 2007).
The receptor cells for taste are located in roughly 10,000 taste buds, which are
distributed across the tongue and other parts of the mouth and throat. The taste buds
wear out and are replaced every 10 days or so. That’s a good thing, because if our
taste buds weren't constantly reproducing, we’d lose the ability to taste after we'd
accidentally burned our tongues.
The sense of taste differs significantly from one person to another, largely as a
result of genetic factors. Some people, dubbed “supertasters,” are highly sensitive to
taste; they have twice as many taste receptors as “nontasters,” who are relatively
insensitive to taste. Supertasters (who, for unknown reasons, are more likely to be
female than male) find sweets sweeter, cream creamier, and spicy dishes spicier, and
weaker concentrations of flavor are enough to satisfy any cravings they may have.
In contrast, because they aren’t so sensitive to taste, nontasters may seek out rela-
tively sweeter and fattier foods in order to maximize the taste. As a consequence,
they may be prone to obesity (Bartoshuk, 2000; Pickering & Gordon, 2006; Snyder,
Fast, & Bartoshuk, 2004).
Are you a supertaster? To find out, complete the questionnaire in Figure 4 on
page 120.
There are 10,000 taste buds on the
tongue and other parts of the mouth.
Taste buds wear out and are replaced
every 10 days. What would happen if
taste buds were not regenerated?
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120 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 4 All tongues are not created
equal, according to taste researchers
Linda Bartoshuk and Laurie Lucchina.
Instead they suggest that the intensity
of a flavor experienced by a given
person is determined by that person's
genetic background. This taste test can
help determine if you are a nontaster,
average taster, or supertaster. (Source:
Bartoshuk & Lucchina, 1997.)
nan n a a ODL
Take a Taste Test
|. Taste Bud Count
Punch a hole with a standard hole punch in a square of wax paper. Paint the front of your
tongue with a cotton swab dipped in blue food coloring. Put wax paper on the tip of your
tongue, just to the right of center With a flashlight and magnifying glass, count the number
of pink, unstained circles. They contain taste buds.
2. Sweet Taste
Rinse your mouth with water before tasting each sample. Put /2 cup sugar in a measuring
cup, and then add enough water to make | cup. Mix. Coat front half of your tongue,
including the tip, with a cotton swab dipped in the solution. Wait a few moments. Rate the
sweetness according to the scale shown below.
3. Salt Taste
Put 2 teaspoons of salt in a measuring cup and add enough water to make | cup. Repeat the
steps listed above, rating how salty the solution is.
4. Spicy Taste
Add | teaspoon of Tabasco sauce to | cup of water Apply with a cotton swab to first 2 inch
of the tongue, including the tip. Keep your tongue out of your mouth until the burn reaches
a peak, then rate the burn according to the scale.
TASTE SCALE
Barely Moderate Strongest
Detectable Strong Very Strong Imaginable Sensation
laa ATT ait a
| | | | | l | | | | l
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
SUPERTASTERS NONTASTERS
Number of taste buds 25 on Average 10
Sweet rating 56 on Average 52
Tabasco 64 on Average 3l
Average tasters lie in between supertasters and nontasters. Bartoshuk and Lucchina lack the
data at this time to rate salt reliably, but you can compare your results with others taking the
test.
The Skin Senses: Touch, Pressure,
Temperature, and Pain
It started innocently when Jennifer Darling hurt her right wrist during gym class. At
first it seemed like a simple sprain. But even though the initial injury healed, the
excruciating, burning pain accompanying it did not go away. Instead, it spread to her
other arm and then to her legs. The pain, which Jennifer described as similar to “a hot
iron on your arm,” was unbearable—and never stopped.
The source of Darling’s pain turned out to be a rare condition known as “reflex
sympathetic dystrophy syndrome,” or RSDS. For a victim of RSDS, a stimulus as
mild as a gentle breeze or the touch of a feather can produce agony. Even bright
sunlight or a loud noise can trigger intense pain.
Pain such as Darling’s can be devastating, yet a lack of pain can be equally bad.
If you never experienced pain, for instance, you might not notice that your arm had
brushed against a hot pan, and you would suffer a severe burn. Similarly, without
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Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 121
the warning sign of abdominal pain that typically accompanies an inflamed appendix,
your appendix might eventually rupture, spreading a fatal infection throughout your
body.
In fact, all our skin senses—touch, pressure, temperature, and pain—play a
critical role in survival, making us aware of potential danger to our bodies. Most of
these senses operate through nerve receptor cells located at various depths through-
out the skin, distributed unevenly throughout the body. For example, some areas,
such as the fingertips, have many more receptor cells sensitive to touch and as a
consequence are notably more sensitive than other areas of the body (Gardner &
Kandel, 2000) (see Figure 5).
Probably the most extensively researched skin sense is pain, and with good rea-
son: People consult physicians and take medication for pain more than any other
symptom or condition. Pain costs $100 billion a year in the United States alone (Kalb,
2003; Pesmen, 2006).
Pain is a response to a great variety of different kinds of stimuli. A light that is
too bright can produce pain, and sound that is too loud can be painful. One explana-
tion is that pain is an outcome of cell injury; when a cell is damaged, regardless of
the source of damage, it releases a chemical called substance P that transmits pain
messages to the brain.
Some people are more susceptible to pain than others. For example, women
experience painful stimuli more intensely than men. These gender differences are
associated with the production of hormones related to menstrual cycles. In addition,
certain genes are linked to the experience of pain, so that we may inherit our sensi-
tivity to pain (Edwards & Fillingim, 2007; Kim, Clark, & Dionne, 2009; Nielsen et al.,
2008; Nielsen, Staud, & Price, 2009).
Forehead | yy
A Nose |)
Cheek |)
E Upper lip |
Shoulder
Upper arm
Forearm iis
Breast
Palm (i is
Thumb
I
0 5 10 IS 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
Mean threshold (mm)
skin senses The senses of touch,
pressure, temperature, and pain.
Remember that there are
multiple skin senses,
including touch, pressure,
temperature, and pain.
FIGURE 5 Skin sensitivity in various
areas of the body. The lower the average
threshold is, the more sensitive a body
part is. The fingers and thumb, lips,
nose, cheeks, and big toe are the most
sensitive. Why do you think certain areas
are more sensitive than others?
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122 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
The ancient practice of acupuncture is still used in the 21st century.
How does the gate-control theory of pain explain how acupuncture
works?
But the experience of pain is not determined by biological
factors alone. For example, women report that the pain expe-
rienced in childbirth is moderated to some degree by the
joyful nature of the situation. In contrast, even a minor stim-
ulus can produce the perception of strong pain if it is accom-
panied by anxiety (for example, during a visit to the dentist).
Clearly, then, pain is a perceptual response that depends
heavily on our emotions and thoughts (Hadjistavropoulos,
Craig, & Fuchs-Lacelle, 2004; Lang, Sorrell, & Rodgers, 2006;
Rollman, 2004).
According to the gate-control theory of pain, particular
nerve receptors in the spinal cord lead to specific areas of the
brain related to pain. When these receptors are activated
because of an injury or problem with a part of the body, a
“gate” to the brain is opened, allowing us to experience the
sensation of pain (Melzack & Katz, 2004).
However, another set of neural receptors can, when stim-
ulated, close the “gate” to the brain, thereby reducing the
experience of pain. The gate can be shut in two different
ways. First, other impulses can overwhelm the nerve pathways relating to pain,
which are spread throughout the brain. In this case, nonpainful stimuli compete with
gate-control theory of pain The
theory that particular nerve receptors
in the spinal cord lead to specific areas
of the brain related to pain.
and sometimes displace the neural message of pain, thereby shutting off the painful
stimulus. This explains why rubbing the skin around an injury (or even listening to
distracting music) helps reduce pain. The competing stimuli can overpower the pain-
ful ones (Villemure, Slotnick, & Bushnell, 2003).
Psychological factors account for the second way a gate can be shut. Depend-
ing on an individual’s current emotions, interpretation of events, and previous
experience, the brain can close a gate by sending a message down the spinal cord
to an injured area, producing a reduction in or relief from pain. Thus, soldiers who
are injured in battle may experience no pain—the surprising situation in more than
half of all combat injuries. The lack of pain probably occurs because a soldier
experiences such relief at still being alive that the brain sends a signal to the injury
site to shut down the pain gate (Gatchel & Weisberg, 2000; Pincus & Morley, 2001;
Turk, 1994).
Gate-control theory also may explain cultural differences in the experience of
pain. Some of these variations are astounding. For example, in India people who
participate in the “hook-swinging” ritual to celebrate the power of the gods have
steel hooks embedded under the skin and muscles of their backs. During the ritual,
they swing from a pole, suspended by the hooks. What would seem likely to
induce excruciating pain instead produces a state of celebration and near euphoria.
In fact, when the hooks are later removed, the wounds heal quickly, and after two
weeks almost no visible marks remain (Kosambi, 1967; Melzack & Katz, 2001).
Gate-control theory suggests that the lack of pain is due to a message from the
participant’s brain, which shuts down the pain pathways. Gate-control theory also
may explain the effectiveness of acupuncture, an ancient Chinese technique in which
sharp needles are inserted into various parts of the body. The sensation from the
needles may close the gateway to the brain, reducing the experience of pain. It is
also possible that the body’s own painkillers—called endorphins—as well as positive
and negative emotions, play a role in opening and closing the gate (Cabioglu, Ergene,
& Tan, 2007; Fee et al., 2002; Witt, Jena, & Brinkhaus, 2006).
Although the basic ideas behind gate-control theory have been supported by
research, other processes are involved in the perception of pain. For instance, it
appears that there are multiple neural pathways involved in the experience of pain.
Furthermore, it is clear that the suppression of pain can occur through the natural
release of endorphins and other compounds that produce a reduction of discomfort
and a sense of well-being (Grahek, 2007).
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Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses
Are you one of the 50 million people in the United States who BECOMING AN
suffer from chronic pain? Psychologists and medical specialists INFORMED CONSUMER
have devised several strategies to fight pain. Among the most
important approaches are these: of Ps YC h O | O g y
e Medication. Painkilling drugs are the most popular Managing Pain
treatment in fighting pain. Drugs range from those that
directly treat the source of the pain—such as reducing
swelling in painful joints—to those that work on the symptoms. Medication can
be in the form of pills, patches, injections, or liquids. In a recent innovation,
drugs are pumped directly into the spinal cord (Kalb, 2003; Pesmen, 2006).
e Nerve and brain stimulation. Pain can sometimes be relieved when a low-voltage
electric current is passed through the specific part of the body that is in pain.
In even more severe cases, electrodes can be implanted surgically directly into
the brain, or a handheld battery pack can stimulate nerve cells to provide
direct relief (Campbell & Ditto, 2002; Ross, 2000; Tugay et al., 2007).
e Light therapy. One of the newest forms of pain reduction involves exposure to
specific wavelengths of red or infrared light. Certain kinds of light increase the
production of enzymes that may promote healing (Evcik et al., 2007; Under-
wood, 2005).
e Hypnosis. For people who can be hypnotized, hypnosis can greatly relieve pain
(Accardi & Milling, 2009; Neron & Stephenson, 2007; Walker, 2008).
e Biofeedback and relaxation techniques. Using biofeedback, people learn to control
“involuntary” functions such as heartbeat and respiration. If the pain involves
muscles, as in tension headaches or back pain, sufferers can be trained to relax
their bodies systematically (Nestoriuc & Martin, 2007; Vitiello, Bonello, &
Pollard, 2007).
e Surgery. In one of the most extreme methods, nerve fibers that carry pain
messages to the brain can be cut surgically. Still, because of the danger that
other bodily functions will be affected, surgery is a treatment of last resort,
used most frequently with dying patients (Cullinane, Chu, & Mamelak,
2002).
e Cognitive restructuring. Cognitive treatments are effective for people who
continually say to themselves, “This pain will never stop,” “The pain is
ruining my life,” or “I can’t take it anymore” and are thereby likely to make
their pain even worse. By substituting more positive ways of thinking, people
can increase their sense of control—and actually reduce the pain they experi-
ence (Bogart et al., 2007; Spanos, Barber, & Lang, 2005).
How Our Senses Interact
When Matthew Blakeslee shapes hamburger patties with his hands, he experiences a
vivid bitter taste in his mouth. Esmerelda Jones (a pseudonym) sees blue when she
listens to the note C sharp played on the piano; other notes evoke different hues—so
much so that the piano keys are actually color-coded, making it easier for her to
remember and play musical scales. (Ramachandran & Hubbard, 2004, p. 53)
The explanation? Both of these people have an unusual condition known as synes-
thesia, in which exposure to one sensation (such as sound) evokes an additional one
(such as vision).
The origins of synesthesia are a mystery. It is possible that people with synes-
thesia have unusually dense neural linkages between the different sensory areas of
the brain. Another hypothesis is that they lack neural controls that usually inhibit
connections between sensory areas (Kadosh, Henik, & Walsh, 2009; Pearce, 2007;
Ramachandran, 2004).
123
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124 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 6 (a) Try to pick out the 2s in
the display. Most people take several
seconds to find them buried among the
5s and to see that the 2s form a triangle.
For people with certain forms of synes-
thesia, however, it’s easy, because they
perceive the different numbers in
contrasting colors as in (b). (Source: From
“Hearing Colors, Tasting Shapes” by Vilayanur
S. Ramachandran and Edward M. Hubbard.
Copyright © 2003 by Scientific American, Inc.
All rights reserved.)
5.49 g 5 5 5.7 45 5 5
5. 5 15 5 5.5.75 5
5
5 5 -5 5 F
g gta 5 p72 g53 as
5 575 5 5 575 "g
5 A 5 5 a 5
4 5 5 gZ 5f |5 5 E5 Rg
5 5 5 5
ga 2 gp P B F
5575355 5//5575 75456
Whatever the reason for synesthesia, it is a rare condition. (If you'd like to check
out this phenomenon, see Figure 6.) Even so, the senses of all of us do interact and
integrate in a variety of ways. For example, the taste of food is influenced by its
texture and temperature. We perceive food that is warmer as sweeter (think of the
sweetness of steamy hot chocolate compared with cold chocolate milk). Spicy foods
stimulate some of the same pain receptors that are also stimulated by heat—making
the use of “hot” as a synonym for “spicy” quite accurate (Balaban, McBurney, &
Affeltranger, 2005; Cruz & Green, 2000; Green & George, 2004).
It’s important, then, to think of our senses as interacting with one another. For
instance, brain imaging studies show that the senses work in tandem to build our
understanding of the world around us. We engage in multimodal perception, in which
the brain collects the information from the individual sensory systems and integrates
and coordinates it (Macaluso & Driver, 2005; Paulmann, Jessen, & Kotz, 2009).
Moreover, despite the fact that very different sorts of stimuli activate our indi-
vidual senses, they all react according to the same basic principles that we discussed
at the start of this chapter. For example, our responses to visual, auditory, and taste
stimuli all follow Weber’s law involving our sensitivity to changes in the strength of
stimuli.
In short, in some ways our senses are more similar to one another than different.
Each of them is designed to pick up information from the environment and translate
it into useable information. Furthermore, individually and collectively, our senses
help us to understand the complexities of the world around us, allowing us to nav-
igate through the world effectively and intelligently.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What role does the ear play in the senses of sound, motion,
and balance?
e Sound, motion, and balance are centered in the ear.
Sounds, in the form of vibrating air waves, enter through
the outer ear and travel through the auditory canal until
they reach the eardrum. (p. 114)
e The vibrations of the eardrum are transmitted into the
middle ear, which consists of three bones: the hammer,
the anvil, and the stirrup. These bones transmit
vibrations to the oval window. (p. 114)
e In the inner ear, vibrations move into the cochlea, which
encloses the basilar membrane. Hair cells on the basilar
membrane change the mechanical energy of sound
waves into nerve impulses that are transmitted to the
brain. The ear is also involved in the sense of balance
and motion. (p. 114)
e Sound has a number of physical characteristics,
including frequency and amplitude. The place theory of
hearing and the frequency theory of hearing explain the
processes by which we distinguish sounds of varying
frequency and intensity. (p. 115)
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Module 12 Hearing and the Other Senses 125
How do smell and taste function? 5. The three fluid-filled tubes in the inner ear that are
e Smell depends on olfactory cells (the receptor cells of responsible for our sense of balance are known as the
the nose), and taste is centered in the tongue’s taste ;
buds. (p. 118) 6. The theory states that when certain
skin receptors are activated as a result of an injury, a “path-
What are the skin senses, and how do they relate to the experi- e 1 : $
y pa way” to the brain is opened, allowing pain to be experienced.
ence of pain?
e The skin senses are responsible for the experiences of
touch, pressure, temperature, and pain. Gate-control
theory suggests that particular nerve receptors, when RETHINK
activated, open a “gate” to specific areas of the brain
related to pain, and that another set of receptors closes
the gate when stimulated. (p. 120)
e Among the techniques used frequently to alleviate pain
are medication, hypnosis, biofeedback, relaxation
techniques, surgery, nerve and brain stimulation, and
cognitive therapy. (p. 123)
1. Much research is being conducted on repairing faulty sen-
sory organs through devices such as personal guidance
systems and eyeglasses, among others. Do you think that
researchers should attempt to improve normal sensory
capabilities beyond their “natural” range (for example,
make human visual or audio capabilities more sensitive
than normal)? What benefits might this ability bring?
What problems might it cause?
EVALUATE 2. From the perspective of a social worker: How would you han-
dle the case of a deaf child whose hearing could be re-
stored with a cochlear implant—but different family
members had conflicting views on whether the procedure
should be done?
1. The tubelike passage leading from the outer ear to the
eardrum is known as the :
2. The purpose of the eardrum is to protect the sensitive
nerves underneath it. It serves no purpose in actual
hearing. True or false?
3. The three middle ear bones transmit their sound to the
Answers to Evaluate Questions
[O1}U0d-97e3 *g ‘speuRd
=e Tepnoqorutas *g ‘Aouanbayy p ‘mopu [RAO “Eg ‘punos əy} s}TUsURy
4. The ______ theory of hearing states that the entire pur ‘jr Ty S9AVM punos UaYM saqeaqra —asyey "Z ‘Teue Aoppne "T
basilar membrane responds to a sound, vibrating more or
less, depending on the nature of the sound.
KEY TERMS
sound p. 114 basilar membrane p. 114 frequency theory of gate-control theory
eardrum p. 114 hair cells p. 115 hearing p. 116 of pain p. 122
cochlea place theory of semicircular canals p. 117
(KOKE-lee-uh) p. 114 hearing p. 116 skin senses p. 121
What principles underlie our
organization of the visual
world and allow us to make
sense of our environment?
How are we able to perceive
the world in three dimensions
when our retinas are capable of
sensing only two-dimensional
images?
What clues do visual illusions
give us about our under-
standing of general percep-
tual mechanisms?
gestalt laws of organization A series
of principles that describe how we
organize bits and pieces of information
into meaningful wholes.
FIGURE 1 When the usual cues we use
to distinguish figure from ground are
absent, we may shift back and forth
between different views of the same
figure. If you look at each of these
objects long enough, you'll probably
experience a shift in what you're seeing.
In (a), you can see either a vase or the
profiles of two people. In (b), the shaded
portion of the figure, called a Necker
cube, can appear to be either the front
or the back of the cube.
126
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Consider the vase shown in Figure la for a moment. Or is it a vase? Take another
look, and instead you may see the profiles of two people.
Now that an alternative interpretation has been pointed out, you will probably
shift back and forth between the two interpretations. Similarly, if you examine the
shapes in Figure 1b long enough, you will probably experience a shift in what you’re
seeing. The reason for these reversals is this: Because each figure is two-dimensional,
the usual means we employ for distinguishing the figure (the object being perceived)
from the ground (the background or spaces within the object) do not work.
The fact that we can look at the same figure in more than one way illustrates an
important point. We do not just passively respond to visual stimuli that happen to fall
on our retinas. Rather, we actively try to organize and make sense of what we see.
We turn now from a focus on the initial response to a stimulus (sensation) to
what our minds make of that stimulus—perception. Perception is a constructive pro-
cess by which we go beyond the stimuli that are presented to us and attempt to
construct a meaningful situation.
The Gestalt Laws of Organization
Some of the most basic perceptual processes can be described by a series of principles
that focus on the ways we organize bits and pieces of information into meaningful
wholes. Known as gestalt laws of organization, these principles were set forth in the
early 1900s by a group of German psychologists who studied patterns, or gestalts
(Wertheimer, 1923). Those psychologists discovered a number of important principles
that are valid for visual (as well as auditory) stimuli, illustrated in Figure 2: closure,
proximity, similarity, and simplicity.
Figure 2a illustrates closure: We usually group elements to form enclosed or com-
plete figures rather than open ones. We tend to ignore the breaks in Figure 2a and
(a) (b)
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Module 13 Perceptual Organization: Constructing Our View of the World 127
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(a) Closure (b) Proximity (c) Similarity (d) Simplicity
FIGURE 2 Organizing these various bits and pieces of information into meaningful wholes
constitutes some of the most basic processes of perception, which are summed up in the
gestalt laws of organization. Do you think any other species share this organizational
tendency? How might we find out?
concentrate on the overall form. Figure 2b demonstrates the
principle of proximity: We perceive elements that are closer
together as grouped together. As a result, we tend to see pairs
of dots rather than a row of single dots in Figure 2b.
Elements that are similar in appearance we perceive as
grouped together. We see, then, horizontal rows of circles and
squares in Figure 2c rather than vertical mixed columns.
Finally, in a general sense, the overriding gestalt principle is
simplicity: When we observe a pattern, we perceive it in the
most basic, straightforward manner that we can. For example,
most of us see Figure 2d as a square with lines on two sides,
rather than as the block letter W on top of the letter M. If we
have a choice of interpretations, we generally opt for the sim-
pler one.
Although gestalt psychology no longer plays a prominent
role in contemporary psychology, its legacy endures. One fun-
damental gestalt principle that remains influential is that two
objects considered together form a whole that is different
from the simple combination of the objects. Gestalt psycholo- “I’m turning into my mother.”
gists argued that the perception of stimuli in our environment
goes well beyond the individual elements that we sense.
Instead, it represents an active, constructive process carried
out within the brain (Humphreys & Miiller, 2000; Lehar, 2003;
van der Helm, 2006) (see Figure 3).
Understanding this cartoon involves the separation of the figure
and ground. If you're having trouble appreciating the humor, stare
at the woman on the right, who eventually will be transformed.
Alert
The gestalt laws of organiza-
tion are classic principles in
the field of psychology.
Figure 2 can help you re-
member them.
Top-Down and Bottom-Up
Processing
Ca- yo- re-d t-is -en-en-e, w-ic- ha- ev-ry -hi-d |-tt-r m-ss-ng? It probably won’t take
you too long to figure out that it says, “Can you read this sentence, which has every
third letter missing?”
If perception were based primarily on breaking down a stimulus into its most
basic elements, understanding the sentence, as well as other ambiguous stimuli,
would not be possible. The fact that you were probably able to recognize such an
imprecise stimulus illustrates that perception proceeds along two different avenues,
called top-down processing and bottom-up processing.
In top-down processing, perception is guided by higher-level knowledge, expe- top-down processing Perception that
rience, expectations, and motivations. You were able to figure out the meaning of the is guided by higher-level knowledge,
sentence with the missing letters because of your prior reading experience and experience, expectations, and
because written English contains redundancies. Not every letter of each word is motivations.
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128 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 3 Although at first it is difficult
to distinguish anything in this drawing,
keep looking, and eventually you'll
probably be able to see the figure of a
dog. The dog represents a gestalt, or
perceptual, whole, which is something
greater than the sum or the individual
elements.
bottom-up processing Perception
that consists of the progression of
recognizing and processing information
from individual components of a
stimuli and moving to the perception
of the whole.
necessary to decode its meaning. Moreover, your expectations played a role in your
being able to read the sentence. You were probably expecting a statement that had
something to do with psychology, not the lyrics to a Lady Gaga song.
Top-down processing is illustrated by the importance of context in determining
how we perceive objects. Look, for example, at Figure 4. Most of us perceive that the
first row consists of the letters A through F, while the second contains the numbers
10 through 14. But take a more careful look and you'll see that the “B” and the “13”
are identical. Clearly, our perception is affected by our expectations about the two
sequences—even though the two stimuli are exactly the same.
However, top-down processing cannot occur on its own. Even though top-down
processing allows us to fill in the gaps in ambiguous and out-of-context stimuli, we
would be unable to perceive the meaning of such stimuli without bottom-up process-
ing. Bottom-up processing consists of the progression of recognizing and processing
information from individual components of a stimuli and moving to the perception
of the whole. We would make no headway in our recognition of the sentence without
being able to perceive the individual shapes that make up the letters. Some perception,
then, occurs at the level of the patterns and features of each of the separate letters.
Top-down and bottom-up processing occur simultaneously, and interact with
each other, in our perception of the world around us. Bottom-up processing permits
us to process the fundamental characteristics of stimuli, whereas top-down process-
ing allows us to bring our experience to bear on perception. As we learn more about
the complex processes involved in perception, we are developing a better under-
standing of how the brain continually interprets information from the senses and
permits us to make responses appropriate to the environment (Folk & Remington,
2008; Sobel et al., 2007; Westerhausen et al., 2009).
ABCDEF
IO Il 12 13 14
FIGURE 4 The power of context is shown in this figure. Note how the B and the 13 are
identical. (Source: Coren & Ward, 1989.)
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Module 13 Perceptual Organization: Constructing Our View of the World 129
Depth Perception:
Translating 2-D to 3-D
As sophisticated as the retina is, the images projected onto it are flat and two-
dimensional. Yet the world around us is three-dimensional, and we perceive it that
way. How do we make the transformation from 2-D to 3-D?
The ability to view the world in three dimensions and to perceive distance—a
skill known as depth perception—is due largely to the fact that we have two eyes.
Because there is a certain distance between the eyes, a slightly different image reaches
each retina. The brain integrates the two images into one view, but it also recognizes
the difference in images and uses this difference to estimate the distance of an object
from us. The difference in the images seen by the left eye and the right eye is known
as binocular disparity (Hibbard, 2007; Kara & Boyd, 2009).
To get a sense of binocular disparity, hold a pencil at arm’s length and look at
it first with one eye and then with the other. There is little difference between the
two views relative to the background. Now bring the pencil just 6 inches away from
your face, and try the same thing. This time you will perceive a greater difference
between the two views.
The fact that the discrepancy between the images in the two eyes varies accord-
ing to the distance of objects that we view provides us with a means of determining
distance. If we view two objects and one is considerably closer to us than the other
is, the retinal disparity will be relatively large and we will have a greater sense of
depth between the two. However, if the two objects are a similar distance from us,
the retinal disparity will be minor, and we will perceive them as being a similar
distance from us.
In some cases, certain cues permit us to obtain a sense of depth and distance
with just one eye. These cues are known as monocular cues. One monocular cue—
motion parallax—is the change in position of an object on the retina caused by move-
ment of your body relative to the object. For example, suppose you are a passenger
in a moving car, and you focus your eye on a stable object such as a tree. Objects
that are closer than the tree will appear to move backward, and the nearer the object
depth perception The ability to view
the world in three dimensions and to
perceive distance.
Railroad tracks that seem to join
together in the distance are an example
of linear perspective.
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130 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
When the moon is near the horizon, we
do not see it by itself, and perceptual
constancy leads us to take into account
a misleading sense of distance.
perceptual constancy The phenom-
enon in which physical objects are
perceived as unvarying and consistent
despite changes in their appearance or
in the physical environment.
is, the more quickly it will appear to move. In contrast, objects beyond the tree will
seem to move at a slower speed, but in the same direction as you are. Your brain is
able to use these cues to calculate the relative distances of the tree and other objects.
Similarly, experience has taught us that if two objects are the same size, the one
that makes a smaller image on the retina is farther away than is the one that provides
a larger image—an example of the monocular cue of relative size. But it’s not just size
of an object that provides information about distance; the quality of the image on
the retina helps us judge distance. The monocular cue of texture gradient provides
information about distance, because the details of things that are far away are less
distinct (Proffitt, 2006).
Finally, anyone who has ever seen railroad tracks that seem to come together in
the distance knows that distant objects appear to be closer together than are nearer
ones, a phenomenon called linear perspective. People use linear perspective as a mon-
ocular cue in estimating distance, allowing the two-dimensional image on the retina
to record the three-dimensional world (Bruce, Green, & Georgeson, 1997; Bruggeman,
Yonas, & Konczak, 2007; Dobbins et al., 1998; Shimono & Wade, 2002).
Perceptual Constancy
Consider what happens as you finish a conversation with a friend and he begins to
walk away from you. As you watch him walk down the street, the image on your
retina becomes smaller and smaller. Do you wonder why he is shrinking?
Of course not. Despite the very real change in the size of the retinal image,
because of perceptual constancy you factor into your thinking the knowledge that
your friend is moving farther away from you. Perceptual constancy is a phenomenon
in which physical objects are perceived as unvarying and consistent despite changes
in their appearance or in the physical environment. Perceptual constancy leads us to
view objects as having an unvarying size, shape, color, and brightness, even if the
image on our retina varies. For example, despite the varying images on the retina as
an airplane approaches, flies overhead, and disappears, we do not perceive the air-
plane as changing shape (Garrigan & Kellman, 2008; Redding, 2002; Wickelgren, 2004).
In some cases, though, our application of perceptual constancy can mislead us.
One good example of this involves the rising moon. When the moon first appears at
night, close to the horizon, it seems to be huge—much larger than when it is high
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Module 13 Perceptual Organization: Constructing Our View of the World
in the sky later in the evening. You may have thought that the apparent change in
the size of the moon was caused by the moon’s being physically closer to the earth
when it first appears. In fact, though, this is not the case at all: the actual image of
the moon on our retina is the same, whether it is low or high in the sky.
There are several explanations for the moon illusion. One suggests that the moon
appears to be larger when it is close to the horizon primarily because of perceptual
constancy. When the moon is near the horizon, the perceptual cues of intervening
terrain and objects such as trees on the horizon produce a misleading sense of dis-
tance, leading us to misperceive the moon as relatively large.
In contrast, when the moon is high in the sky, we see it by itself, and we don’t
try to compensate for its distance from us. In this case, then, perceptual constancy
leads us to perceive it as relatively small. To experience perceptual constancy, try
looking at the moon when it is relatively low on the horizon through a paper-towel
tube; the moon suddenly will appear to “shrink” back to normal size (Coren, 1992;
Imamura & Nakamizo, 2006; Kaufman, Johnson, & Liu, 2008; Ross & Plug, 2002).
Perceptual constancy is not the only explanation for the moon illusion, and it
remains a puzzle to psychologists. It may be that several different perceptual pro-
cesses are involved in the illusion (Gregory, 2008; Kim, 2008).
Motion Perception:
As the World Turns
When a batter tries to hit a pitched ball, the most important factor is the motion of
the ball. How is a batter able to judge the speed and location of a target that is mov-
ing at some 90 miles per hour?
The answer rests in part on several cues that provide us with relevant informa-
tion about the perception of motion. For one thing, the movement of an object across
the retina is typically perceived relative to some stable, unmoving background. More-
over, if the stimulus is heading toward us, the image on the retina expands in size,
filling more and more of the visual field. In such cases, we assume that the stimulus
is approaching—not that it is an expanding stimulus viewed at a constant distance.
It is not, however, just the movement of images across the retina that brings
about the perception of motion. If it were, we would perceive the world as moving
every time we moved our heads. Instead, one of the critical things we learn about
perception is to factor information about our own head and eye movements along
with information about changes in the retinal image.
Sometimes we perceive motion when it doesn’t occur. Have you ever been on a
stationary train that feels as if it is moving, because a train on an adjacent track
begins to slowly move past? Or have you been in an IMAX movie theater, in which
you feel as if you were falling as a huge image of plane moves across the screen? In
both cases, the experience of motion is convincing. Apparent movement is the percep-
tion that a stationary object is moving. It occurs when different areas of the retina
are quickly stimulated, leading us to interpret motion (Ekroll & Scherzer, 2009;
Lindemann & Bekkering, 2009).
Perceptual Illusions:
The Deceptions of Perceptions
If you look carefully at the Parthenon, one of the most famous buildings of ancient
Greece, still standing at the top of an Athens hill, you'll see that it was built with a
bulge on one side. If it didn’t have that bulge—and quite a few other architectural
“tricks” like it, such as columns that incline inward—it would look as if it were
131
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132 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
visual illusions Physical stimuli that
consistently produce errors in
perception.
Alert
The explanation for the
Miller-Lyer illusion is
complicated. Figure 6 will
help you master it.
(b)
FIGURE 5 (a) In building the Parthenon, the Greeks constructed an architectural wonder
that looks perfectly straight, with right angles at every corner as in. (b) However, if it had
been built with completely true right angles, it would have looked as it does here. (c) To
compensate for this illusion, the Parthenon was designed to have a slight upward curvature,
as shown here. (Source: Coren & Ward, 1989, p. 5.)
crooked and about to fall down. Instead, it appears to stand completely straight, at
right angles to the ground.
The fact that the Parthenon appears to be completely upright is the result of a
series of visual illusions. Visual illusions are physical stimuli that consistently pro-
duce errors in perception. In the case of the Parthenon, the building appears to be
completely square, as illustrated in Figure 5a. However, if it had been built that way,
it would look to us as it does in Figure 5b. The reason for this is an illusion that makes
right angles placed above a line appear as if they were bent. To offset the illusion, the
Parthenon was constructed as in Figure 5c, with a slight upward curvature.
The Miiller-Lyer illusion (illustrated in Figure 6) has fascinated psychologists for
decades. Although the two lines are the same length, the one with the arrow tips
pointing outward, away from the vertical line (Figure 6a, left) appears to be shorter
than the one with the arrow tips pointing inward (Figure 6a, right).
Although all kinds of explanations for visual illusions have been suggested, most
concentrate either on the physical operation of the eye or on our misinterpretation
of the visual stimulus. For example, one explanation for the Miiller-Lyer illusion is
that eye movements are greater when the arrow tips point inward, making us per-
ceive the line as longer than it is when the arrow tips face outward. In contrast, a
different explanation for the illusion suggests that we unconsciously attribute par-
ticular significance to each of the lines (Gregory, 1978; Redding & Hawley, 1993).
When we see the left line in Figure 6a we tend to perceive it as if it were the relatively
close outside corner of a rectangular object, such as the outside corner of the room
illustrated in Figure 6b. In contrast, when we view the line on the right in Figure 6a,
we perceive it as the relatively more distant inside corner of a rectangular object,
such as the inside room corner in Figure 6c. Because previous experience leads us to
assume that the outside corner is closer than the inside corner, we make the further
assumption that the inside corner must therefore be longer.
Despite the complexity of the latter explanation, a good deal of evidence sup-
ports it. For instance, cross-cultural studies show that people raised in areas where
there are few right angles—such as the Zulu in Africa—are much less susceptible to
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Module 13 Perceptual Organization: Constructing Our View of the World
(a) (b) (c)
FIGURE 6 In the Miller-Lyer illusion (a), the vertical line on the left appears shorter than the
one on the right, even though they are identical in length. One explanation for the Müller-
Lyer illusion suggests that the line on the left (with arrow points directed outward) is
perceived as the relatively close corner of a rectangular object, such as the building corner in
(b), and the line on the right (with the arrow points directed inward) is interpreted as the
inside corner of a rectangular object, such as the room extending away from us (c). Our
previous experience with distance cues leads us to assume that the outside corner is closer
than the inside corner and, consequently, that the inside corner must therefore be longer.
the illusion than are people who grow up where most structures are built using right
angles and rectangles (Segall, Campbell, & Herskovits, 1966).
As the example of the Zulu indicates, the culture in which we Ex | O ri Nn fa
are raised has clear consequences for how we perceive the p g DIVERSITY ~N
world. Consider the drawing in Figure 7. Sometimes called the
“devil's tuning fork,” it is likely to produce a mind-boggling
effect, as the center tine of the fork alternates between appearing
and disappearing.
Now try to reproduce the drawing on a piece of paper. Chances are that the
task is nearly impossible for you—unless you are a member of an African tribe with
little exposure to Western cultures. For such individuals, the task is simple; they
have no trouble reproducing the figure. The reason is that Westerners automatically
interpret the drawing as something that cannot exist in three dimensions, and they
therefore are inhibited from reproducing it. The African tribal members, in contrast,
do not make the assumption that the figure is “impossible” and instead view it in
two dimensions, a perception that enables them to copy the figure with ease
(Deregowski, 1973).
Cultural differences are also reflected in depth perception. A Western viewer of
Figure 8 would interpret the hunter in the drawing as aiming for the antelope in the
foreground, while an elephant stands under the tree in the background. A member
of an isolated African tribe, however, interprets the scene very differently by assum-
ing that the hunter is aiming at the elephant. Westerners use the difference in sizes
between the two animals as a cue that the elephant is farther away than the antelope
(Hudson, 1960).
Does this mean that basic perceptual processes differ among people of different
cultures? No. Variations in learning and experience produce cross-cultural differences
in perception, and the underlying psychological processes involved in perception are
similar (McCauley & Henrich, 2006).
Although visual illusions may seem like mere psychological curiosities, they
Culture and Perception ~
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133
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oy
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actually illustrate something fundamental about perception. There is a basic connec- FIGURE 7 The “devil's tuning fork” has
tion between our prior knowledge, needs, motivations, and expectations about how three prongs . . . or does it have two?
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134 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
FIGURE 8 Is the man aiming for the
elephant or the antelope? Westerners
assume that the difference in size
between the two animals indicates that
the elephant is farther away, and
therefore the man is aiming for the
antelope. In contrast, members of some
African tribes, not used to depth cues in
two-dimensional drawings, assume that
the man is aiming for the elephant. (The
drawing is based on Deregowski, 1973.)
Do you think Westerners, who view the
picture in three dimensions, could
explain what they see to someone who
views the scene in two dimensions and
eventually get that person to view it in
three dimensions?
the world is put together and the way we perceive it. Our view of the world is very
much an outcome, then, of fundamental psychological factors. Furthermore, each
person perceives the environment in a way that is unique and special (Knoblich &
Sebanz, 2006; Repp & Knoblich, 2007).
SUBLIMINAL PERCEPTION
Can stimuli that we’re not consciously aware of change our behavior? In some
ways, yes.
Subliminal perception refers to the perception of messages about which we have
no awareness. The stimulus could be a written word, a sound, or even a smell that
activates the sensory system but that is not intense enough for a person to report
having experienced it. For example, in some studies people are exposed to a descrip-
tive label—called a prime—about a person (such as the word smart or happy) so briefly
that they cannot report seeing the label. Later, however, they form impressions that
are influenced by the content of the prime. Somehow, they have been influenced by
the prime that they say they couldn’t see, providing some evidence for subliminal
perception (Greenwald, Draine, & Abrams, 1996; Key, 2003).
Although subliminal messages (which social psychologists refer to as priming)
can influence behavior in subtle ways, there’s little evidence that it can lead to
major changes in attitudes or behavior. Most research suggests that they cannot.
For example, people who are subliminally exposed to an image of a Coke can and
the word “thirst” do later rate themselves as thirstier, and they actually do drink
more when given the opportunity. However, they don’t particularly care if they
drink Coke or some other liquid to quench their thirst (Dijksterhuis, Chartrand,
& Aarts, 2007).
In short, although we are able to perceive at least some kinds of information of
which we are unaware, there’s little evidence that subliminal messages can change
our attitudes or behavior in substantial ways. At the same time, subliminal percep-
tion does have at least some consequences. If our motivation to carry out a behav-
ior is already high and the appropriate stimuli are presented subliminally,
subliminal perception may have at least some effect on our behavior (Abrams,
Klinger, & Greenwald, 2002; Pratkanis, Epley, & Savitsky, 2007; Randolph-Seng &
Nielsen, 2009).
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Module 13 Perceptual Organization: Constructing Our View of the World 135
EXTRASENSORY PERCEPTION (ESP)
Given the lack of evidence that subliminal perception can alter our behavior in sub-
stantial ways, psychologists are particularly skeptical of reports of extrasensory percep-
tion, or ESP—perception that does not involve our known senses. Although half of
the general population of the United States believes it exists, most psychologists reject
the existence of ESP, asserting that there is no sound documentation of the phenom-
enon (Gallup Poll, 2001; Hyman, 1994; Swets & Bjork, 1990).
However, a debate in one of the most prestigious psychology journals, Psycho-
logical Bulletin, heightened interest in ESP. According to proponents of ESP, reliable
evidence exists for an “anomalous process of information transfer,” or psi. These
researchers, who painstakingly reviewed considerable evidence, argue that a cumula-
tive body of research shows reliable support for the existence of psi (Bem & Honorton,
1994; Parra & Argibay, 2007; Storm & Ertel, 2001).
Their conclusion has been challenged on several counts. For example, critics
suggest that the research methodology was inadequate and that the experiments
supporting psi are flawed (Hyman, 1994; Kennedy, 2004; Milton & Wiseman, 1999).
Because of questions about the quality of the research, as well as a lack of any
credible theoretical explanation for how extrasensory perception might take place,
the vast majority of psychologists continue to believe that there is no reliable scien-
tific support for ESP (Rose & Blackmore, 2002; Wiseman & Greening, 2002). Still, the
exchanges in Psychological Bulletin are likely to heighten the debate. More important,
the renewed interest in ESP among psychologists is likely to inspire more research,
which is the only way the issue can be resolved.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP parallax, the relative size of images on the retina, and
linear perspective. (p. 129)
e Perceptual constancy permits us to perceive stimuli as
unvarying in size, shape, and color despite changes in
the environment or the appearance of the objects being
perceived. (p. 130)
e Motion perception depends on cues such as the
perceived movement of an object across the retina and
information about how the head and eyes are moving.
(p. 131)
What clues do visual illusions give us about our understanding
of general perceptual mechanisms?
e Visual illusions are physical stimuli that consistently
What principles underlie our organization of the visual world
and allow us to make sense of our environment?
e Perception is a constructive process in which people go
beyond the stimuli that are physically present and try to
construct a meaningful interpretation. (p. 126)
e The gestalt laws of organization are used to describe the
way in which we organize bits and pieces of information
into meaningful wholes, known as gestalts, through
closure, proximity, similarity, and simplicity. (p. 126)
e In top-down processing, perception is guided by
higher-level knowledge, experience, expectations, and
motivations. In bottom-up processing, perception
consists of the progression of recognizing and processing
information from individual components of a stimuli
and moving to the perception of the whole. (p. 127)
produce errors in perception, causing judgments that do
not reflect the physical reality of a stimulus accurately.
One of the best-known illusions is the Miiller-Lyer
illusion. (p. 132)
e Visual illusions are usually the result of errors in the
brain’s interpretation of visual stimuli. Furthermore,
culture clearly affects how we perceive the world.
How are we able to perceive the world in three dimensions
when our retinas are capable of sensing only two-dimensional
images?
e Depth perception is the ability to perceive distance and
view the world in three dimensions even though the
images projected on our retinas are two-dimensional.
We are able to judge depth and distance as a result of
binocular disparity and monocular cues, such as motion
(p. 132)
Subliminal perception refers to the perception of
messages about which we have no awareness. The
reality of the phenomenon, as well as of ESP, is open to
question and debate. (p. 134)
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136 Chapter 4 Sensation and Perception
EVALUATE 5. is the ability to view the world in
three dimensions instead of two.
6. The brain makes use of a phenomenon known as
1. Match each of the following organizational laws with its
SR , or the difference in the images the
ao (lost po men close tee era. two eyes see, to give three dimensions to sight.
b. proximity grouped together.
c. similarity 2. Patterns are perceived in the
d. simplicity most basic, direct manner RETHINK
3 Bees are f 1. In what ways do painters represent three-dimensional
í BR ae a scenes in two dimensions on a canvas? Do you think art-
4 ae ie ee ists in non-Western cultures use the same or different prin-
pe eee ere z A PERETE OSE ciples to represent three-dimensionality? Why?
2 reer tes aia F rebe 2. From the perspective of a corporate executive: What arguments
i : Glue afte ee es ee might you make if a member of your staff proposed a sub-
an object down into its component pieces in order to un- lawinabadveruel ion? D fink l
IA. iminal advertising campaign? Do you think your expla-
KN ; r nation would be enough to convince them? Why?
3. Processing that involves higher functions such as expecta-
tions and motivations is known as ____, whereas Answers to Evaluate Questions
processing that recognizes the individual components of a Ayredstp repndourg “9 ‘uoydaorzad yydaq 'g ‘Aoueysu0s
stimulus is known as —____ [enjdaorad “% ‘dn-woyog ‘umop-do} ‘g ‘amnyea `Z ‘T-P f-9 ‘T-q ‘g-e 'T
4, When a car passes you on the road and appears to shrink
as it gets farther away, the phenomenon of
permits you to realize that the car is not in fact
getting smaller.
KEY TERMS
gestalt laws of top-down processing p.127 depth perception p. 129 visual illusions p. 132
organization p. 126 bottom-up processing p.128 perceptual constancy p. 130
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Psychology on the Web
1. Select one topic of personal interest to you that was mentioned in this set of
modules (for instance, cochlear implants, visual illusions, psi). Find one “serious” or
scientific website and one “popular” or commercial website with information about
the chosen topic. Compare the type, level, and reliability of the information that you
find on each site. Write a summary of your findings.
2. Are there more gestalt laws of organization than the four we've considered (closure,
proximity, similarity, and simplicity)? Find the answer to this question on the Internet
and write a summary of any additional gestalt laws you find.
È D | log U e We have noted the important distinction between
sensation and perception, and we have examined the
processes that underlie both of them. We've seen how external stimuli evoke sensory
responses and how our different senses process the information contained in those
responses. We also have focused on the physical structure and internal workings of the
individual senses, including vision, hearing, balance, smell, taste, and the skin senses,
and we've explored how our brains organize and process sensory information to
construct a consistent, integrated picture of the world around us.
To complete our investigation of sensation and perception, let’s reconsider super-
recognizers like C. S., who are able to recognize faces years after they have met people,
often only in passing. Using your knowledge of sensation and perception, answer these
questions:
1. Why might some people be extremely capable at recognizing faces?
2. Is having extremely sensitive perception always a good thing? What might be some
drawbacks to being a super-recognizer?
3. Does the ability of super-recognizers seem to be a matter of sensation or of percep-
tion? Why do you think so?
137
States of Consciousness
Ul
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Key Concepts for Chapter 5
MODULE 14
What are the different states of Sleep and Dreams
The Stages of Sleep
REM Sleep: The Paradox of Sleep
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Let Me Sleep on It: The Role of Sleep
in Memory and Thinking
Why Do We Sleep, and How
Much Sleep Is Necessary?
@ How much do we dayd ream? Neuroscience in Your Life: Why Are You
Cranky? Your Brain Is Too Awake
consciousness? @ What happens when we
sleep, and what are the meaning and
function of dreams? @ What are the major
sleep disorders, and how can they be treated?
The Function and Meaning of Dreaming
Sleep Disturbances: Slumbering Problems
PsychWork: Sleep Technologist
Circadian Rhythms: Life Cycles
Daydreams: Dreams without Sleep
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Sleeping Better
1" ei >a Ut n = I)
What is hypnosis, and are hypnotized people in a Hypnosis and Meditation
Hypnosis: A Trance-Forming Experience?
different state of consciousness? @ What are the ne
Meditation: Regulating Our Own
effects of meditation? State of Consciousness
Exploring Diversity: Cross-Cultural Routes
to Altered States of Consciousness
MODULE 16
What are the major classifications of drugs, Drug Use: The Highs
n ace hereta and Lows of Consciousness
` Stimulants: Drug Highs
Depressants: Drug Lows
Narcotics: Relieving Pain and Anxiety
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Identifying Drug
and Alcohol Problems
139
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Prologue Out of Control
Annie Fuller knew she was in.trouble a year ago, when in the
space of a few hours she managed to drink a male co-worker
more than twice her size under the table. Of course, she'd
been practicing for a quarter of her life by then; at 47, she was
pouring a pint of bourbon, a 12-pack of beer, anda couple of
bottles of wine into her 115-pound body each day. She had
come to prefer alcohol to food, sex, or the company of friends
and loved ones. Her marriage had ended; she had virtually
stopped leaving the house, except to work and to drink. Fuller
had tried and failed enough times over the years to know that
she would not be able to sober up on her own. (Interlandi,
2008, p. 36)
Annie Fuller was an alcoholic—a person who abuses alcohol to
the point where it causes serious life problems. A common
experience of alcoholics is that they develop a resistance to
alcohol, having to consume ever greater quantities of it to
achieve the same effects, as Annie Fuller experienced. What those
effects are, why people find them so pleasurable, and why some
people become alcoholics are some of the questions we will
address as we turn our attention to the study of consciousness.
Consciousness is the awareness of the sensations, thoughts,
and feelings we experience at a given moment. Consciousness is
our subjective understanding of both the environment around us
and our private internal world, unobservable to outsiders.
In waking consciousness, we are awake and aware of our
thoughts, emotions, and perceptions. All other states of con-
sciousness are considered altered states of consciousness. Among
these, sleeping and dreaming occur naturally; drug use and
hypnosis, in contrast, are methods of deliberately altering one’s
state of consciousness.
In the past, because consciousness is so personal a phenom-
enon, psychologists were sometimes reluctant to study it. After
all, who can say that your consciousness is similar to or, for that
matter, different from anyone else's? Although the earliest
psychologists, including William James (1890), saw the study of
consciousness as central to the field, later psychologists sug-
gested that it was out of bounds for the discipline. They argued
that consciousness could be understood only by relying “unscien-
tifically” on what experimental participants said they were
experiencing. In this view, it was philosophers—not psycholo-
gists—who should speculate on such knotty issues as whether
consciousness is separate from the physical body, how people
know they exist, and how the body and mind are related to each
other (Barresi, 2007; Gennaro, 2004; Rychlak, 1997).
140
Contemporary psychologists reject the view that the study of
consciousness is unsuitable for the field of psychology. Instead,
they argue that several approaches permit the scientific study of
consciousness. For example, behavioral neuroscientists can
measure brain-wave patterns under conditions of consciousness
ranging from sleep to waking to hypnotic trances. And new
understanding of the chemistry of drugs such as marijuana and
alcohol has provided insights into the way they produce their
pleasurable—as well as adverse—effects (Baars & Seth, 2009;
Damasio, 2003; Mosher & Akins, 2007).
Yet how humans experience consciousness remains an open
question. Some psychologists believe that the experience of
consciousness is produced by a quantitative increase in neuronal
activity that occurs throughout the brain. For example, an alarm
clock moves us from sleep to waking consciousness by its loud
ringing, which stimulates neurons throughout the brain as a
whole (Greenfield, 2002; Koch & Greenfield, 2007).
In contrast, others believe that states of consciousness are
produced by particular sets of neurons and neuronal pathways
that are activated in specific ways. In this view, an alarm clock
wakes us from sleep into consciousness, because specific
neurons related to the auditory nerve are activated; the auditory
nerve then sends a message to other neurons to release particu-
lar neurotransmitters that produce awareness of the alarm
(Tononi & Koch, 2008).
Although we don't know yet which of these views is correct, it
is clear that whatever state of consciousness we are in—be it
waking, sleeping, hypnotic, or drug-induced—the complexities
of consciousness are profound.
consciousness The awareness of the sensations, thoughts, and
feelings being experienced at a given moment.
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MODULE 14
Mike Trevino, 29, slept nine hours in nine days in his quest to win a 3,000-mile,
cross-country bike race. For the first 38 hrs. and 646 miles, he skipped sleep entirely.
Later he napped—with no dreams he can remember—for no more than 90 minutes a
night. Soon he began to imagine that his support crew was part of a bomb plot. “It was
almost like riding in a movie. I thought it was a complex dream, even though I was
conscious,” says Trevino, who finished second. (Springen, 2004, p. 47)
Trevino’s case is unusual—in part because he was able to function with so little sleep
What are the different states
of consciousness?
What happens when we sleep,
and what are the meaning
and function of dreams?
for so long—and it raises a host of questions about sleep and dreams. Can we live
without sleep? What is the meaning of dreams? More generally, what is sleep?
Although sleeping is a state that we all experience, there are still many unan-
swered questions about sleep that remain, along with a considerable number of myths.
Test your knowledge of sleep and dreams by answering the questionnaire in Figure 1.
~ Feim i
Sleep Quiz
What are the major sleep
disorders, and how can they
be treated?
How much do we daydream?
There are many unanswered
questions about sleep. Taking this quiz
can help you clear up some of the myths.
Although sleeping is something we all do for a significant part of our lives, myths and
misconceptions about the topic abound. To test your own knowledge of sleep and
dreams, try answering the following questions before reading further.
1. Some people never dream
True or false?
6.
If we lose some sleep we will
eventually make up all the
lost sleep the next night or
another night. True or false?
2. Most dreams are caused by
bodily sensations such as an
upset stomach. True or false?
. No one has been able to go
for more than 48 hours with-
out sleep. True or false?
3. It has been proved that
people need eight hours
of sleep to maintain men-
tal health. True or false?
4. When people do not recall
their dreams, it is probably
because they are secretly
trying to forget them. True
or false?
. Our muscles are the most
relaxed of the night when
we are dreaming. True or
false?
. Sleep enables the brain to
rest because little brain activ-
ity takes place during sleep.
True or false?
5. Depriving someone of sleep
will invariably cause the indi-
vidual to become mentally
imbalanced. True or false?
10.
Drugs have been proved to
provide a long term cure
for sleeplessness. True or
false?
Scoring: This is an easy set of questions to score for every item is false. But don't lose any sleep if
you missed them; they were chosen to represent the most common myths regarding sleep.
141
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142 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
stage 1 sleep The state of transition
between wakefulness and sleep,
characterized by relatively rapid,
low-amplitude brain waves.
stage 2 sleep Asleep deeper than that
of stage 1, characterized by a slower,
more regular wave pattern, along with
momentary interruptions of “sleep
spindles.”
stage 3 sleep Asleep characterized by
slow brain waves, with greater peaks
and valleys in the wave pattern than in
stage 2 sleep.
stage 4 sleep The deepest stage of
sleep, during which we are least
responsive to outside stimulation.
Stage |
(non-REM)
The Stages of Sleep
Most of us consider sleep a time of tranquility when we set aside the tensions of the
day and spend the night in uneventful slumber. However, a closer look at sleep
shows that a good deal of activity occurs throughout the night.
Measures of electrical activity in the brain show that the brain is quite active
during the night. It produces electrical discharges with systematic, wavelike patterns
that change in height (or amplitude) and speed (or frequency) in regular sequences.
There is also significant physical activity in muscle and eye movements.
People progress through a series of distinct stages of sleep during a night’s rest—
known as stage 1 through stage 4 and REM sleep—moving through the stages in cycles
lasting about 90 minutes. Each of these sleep stages is associated with a unique pat-
tern of brain waves, which you can see in Figure 2.
When people first go to sleep, they move from a waking state in which they are
relaxed with their eyes closed into stage 1 sleep, which is characterized by relatively
rapid, low-amplitude brain waves. This is actually a stage of transition between
wakefulness and sleep and lasts only a few minutes. During stage 1, images some-
times appear, as if we were viewing still photos, although this is not true dreaming,
which occurs later in the night.
As sleep becomes deeper, people enter stage 2 sleep, which makes up about
half of the total sleep of those in their early 20s and is characterized by a slower,
more regular wave pattern. However, there are also momentary interruptions of
sharply pointed, spiky waves that are called, because of their configuration, sleep
spindles. It becomes increasingly difficult to awaken a person from sleep as stage 2
progresses.
As people drift into stage 3 sleep, the brain waves become slower, with higher
peaks and lower valleys in the wave pattern. By the time sleepers arrive at stage 4
sleep, the pattern is even slower and more regular, and people are least responsive
to outside stimulation.
As sleep becomes
deeper, brain waves
take on a slower
wave pattern
Sleep spindle
|
REM
Stage 2
(non-REM)
Stage 3
(non-REM)
Stage 4
(non-REM)
FIGURE 2 Brain-wave patterns (measured by an EEG apparatus) vary significantly during the
different stages of sleep (Hobson, 1989). As sleep moves from stage 1 through stage 4, brain
waves become slower. During REM sleep, however, the fast wave patterns are similar to
relaxed wakefulness.
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Sleep stage
REM sleep
Hours slept
As you can see in Figure 3, stage 4 sleep is most likely to occur during the early
part of the night. In the first half of the night, sleep is dominated by stages 3 and 4. The
second half is characterized by stages 1 and 2—as well as a fifth stage during which
dreams occur.
REM Sleep: The Paradox of Sleep
Several times a night, when sleepers have cycled back to a shallower state of sleep,
something curious happens. Their heart rate increases and becomes irregular, their
blood pressure rises, and their breathing rate increases. Most characteristic of this
period is the back-and-forth movement of their eyes, as if they were watching an
action-filled movie. This period of sleep is called rapid eye movement, or REM sleep,
and it contrasts with stages 1 through 4, which are collectively labeled non-REM (or
NREM) sleep. REM sleep occupies a little more than 20% of adults’ total sleeping time.
People progress through four distinct stages of sleep during a night's rest spread over cycles
lasting about 90 minutes. REM sleep, which occupies only 20% of adults’ sleeping time, occurs
in stage 1 sleep. These photos, taken at different times of night, show the synchronized
patterns of a couple accustomed to sleeping in the same bed.
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 143
FIGURE 3 During the night, the typical
sleeper passes through all four stages of
sleep and several REM periods. (Source:
From Ernest Hartmann, The Biology of
Dreaming (1967), p. 6. Courtesy of Charles C
Thomas Publisher, Ltd., Springfield, Illinois.)
rapid eye movement (REM) sleep
Sleep occupying 20% of an adult’s
sleeping time, characterized by
increased heart rate, blood pressure,
and breathing rate; erections; eye
movements; and the experience of
dreaming.
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Let Me Sleep on It: The Role of
Sleep in Memory and Thinking
“Let me sleep on it. And I'll give you an
answer in the morning.”
As the popular song lyric suggests, lay-
people and scientists alike have long sus-
pected that sleep plays an important role in
thinking and memory—but what that role
might be has been less than clear. One idea is
that a process called memory consolidation
occurs during sleep. While we're awake, our
brains store information from our experi-
ences throughout the day in the hippocam-
pus region. But for long term storage, those
memories need to be relocated to the cortex,
where connections are made between the
new information and what we already
know. This process helps us to make better
sense of the new information and to retain
it—and it may be facilitated by sleep, when
the influx of new information slows to a
trickle (Cai et al., 2009; Gilestro, Tononi, &
Cirelli, 2009).
Recent studies are shedding light on
how memory consolidation works. In one,
participants memorized a long list of word
pairs immediately before they went to
sleep. As soon as they reached the deepest
stages of sleep, researchers used electrodes
to stimulate very slow brain waves in
some of the participants. The participants
whose brain waves were altered in this
way showed better recall for the word
y Alert
Differentiate the five stages
of sleep (stage 1, stage 2,
stage 3, stage 4, and REM
sleep), which produce dif-
ferent brain-wave patterns.
144
Does sleeping help us to remember more
effectively?
pairs the next morning. The researchers
theorize that these slow brain waves im-
proved memory storage by strengthening
the connections between neurons (Ver-
leger et al., 2008).
Another study showed how sleep is in-
volved in thinking as well as memory. The
researchers gave participants a puzzle that
involved performing a set of seven opera-
tions on a set of numbers, with the outcome
of the seventh operation as the final answer.
The participants were given a series of
these puzzles using different number sets,
and they were instructed to find the an-
swers quickly. What the participants didn’t
know was that there was a “trick” to the
puzzles: the final answer was always the
same as the outcome of the second opera-
tion. If they realized this trick, they could
skip most of the work and give the final an-
swer much more quickly.
The question was whether “sleeping on
it” would help participants achieve this
insight—and it did. Participants who
worked a set of puzzles before sleeping and
then worked another set the next morning
were almost three times more likely to dis-
cover the trick than were participants who
took a long break between puzzle sessions
but did not sleep (Stickgold & Wehrwein,
2009; Yordanova et al., 2008).
This, and other findings like it, suggest
that sleep plays an important role in help-
ing us to analyze and make meaning of
our waking experiences. “Sleeping on it,”
then, may turn out to be a reasonable
strategy for coming to solutions for our
problems.
e Why do you think memory and thinking may be improved by sleeping?
e How could students make use of memory consolidation while sleeping to improve
their test performance?
Paradoxically, while all this activity is occurring, the major muscles of the body
appear to be paralyzed. In addition, and most important, REM sleep is usually accom-
panied by dreams, which—whether or not people remember them—are experienced
by everyone during some part of their night’s sleep. Although some dreaming occurs
in non-REM stages of sleep, dreams are most likely to occur in the REM period, where
they are the most vivid and easily remembered (Conduit, Crewther, & Coleman, 2004;
Lu et al., 2006; Titone, 2002).
There is good reason to believe that REM sleep plays a critical role in everyday
human functioning. People deprived of REM sleep—by being awakened every time
they begin to display the physiological signs of that stage—show a rebound effect
when allowed to rest undisturbed. With this rebound effect, REM-deprived sleepers
spend significantly more time in REM sleep than they normally would. In addition,
REM sleep may play a role in learning and memory, allowing us to rethink and
restore information and emotional experiences that we’ve had during the day
(Nishida et al., 2009; Walker & van der Helm, 2009). (Also see Applying Psychology in
the 21st Century.)
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Why Do We Sleep, and How
Much Sleep Is Necessary?
Sleep is a requirement for normal human functioning, although, surprisingly, we
don’t know exactly why. It is reasonable to expect that our bodies would require a
tranquil “rest and relaxation” period to revitalize themselves, and experiments with
rats show that total sleep deprivation results in death. But why?
One explanation, based on an evolutionary perspective, suggests that sleep permit-
ted our ancestors to conserve energy at night, a time when food was relatively hard
to come by. Consequently, they were better able to forage for food when the sun is up.
A second explanation for why we sleep is that sleep restores and replenishes our
brains and bodies. For instance, the reduced activity of the brain during non-REM
sleep may give neurons in the brain a chance to repair themselves. Furthermore, the
onset of REM sleep stops the release of neurotransmitters called monoamines and so
permits receptor cells to get some necessary rest and to increase their sensitivity
during periods of wakefulness (McNamara, 2004; Siegel, 2003; Steiger, 2007).
Finally, sleep may be essential, because it assists physical growth and brain
development in children. For example, the release of growth hormones is associated
with deep sleep (Peterfi et al., 2010).
Still, these explanations remain speculative, and there is no definitive answer as
to why sleep is essential. Furthermore, scientists have been unable to establish just
how much sleep is absolutely required. Most people today sleep between seven and
eight hours each night, which is three hours a night less than people slept a hundred
years ago. In addition, there is wide variability among individuals, with some people
needing as little as three hours of sleep (see Figure 4). Sleep requirements also vary
over the course of a lifetime: As they age, people generally need less and less sleep.
People who participate in sleep deprivation experiments, in which they are kept
awake for stretches as long as 200 hours, show no lasting effects. It’s no fun—they feel
weary and irritable, can’t concentrate, and show a loss of creativity, even after only
minor deprivation. They also show a decline in logical reasoning ability. However, after
being allowed to sleep normally, they bounce back quickly and are able to perform at
predeprivation levels after just a few days (Babson et al., 2009; Mograss et al., 2009).
In short, as far as we know, most people suffer no permanent consequences of
such temporary sleep deprivation. But—and this is an important but—a lack of sleep
50
40
30
20
Percentage of people
— os
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 II
Number of hours of sleep
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 145
FIGURE 4 Although most people report
sleeping between eight and nine hours
per night, the amount that individuals
needs varies a great deal (Borbely, 1986).
Where would you place yourself on this
graph, and why do you think you need
more or less sleep than others?
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146 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
FIGURE 6 Although dreams tend to be
subjective to the person having them,
there are common elements that
frequently occur in everyone's dreams.
Why do you think so many common
dreams are unpleasant and so few are
pleasant? Do you think this tells us
anything about the function of dreams?
(Source: Schneider & Domhoff, 2002.)
Why Are You Cranky?
Your Brain Is Too Awake
FIGURE 5 One explanation about why we need sleep is that we need to restore and repair
various systems in our brains. One such system is the one that regulates our emotions. In the
MRI scan, the amygdala, which helps process emotions, shows less activation (seen in reds and
oranges) when viewing emotional pictures when participants had enough sleep compared to
when they were sleep deprived, suggesting that participants responded more emotionally
when they had less sleep. (Source: Walker and van der Helm 2009.)
No Sleep
t-score
0 mo
can make us feel edgy, slow our reaction time, and lower our performance on aca-
demic and physical tasks. In addition, we put ourselves, and others, at risk when we
carry out routine activities, such as driving, when we're very sleepy (Anderson &
Home, 2006; Morad et al., 2009; Philip et al., 2005) (also see Figure 5).
The Function and Meaning
of Dreaming
I was sitting at my desk when I remembered that this was the day of my chemistry final! I
was terrified, because I hadn’t studied a bit for it. In fact, I had missed every lecture all
semester. In a panic, I began running across campus desperately searching for the class-
room, to which I’d never been. It was hopeless; I knew I was going to fail and flunk out
of college.
Percentage of Dreams
Reporting at Least One Event
Thematic Event Males Females
Aggression 47% 44%
Friendliness 38 42
Sexuality 12 04
Misfortune 36 33
Success 15 08
Failure 15 10
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Theory Basic Explanation
Unconscious wish
fulfillment theory (Freud)
Psychoanalytical explanation where
dreams represent unconscious
wishes the dreamer wants to fulfill
Dreams-for-survival
theory
Evolutionary explanation where
information relevant to daily survival
is reconsidered and reprocessed survival
Activation-synthesis
theory
Neuroscience explanation where
dreams are the result of random
activation of various memories,
which are tied together in a logical
story line
FIGURE 7 Three theories of dreams. As researchers have yet to agree on the fundamental
meaning of dreams, several theories about dreaming have emerged.
If you have had a similar dream—a surprisingly common dream among people involved
in academic pursuits—you know how utterly convincing are the panic and fear that the
events in the dream can bring about. Nightmares, unusually frightening dreams, occur
fairly often. In one survey, almost half of a group of college students who kept records
of their dreams over a two-week period reported having at least one nightmare. This
works out to some 24 nightmares per person each year, on average (Levin & Nielsen,
2009; Nielson, Stenstrom, & Levin, 2006; Schredl et al., 2009).
However, most of the 150,000 dreams the average person experiences by the age
of 70 are much less dramatic. They typically encompass everyday events such as
going to the supermarket, working at the office, and preparing a meal. Students
dream about going to class; professors dream about lecturing. Dental patients dream
of getting their teeth drilled; dentists dream of drilling the wrong tooth. The English
have tea with the queen in their dreams; in the United States, people go to a bar with
the president (Domhoff, 1996; Schredl & Piel, 2005; Taylor & Bryant, 2007). Figure 6
shows the most common themes found in people’s dreams.
But what, if anything, do all these dreams mean? Whether dreams have a specific
significance and function is a question that scientists have considered for many years,
and they have developed the three alternative theories we discuss below (and sum-
marized in Figure 7).
PSYCHOANALYTIC EXPLANATIONS OF DREAMS:
DO DREAMS REPRESENT UNCONSCIOUS WISH FULFILLMENT?
Using psychoanalytic theory, Sigmund Freud viewed dreams as a guide to the uncon-
scious (Freud, 1900). In his unconscious wish fulfillment theory, he proposed that
dreams represent unconscious wishes that dreamers desire to see fulfilled. However,
because these wishes are threatening to the dreamer’s conscious awareness, the
actual wishes—called the latent content of dreams—are disguised. The true subject
and meaning of a dream, then, may have little to do with its apparent story line,
which Freud called the manifest content of dreams.
To Freud, it was important to pierce the armor of a dream’s manifest content to
understand its true meaning. To do this, Freud tried to get people to discuss their
dreams, associating symbols in the dreams with events in the past. He also suggested
that certain common symbols with universal meanings appear in dreams. For exam-
ple, to Freud, dreams in which a person is flying symbolize a wish for sexual inter-
course. (See Figure 8 for other common symbols.)
Many psychologists reject Freud’s view that dreams typically represent uncon-
scious wishes and that particular objects and events in a dream are symbolic. Rather,
Meaning of Dreams
Latent content reveals
unconscious wishes
Clues to everyday
concerns about
Dream scenario that is
constructed is related
to dreamer’'s concerns
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 147
Is Meaning of Dream
Disguised?
Yes, by manifest
content of dreams
Not necessarily
Not necessarily
y Alert
Use Figure 7 to learn the
differences between the
three main explanations of
dreaming.
unconscious wish fulfillment
theory Sigmund Freud’s theory that
dreams represent unconscious wishes
that dreamers desire to see fulfilled.
latent content of dreams According to
Freud, the “disguised” meanings of
dreams, hidden by more obvious
subjects.
manifest content of dreams Accord-
ing to Freud, the apparent story line of
dreams.
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148 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
dreams-for-survival theory The
theory suggesting that dreams permit
information that is critical for our daily
survival to be reconsidered and
reprocessed during sleep.
Symbol (Manifest Content of Dream) Interpretation (Latent Content)
Climbing up a stairway, crossing a bridge, riding Sexual intercourse
an elevator, flying in an airplane, walking down a
long hallway, entering a room, train traveling
through a tunnel
Apples , peaches grapefruits Breasts
Bullets, fire, snakes, sticks, umbrellas, guns, hoses, Male sex organs
knives
Ovens, boxes, tunnels, closets, caves, bottles, ship Female sex organs
FIGURE 8 According to Freud, dreams contain common symbols with universal meanings.
they believe that the direct, overt action of a dream is the focal point of its meaning.
For example, a dream in which we are walking down a long hallway to take an exam
for which we haven't studied does not relate to unconscious, unacceptable wishes.
Instead, it simply may mean that we are concerned about an impending test. Even
more complex dreams can often be interpreted in terms of everyday concerns and
stress (Picchioni et al., 2002; Cartwright, Agargum, & Kirkby, 2006).
Moreover, some dreams reflect events occurring in the dreamer’s environment
as he or she is sleeping. For example, sleeping participants in one experiment were
sprayed with water while they were dreaming. Those unlucky volunteers reported
more dreams involving water than did a comparison group of participants who were
left to sleep undisturbed (Dement & Wolpert, 1958). Similarly, it is not unusual to
wake up to find that the doorbell that was heard ringing in a dream is actually an
alarm clock telling us it is time to get up.
However, PET brain scan research does lend a degree of support for the wish
fulfillment view. For instance, the limbic and paralimbic regions of the brain, which
are associated with emotion and motivation, are particularly active during REM
sleep. At the same time, the association areas of the prefrontal cortex, which control
logical analysis and attention, are inactive during REM sleep. The high activation of
emotional and motivational centers of the brain during dreaming makes it more
plausible that dreams may reflect unconscious wishes and instinctual needs, as Freud
suggested (Braun et al., 1998; Occhionero, 2004; Wehrle et al., 2007).
EVOLUTIONARY EXPLANATIONS OF DREAMS:
DREAMS-FOR-SURVIVAL THEORY
According to the dreams-for-survival theory, which is based in the evolutionary
perspective, dreams permit us to reconsider and reprocess during sleep information
that is critical for our daily survival. Dreaming is considered an inheritance from our
animal ancestors, whose small brains were unable to sift sufficient information dur-
ing waking hours. Consequently, dreaming provided a mechanism that permitted
the processing of information 24 hours a day.
According to this theory, dreams represent concerns about our daily lives, illus-
trating our uncertainties, indecisions, ideas, and desires. Dreams are seen, then, as
consistent with everyday living. Rather than being disguised wishes, as Freud sug-
gested, they represent key concerns growing out of our daily experiences (Ross, 2006;
Winson, 1990).
Research supports the dreams-for-survival theory, suggesting that certain dreams
permit people to focus on and to consolidate memories, particularly dreams that per-
tain to “how-to-do-it” memories related to motor skills. For example, rats seem to
dream about mazes that they learned to run through during the day, at least accord-
ing to the patterns of brain activity that appear while they are sleeping (Kenway &
Wilson, 2001; Kuriyama, Stickgold, & Walker, 2004; Smith, 2006; Stickgold et al., 2001).
A similar phenomenon appears to work in humans. For instance, in one experi-
ment, participants learned a visual memory task late in the day. They were then sent
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to bed, but awakened at certain times during the night. THE FAR SIDE”
When they were awakened at times that did not interrupt
dreaming, their performance on the memory task typically
improved the next day. But when they were awakened dur-
ing rapid eye movement (REM) sleep—the stage of sleep
when people dream—their performance declined. The impli-
cation is that dreaming, at least when it is uninterrupted, can
play a role in helping us remember material to which we
have been previously exposed (Karni et al., 1994; Marshall
& Born, 2007; Nishida et al., 2009).
NEUROSCIENCE EXPLANATIONS OF DREAMS:
ACTIVATION-SYNTHESIS THEORY
Using the neuroscience perspective, psychiatrist J. Allan
Hobson has proposed the activation-synthesis theory of
dreams. The activation-synthesis theory focuses on the
random electrical energy that the brain produces during
REM sleep, possibly as a result of changes in the production
of particular neurotransmitters. This electrical energy ran-
domly stimulates memories stored in the brain. Because we
have a need to make sense of our world even while asleep,
the brain takes these chaotic memories and weaves them into
a logical story line, filling in the gaps to produce a rational
scenario (Hobson, 2005; Porte & Hobson, 1996).
Activation-synthesis theory has been refined by the acti-
vation information modulation (AIM) theory. According to AIM,
dreams are initiated in the brain’s pons, which sends random
signals to the cortex. Areas of the cortex that are involved in
particular waking behaviors are related to the content of
dreams. For example, areas of the brain related to vision are
involved in the visual aspects of the dream, while areas of the brain related to move-
ment are involved in aspects of the dream related to motion (Hobson, 2007).
Activation-synthesis and AIM theories do not entirely reject the view that dreams
reflect unconscious wishes. They suggest that the particular scenario a dreamer produces
is not random but instead is a clue to the dreamer’s fears, emotions, and concerns.
Hence, what starts out as a random process culminates in something meaningful.
Sleep Disturbances:
Slumbering Problems
At one time or another, almost all of us have difficulty sleeping—a condition known
as insomnia. It could be due to a particular situation, such as the breakup of a rela-
tionship, concern about a test score, or the loss of a job. Some cases of insomnia,
however, have no obvious cause. Some people are simply unable to fall asleep easily,
or they go to sleep readily but wake up frequently during the night. Insomnia is a
problem that afflicts as many as one-third of all people. Women and older adults are
more likely to suffer from insomnia, as well as people who are unusually thin or are
depressed (Bains, 2006; Cooke & Ancoli-Israel, 2006; Henry et al., 2008).
Some people who think they have sleeping problems actually are mistaken. For
example, researchers in sleep laboratories have found that some people who report
being up all night actually fall asleep in 30 minutes and stay asleep all night. Fur-
thermore, some people with insomnia accurately recall sounds that they heard while
they were asleep, which gives them the impression that they were awake during the
night (Semler & Harvey, 2005; Yapko, 2006). (Also see PsychWork.)
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 149
By GARY LARSON
The Far Side” by Gary Larson © 1983 FarWorks, Inc. All Rights Reserved. The Far Side* and
the Larson" signature are registered trademarks of FarWorks, Inc. Used with permission.
“I’ve got it again, Larry ... an eerie feeling like
there’s something on top of the bed.”
activation-synthesis theory Hobson's
theory that the brain produces random
electrical energy during REM sleep
that stimulates memories stored in the
brain.
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150 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
Name: Brandon Liebig
Diagnostics, Northbrook, IL
Sleepwalking (along with sleeptalking)
are more common in children than
adults, and they both occur during
stage 4 of sleep.
> Although each of us spends the majority of our time sleeping,
Ea» PsychWork
SLEEP TECHNOLOGIST
sleep—or rather a lack of it—is a state that is problematic for
many people. For those seeking treatment for sleep disorders,
sleep technologist Brandon Liebig is on the front lines, assisting
in clinical assessments, helping to monitor and test patients,
Position: Sleep Technologist, Central Sleep and participating in the development of treatment procedures.
As Liebig notes, “Patients seen in the sleep lab often have
Education: BFA, Studio Art, University of Nebraska complicated medical backgrounds and health needs, and some
at Omaha; Graduate of Accredited Sleep may have cognitive limitations/disabilities or coexisting psy-
Technology Education Program, University of chological conditions in addition to their sleep symptoms.”
Massachusetts Memorial Hospital Sleep Center, “Sleep technologists must recognize the particular needs of
Worcester, MA; Certified by the Board of a patient and adjust their style of providing care to best suit
Registered Polysomnographic Technologists the patient and promote the best possible outcomes, both for
the patient’s experience in the sleep lab and the data collected
in research studies,” he added.
“Often, patients may find it stressful, unfamiliar, and some-
times uncomfortable to sleep in a lab setting with the sensors and other equipment
attached to their bodies. Sleep technologists use their knowledge of psychology to pro-
vide the patient with understanding, reassurance, respect, and patience,” said Liebig.
Other sleep problems are less common than insomnia, although they are still
widespread. For instance, some 20 million people suffer from sleep apnea. Sleep
apnea is a condition in which a person has difficulty breathing while sleeping. The
result is disturbed, fitful sleep, and a significant loss of REM sleep, as the person
is constantly reawakened when the lack of oxygen becomes great enough to trig-
ger a waking response. Some people with apnea wake as many as 500 times dur-
ing the course of a night, although they may not even be aware that they have
wakened. Not surprisingly, such disturbed sleep results in extreme fatigue the next
day. Sleep apnea also may play a role in sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), a
mysterious killer of seemingly normal infants who die while sleeping (Aloia,
Smith, & Arnedt, 2007; Gami et al., 2005; Tippin, Sparks, & Rizzo, 2009).
Night terrors are sudden awakenings from non-REM sleep that are accompanied
by extreme fear, panic, and strong physiological arousal. Usually occurring in stage
4 sleep, night terrors may be so frightening that a sleeper awakens with a shriek.
Although night terrors initially produce great agitation, victims usually can get
back to sleep fairly quickly. They are far less frequent than nightmares, and, unlike
nightmares, they typically occur during slow-wave, non-REM sleep. They occur
most frequently in children between the ages of 3 and 8 (Lowe, Humphreys, &
Williams, 2007).
Narcolepsy is uncontrollable sleeping that occurs for short periods while a person
is awake. No matter what the activity—holding a heated conversation, exercising, or
driving—a narcoleptic will suddenly fall asleep. People with narcolepsy go directly
from wakefulness to REM sleep, skipping the other stages. The causes of narcolepsy
are not known, although there could be a genetic component, because narcolepsy
runs in families (Billiard, 2008; Ervik, Abdelnoor, & Heier, 2006; Mahmood & Black,
2005; Nishino, 2007).
We know relatively little about sleeptalking and sleepwalking, two sleep distur-
bances that are usually harmless. Both occur during stage 4 sleep and are more
common in children than in adults. Sleeptalkers and sleepwalkers usually have a
vague consciousness of the world around them, and a sleepwalker may be able to
walk with agility around obstructions in a crowded room. Unless a sleepwalker wan-
ders into a dangerous environment, sleepwalking typically poses little risk. And the
common idea that it’s dangerous to wake a sleepwalker? It’s just superstition (Baruss,
2003; Guilleminault et al., 2005; Lee-Chiong, 2006).
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Circadian Rhythms: Life Cycles
The fact that we cycle back and forth between wakefulness and sleep is one example
of the body’s circadian rhythms. Circadian rhythms (from the Latin circa diem, or
“about a day”) are biological processes that occur regularly on approximately a
24-hour cycle. Sleeping and waking, for instance, occur naturally to the beat of an
internal pacemaker that works on a cycle of about 24 hours. Several other bodily
functions, such as body temperature, hormone production, and blood pressure, also
follow circadian rhythms (Beersma & Gordijn, 2007; Blatter & Cajochen, 2007; Saper
et al., 2005).
Circadian cycles are complex, and they involve a variety of behaviors. For
instance, sleepiness occurs not just in the evening but throughout the day in reg-
ular patterns, with most of us getting drowsy in mid-afternoon—regardless of
whether we have eaten a heavy lunch. By making an afternoon siesta part of their
everyday habit, people in several cultures take advantage of the body’s natural
inclination to sleep at this time (Reilly & Waterhouse, 2007; Takahashi et al., 2004;
Wright, 2002).
The brain’s suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) controls circadian rhythms. However,
the relative amount of light and darkness, which varies with the seasons of the
year, also plays a role in regulating circadian rhythms. In fact, some people experi-
ence seasonal affective disorder, a form of severe depression in which feelings of
despair and hopelessness increase during the winter and lift during the rest of the
year. The disorder appears to be a result of the brevity and gloom of winter days.
Daily exposure to bright lights is sometimes sufficient to improve the mood of
those with this disorder (Golden et al., 2005; Kasof, 2009; Rohan, Roecklein, &
Tierney Lindsey, 2007).
Daydreams: Dreams
Without Sleep
It is the stuff of magic: Our past mistakes can be wiped out and the future filled with
noteworthy accomplishments. Fame, happiness, and wealth can be ours. In the next
moment, though, the most horrible tragedies can occur, leaving us devastated, alone,
and penniless.
The source of these scenarios is daydreams, fantasies that people construct while
awake. Unlike dreaming that occurs during sleep, daydreams are more under peo-
ple’s control. Therefore, their content is often more closely related to immediate
events in the environment than is the content of the dreams that occur during sleep.
Although they may include sexual content, daydreams also pertain to other activities
or events that are relevant to a person’s life.
Daydreams are a typical part of waking consciousness, even though our aware-
ness of the environment around us declines while we are daydreaming. People vary
considerably in the amount of daydreaming they do. For example, around 2% to 4%
of the population spend at least half their free time fantasizing. Although most peo-
ple daydream much less frequently, almost everyone fantasizes to some degree. Stud-
ies that ask people to identify what they are doing at random times during the day
have shown that they are daydreaming about 10% of the time (Holler, 2006; Lynn et
al., 1996; Singer, 2006).
The brain is surprisingly active during daydreaming. For example, several areas
of the brain that are associated with complex problem solving become activated dur-
ing daydreaming. In fact, daydreaming may be the only time these areas are activated
simultaneously, suggesting that daydreaming may lead to insights about problems
that we are grappling with (Fleck et al., 2008; Kounios et al., 2008).
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 151
Circadian rhythms produce jet lag.
circadian rhythms Biological
processes that occur regularly on
approximately a 24-hour cycle.
daydreams Fantasies that people
construct while awake.
Daydreams are fantasies that people
construct while they are awake. What
are the similarities and differences
between daydreams and night dreams?
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152 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
A Co peer sO COILED?
IN eer ees ae TOM
NE? CAp-
THEM o
m AUER,
a g pet
© Drew Dernavich/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“When I can’t sleep, I find that it sometimes helps to get up and jot down my anxieties.”
BECOMING AN INFORMED Do you have trouble sleeping? You’re not alone—70 million
CONSUMER people in the United States have sleep problems. For those of us
who spend hours tossing and turning in bed, psychologists
of Psyc h O | og y studying sleep disturbances have a number of suggestions for
Sleeping Better overcoming insomnia (Benca, 2005; Edinger et al., 2001; Finley
& Cowley, 2005). Here are some ideas.
e Exercise during the day (at least six hours before bedtime) and
avoid naps. Not surprisingly, it helps to be tired before going to sleep! Moreover,
learning systematic relaxation techniques and biofeedback can help you unwind
from the day’s stresses and tensions.
e Choose a regular bedtime and stick to it. Adhering to a habitual schedule helps your
internal timing mechanisms regulate your body mote effectively.
e Avoid drinks with caffeine after lunch. The effects of beverages such as coffee, tea, and
some soft drinks can linger for as long as 8 to 12 hours after they are consumed.
e Drink a glass of warm milk at bedtime. Your grandparents were right when they
dispensed this advice: Milk contains the chemical tryptophan, which helps
people fall asleep.
e Avoid sleeping pills. Even though 25% of U.S. adults report having taken medica-
tion for sleep in the previous year, in the long run sleep medications can do more
harm than good, because they disrupt the normal sleep cycle.
e Try not to sleep. This approach works because people often have difficulty falling
asleep, because they are trying so hard. A better strategy is to go to bed only
when you feel tired. If you don’t get to sleep within 10 minutes, leave the
bedroom and do something else, returning to bed only when you feel sleepy.
Continue this process all night if necessary. But get up at your usual hour in the
morning, and don’t take any naps during the day. After three or four weeks, most
people become conditioned to associate their beds with sleep—and fall asleep
rapidly at night (Sloan et al., 1993; Smith, 2001; Ubell, 1993).
For long-term problems with sleep, you might consider visiting a sleep disorders
center. For information on accredited clinics, consult the American Academy of Sleep
Medicine at www.aasmnet.org.
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RECAP
What are the different states of consciousness?
e Consciousness is a person’s awareness of the sensations,
thoughts, and feelings at a given moment. Waking
Module 14 Sleep and Dreams 153
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
EVALUATE
1.
is the term used to describe our understand-
ing of the world external to us, as well as our own internal
world.
consciousness can vary from more active to more passive 2. A great deal of neural activity goes on during sleep. True
states. (p. 140) or false?
e Altered states of consciousness include naturally 3. Dreams most often occur in sleep.
occurring sleep and dreaming, as well as hypnotic and 4, are internal bodily processes that
drug-induced states. (p. 140) occur on a daily cycle.
: 5. Freud’s theory of unconscious
What happens when we sleep, and what are the meaning and ee ear :
: states that the actual wishes an individual expresses in
function of dreams? aa
T : dreams are disguised, because they are threatening to the
e The brain is active throughout the night, and sleep i :
; : as ; person's conscious awareness.
proceeds through a series of stages identified by unique Pee the theory of dreaming with ite definidon.
paliem orarin waye (Bie) 1. activation-synthesis theory
e REM (rapid eye movement) sleep is characterized by an
í ; A 2. dreams-for-survival theory
increase in heart rate, a rise in blood pressure, an à :
‘ : : i i 3. dreams as wish fulfillment
increase in the rate of breathing, and, in males, erections. he i A
À a. Dreams permit important information to be repro-
Dreams most often occur during this stage. (p. 143) :
: ; : cessed during sleep.
e According to Freud’s psychoanalytic approach, dreams : TRE
; ‘ b. The manifest content of dreams disguises the latent
have both a manifest content (an apparent story line) and a
: content of the dreams.
latent content (a true meaning). He suggested that the la- : : ; 3
2 , ; A c. Electrical energy stimulates random memories, which
tent content provides a guide to a dreamer’s unconscious, BES ee pd et en hae ele
revealing unfulfilled wishes or desires. (p. 147) 8 p j
e The dreams-for-survival theory, grounded in an
evolutionary perspective, suggests that information RETHINK
relevant to daily survival is reconsidered and repro- 1. Suppose that a new “miracle pill” allows a person to func-
cessed in dreams. Taking a neuroscience approach, the tion with only one hour of sleep per night. However, be-
activation-synthesis theory proposes that dreams are a cause a night's sleep is so short, a person who takes the
result of random electrical energy that stimulates pill will never dream again. Knowing what you do about
different memories, which then are woven into a the functions of sleep and dreaming, what would be some
coherent story line. (p. 148) advantages and drawbacks of such a pill from a personal
What are the major sleep disorders, and how can they be standpoint? Would you take such a pill?
treated? 2. From the perspective of an educator: How might you use
e Insomnia is a sleep disorder characterized by difficulty
sleeping. Sleep apnea is a condition in which people
have difficulty sleeping and breathing at the same time.
People with narcolepsy have an uncontrollable urge to
sleep. Sleepwalking and sleeptalking are relatively
harmless.(p. 149)
How much do we daydream?
e Wide individual differences exist in the amount of time
devoted to daydreaming. Almost everyone daydreams
or fantasizes to some degree. (p. 151)
the findings in sleep research to maximize student
learning?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
gre “L-g -1'9 Fuon]
USIM ‘G 'SWYJÁYI ULIPO P NAA CE ‘ond 7 ‘ssausnosuosd ‘I
KEY TERMS
consciousness p. 140 rapid eye movement (REM) manifest content of activation-synthesis
stage 1 sleep p. 142 sleep p. 143 dreams p. 147 theory p. 149
stage 2 sleep p. 142 unconscious wish fulfillment dreams-for-survival circadian rhythms p. 151
stage 3 sleep p. 142 theory p. 147 theory p. 148 daydreams p. 151
latent content of
dreams p. 147
stage 4 sleep p. 142
MODULE 15
What is hypnosis, and are
hypnotized people ina
different state of
consciousness?
What are the effects of
meditation?
A trancelike state of
heightened susceptibility to the
suggestions of others.
154
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You are feeling relaxed and drowsy. You are getting sleepier. Your body is becoming
limp. Your eyelids are feeling heavier. Your eyes are closing; you can’t keep them open
anymore. You are totally relaxed. Now, place your hands above your head. But you will
find they are getting heavier and heavier—so heavy you can barely keep them up. In
fact, although you are straining as hard as you can, you will be unable to hold them up
any longer.
An observer watching this scene would notice a curious phenomenon. Many of the
people listening to the voice are dropping their arms to their sides. The reason for
this strange behavior? Those people have been hypnotized.
Hypnosis: A Trance-Forming
Experience?
People under hypnosis are in a trancelike state of heightened susceptibility to the
suggestions of others. In some respects, it appears that they are asleep. Yet other
aspects of their behavior contradict this notion, for people are attentive to the hyp-
notist’s suggestions and may carry out bizarre or silly suggestions.
How is someone hypnotized? Typically, the process follows a series of four steps.
First, a person is made comfortable in a quiet environment. Second, the hypnotist
explains what is going to happen, such as telling the person that he or she will
experience a pleasant, relaxed state. Third, the hypnotist tells the person to concen-
trate on a specific object or image, such as the hypnotist’s moving finger or an image
of a calm lake. The hypnotist may have the person concentrate on relaxing different
parts of the body, such as the arms, legs, and chest. Fourth, once the subject is in a
highly relaxed state, the hypnotist may make suggestions that the person interprets
as being produced by hypnosis, such as “Your arms are getting heavy” and “Your
eyelids are more difficult to open.” Because the person begins to experience these
sensations, he or she believes they are caused by the hypnotist and becomes suscep-
tible to the suggestions of the hypnotist.
Despite their compliance when hypnotized, people do not lose all will of their
own. They will not perform antisocial behaviors, and they will not carry out self-
destructive acts. People will not reveal hidden truths about themselves, and they are
capable of lying. Moreover, people cannot be hypnotized against their will—despite
popular misconceptions (Gwynn & Spanos, 1996; Raz, 2007).
There are wide variations in people’s susceptibility to hypnosis. About 5% to
20% of the population cannot be hypnotized at all, and some 15% are very easily
hypnotized. Most people fall somewhere in between. Moreover, the ease with
which a person is hypnotized is related to a number of other characteristics. Peo-
ple who are readily hypnotized are also easily absorbed while reading books or
listening to music, becoming unaware of what is happening around them, and
they often spend an unusual amount of time daydreaming. In sum, then, they
show a high ability to concentrate and to become completely absorbed in what
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Module 15 Hypnosis and Meditation 155
Despite common misconceptions,
people cannot be hypnotized against
their will, nor do they lose all will of
their own when they are hypnotized.
Why, then, do people sometimes behave
so unusually when asked to by a
hypnotist?
they are doing (Benham, Woody, & Wilson, 2006; Kirsch & Braffman, 2001; Rubichi
et al., 2005).
A DIFFERENT STATE OF CONSCIOUSNESS?
The question of whether hypnosis is a state of consciousness that is qualitatively
different from normal waking consciousness is controversial. Some psychologists
believe that hypnosis represents a state of consciousness that differs significantly
from other states. In this view, high suggestibility, increased ability to recall and
construct images, and acceptance of suggestions that clearly contradict reality suggest
it is a different state. Moreover, changes in electrical activity in the brain are associ-
ated with hypnosis, supporting the position that hypnosis is a state of consciousness
different from normal waking (Fingelkurts, Fingelkurts, & Kallio, 2007; Hilgard, 1992;
Kallio & Revonsuo, 2003).
In this view, hypnosis represents a state of divided consciousness. According to
famed hypnosis researcher Ernest Hilgard, hypnosis brings about a dissociation, or
division, of consciousness into two simultaneous components. In one stream of con-
sciousness, hypnotized people are following the commands of the hypnotist. Yet on
another level of consciousness, they are acting as “hidden observers,” aware of what
is happening to them. For instance, hypnotic subjects may appear to be following
the hypnotist’s suggestion about feeling no pain, yet in another stream of conscious-
ness they may be actually aware of the pain.
On the other side of the controversy are psychologists who reject the notion
that hypnosis is a state significantly different from normal waking consciousness.
They argue that altered brain-wave patterns are not sufficient to demonstrate a
qualitative difference, because no other specific physiological changes occur when
people are in trances. Furthermore, little support exists for the contention that
adults can recall memories of childhood events accurately while hypnotized. That
lack of evidence suggests that there is nothing qualitatively special about the hyp-
notic trance (Hongchun & Ming, 2006; Lynn et al., 2003; Lynn, Fassler, & Knox,
2005; Wagstaff, 2009).
There is increasing agreement that the controversy over the nature of hypnosis
has led to extreme positions on both sides of the issue. More recent approaches sug-
gest that the hypnotic state may best be viewed as lying along a continuum in which
hypnosis is neither a totally different state of consciousness nor totally similar to
normal waking consciousness (Jamieson, 2007; Lynn et al., 2000; Kihlstrom, 2005b).
Alert
The question of whether hyp-
nosis represents a different
state of consciousness or is
similar to normal waking
consciousness is a key issue.
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156 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
As arguments about the true nature of hypnosis continue, though, one thing
is clear: Hypnosis has been used successfully to solve practical human problems.
In fact, psychologists working in many different areas have found hypnosis to be
a reliable, effective tool. It has been applied to a number of areas, including the
following:
e Controlling pain. Patients suffering from chronic pain may be given the sugges-
tion, while hypnotized, that their pain is gone or reduced. They also may be
taught to hypnotize themselves to relieve pain or gain a sense of control over
their symptoms. Hypnosis has proved to be particularly useful during child-
birth and dental procedures (Accardi & Milling, 2009; Hammond, 2007;
Mehl-Madrona, 2004).
Reducing smoking. Although it hasn’t been successful in stopping drug and
alcohol abuse, hypnosis sometimes helps people stop smoking through
hypnotic suggestions that the taste and smell of cigarettes are unpleasant
(Elkins et al., 2006; Fuller, 2006; Green, Lynn, & Montgomery, 2008).
e Treating psychological disorders. Hypnosis sometimes is used during
treatment for psychological disorders. For example, it may be employed
to heighten relaxation, reduce anxiety, increase expectations of success, or
modify self-defeating thoughts (Golden, 2006; Iglesias, 2005; Zarren
& Eimer, 2002).
e Assisting in law enforcement. Witnesses and victims are sometimes better able to
recall the details of a crime when hypnotized. In one often-cited case, a
witness to the kidnapping of a group of California schoolchildren was placed
under hypnosis and was able to recall all but one digit of the license number
on the kidnapper’s vehicle. However, hypnotic recollections may also be
inaccurate, just as other recollections are often inaccurate. Consequently, the
legal status of hypnosis is unresolved (Kazar, 2006; Knight & Meyer, 2007;
Whitehouse et al., 2005).
e Improving athletic performance. Athletes sometimes turn to hypnosis to
improve their performance. For example, some baseball players have used
hypnotism to increase their concentration when batting, with considerable
success (Barker & Jones, 2008; Grindstaff & Fisher, 2006; Lindsay, Maynard,
& Thomas, 2005).
Meditation: Regulating Our Own
State of Consciousness
When traditional practitioners of the ancient Eastern religion of Zen Buddhism
want to achieve greater spiritual insight, they turn to a technique that has been
used for centuries to alter their state of consciousness. This technique is called
meditation.
meditation A learned technique for
refocusing attention that brings about
an altered state of consciousness. ; : : f
Meditation is a learned technique for refocusing attention that brings
about an altered state of consciousness. Meditation typically consists of
ae ~~ the repetition of a mantra—a sound, word, or syllable—over and over. In
a (ammooog) some forms of meditation, the focus is on a picture, flame, or specific part
A (i Q) of the body. Regardless of the nature of the particular initial stimulus, the
M key to the procedure is concentrating on it so thoroughly that the medita-
È yt
tor becomes unaware of any outside stimulation and reaches a different
state of consciousness.
After meditation, people report feeling thoroughly relaxed. They some-
times relate that they have gained new insights into themselves and the prob-
lems they are facing. The long-term practice of meditation may even improve
health because of the biological changes it produces. For example, during
© Mischa Richter/The New Yorker Collection/
www.cartoonbank.com.
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Module 15 Hypnosis and Meditation 157
meditation, oxygen usage decreases, heart rate and blood pressure decline, and brain-
wave patterns change (Barnes et al., 2004; Lee, Kleinman, & Kleinman, 2007; Travis
et al., 2009).
Anyone can meditate by following a few simple procedures. The fundamentals
include sitting in a quiet room with the eyes closed, breathing deeply and rhythmi-
cally, and repeating a word or sound—such as the word one—over and over. Prac-
ticed twice a day for 20 minutes, the technique is effective in bringing about relaxation
(Aftanas & Golosheykin, 2005; Benson et al., 1994).
Meditation is a means of altering consciousness that is practiced in many differ-
ent cultures, though it can take different forms and serve different purposes across
cultures. In fact, one impetus for the study of consciousness is the realization that
people in many different cultures routinely seek ways to alter their states of con-
sciousness (Walsh & Shapiro, 2006).
A group of Native-American Sioux men sit naked in a steam- Ex p | O ri nN g sees
ing sweat lodge as a medicine man throws water on sizzling
k ill f scaldi t i the air.
Tocka to Send billowe OF scale stean mtoi air Cross-Cultural Routes to Altered States
Aztec priests smear themselves with a mixture of crushed of Consciousness
poisonous herbs, hairy black worms, scorpions, and lizards.
Sometimes they drink the potion.
During the 16th century, a devout Hasidic Jew lies across the tombstone of a celebrated
scholar. As he murmurs the name of God repeatedly, he seeks to be possessed by the soul of
the dead wise man’s spirit. If successful, he will attain a mystical state, and the deceased's
words will flow out of his mouth.
Each of these rituals has a common goal: suspension from the bonds of everyday
awareness and access to an altered state of consciousness. Although they may seem
exotic from the vantage point of many Western cultures, these rituals represent an
apparently universal effort to alter consciousness (Bartocci, 2004; Irwin, 2006).
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158 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
yAlert Some scholars suggest that the quest to alter consciousness represents a basic
human desire (Siegel, 1989). Whether or not we accept such an extreme view, varia-
tions in states of consciousness clearly share some basic characteristics across a vari-
ety of cultures. One is an alteration in thinking, which may become shallow, illogical,
or otherwise different from normal. In addition, people’s sense of time can become
disturbed, and their perceptions of the physical world and of themselves may change.
They may lose self-control, doing things that they would never otherwise do. Finally,
they may feel a sense of ineffability—the inability to understand an experience ratio-
nally or describe it in words (Finkler, 2004; Martindale, 1981; Travis, 2006).
Of course, realizing that efforts to produce altered states of consciousness are
widespread throughout the world’s societies does not answer a fundamental question:
Is the experience of unaltered states of consciousness similar across different cultures?
Because humans share basic biological commonalties in the ways their brains and
bodies are wired, we might assume that the fundamental experience of consciousness
is similar across cultures. As a result, we could suppose that consciousness shows some
basic similarities across cultures. However, the ways in which certain aspects of con-
sciousness are interpreted and viewed show substantial differences from culture to cul-
ture. For example, people in disparate cultures view the experience of the passage of
time in varying ways. For instance, Arabs appear to perceive the passage of time more
slowly than North Americans (Alon & Brett, 2007; Haynes, Nixon, & West, 2007).
Remember that although
there are alternate tech-
niques used in meditation,
they are all designed to
bring about an altered state
of consciousness in which attention
is refocused.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP from the Golden Gate Bridge!” Could such a thing have
: ; 3 A 2 happened? Why or why not?
What is hypnosis, and are hypnotized people in a different 3. isa leamed technique for reiocusing aiieniion
> S
Bae E oe F ee to bring about an altered state of consciousness.
e Hypnosis produces a state of heightened susceptibility A, Tag o coum, lanes
to the suggestions of the hypnotist. Under hypnosis,
significant behavioral changes occur, including in-
creased concentration and suggestibility, heightened
ability to recall and construct images, lack of initiative, RETHINK
and acceptance of suggestions that clearly contradict
reality. (p. 154)
when she engages in meditation.
1. Why do you think people in almost every culture seek
ways of altering their states of consciousness?
What are the effects of meditation? 2. From the perspective of a human resources specialist: Would
e Meditation is a learned technique for refocusing atten- you allow (or even encourage) employees to engage in
tion that brings about an altered state of consciousness. meditation during the workday? Why or why not?
(p. 156)
e Different cultures have developed their own unique Answers to Evaluate Questions
ways to alter states of consciousness. (p. 157) enuen ‘p UoYeppIN ‘E ‘spe eayONAsep-jjas wozIəd
0} əƏpeu aq youues pezyouddy are oym əjdoəd ‘ou ‘z ‘srsoudÁH ‘T
EVALUATE
1, _______isa state of heightened susceptibility to the
suggestions of others.
2. A friend tells you, “I once heard of a person who was
murdered by being hypnotized and then told to jump
KEY TERMS
hypnosis p. 154
meditation p. 156
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\
`Y
N
N
John Brodhead’s bio reads like a script for an episode of VH1’s Behind the Music.
A young rebel from the New Jersey suburbs falls in with a fast crowd, gets hooked on
parties and booze and, with intensive counseling and a bit of tough love, manages to
get his life back together. What makes his story different? Just one thing: his age. John
is 13. (Rogers, 2002)
John Brodhead was lucky. Now in recovery, John had begun to drink when he was
in the sixth grade. He is not alone: The number of kids who start drinking by the
eighth grade has increased by almost a third since the 1970s, even though alcohol
consumption overall has stayed fairly steady among the general population.
Drugs of one sort or another are a part of almost everyone’s life. From infancy
on, most people take vitamins, aspirin, cold-relief medicine, and the like, and surveys
find that 80% of adults in the United States have taken an over-the-counter pain
reliever in the last six months. However, these drugs rarely produce an altered state
of consciousness (Dortch, 1996).
In contrast, some substances, known as psychoactive drugs, lead to an altered
state of consciousness. Psychoactive drugs influence a person’s emotions, percep-
tions, and behavior. Yet even this category of drugs is common in most of our lives.
If you have ever had a cup of coffee or sipped a beer, you have taken a psychoactive
drug. A large number of individuals have used more potent—and more dangerous—
psychoactive drugs than coffee and beer (see Figure 1 on page 160); for instance,
surveys find that 41% of high school seniors have used an illegal drug in the last
year. In addition, 30% report having been drunk on alcohol. The figures for the adult
population are even higher (Johnston et al., 2009).
Of course, drugs vary widely in the effects they have on users, in part because
they affect the nervous system in very different ways. Some drugs alter the limbic
system, and others affect the operation of specific neurotransmitters across the syn-
apses of neurons. For example, some drugs block or enhance the release of neu-
rotransmitters, others block the receipt or the removal of a neurotransmitter, and still
others mimic the effects of a particular neurotransmitter (see Figure 2 on page 160).
Addictive drugs produce a physiological or psychological dependence (or both)
in the user, and withdrawal from them leads to a craving for the drug that, in some
cases, may be nearly irresistible. In physiological dependence, the body becomes so
accustomed to functioning in the presence of a drug that it cannot function without
it. In psychological dependence, people believe that they need the drug to respond to
the stresses of daily living. Although we generally associate addiction with drugs
such as heroin, everyday sorts of drugs, such as caffeine (found in coffee) and nic-
otine (found in cigarettes), have addictive aspects as well (Li, Volkow, & Balu, 2007).
We know surprisingly little about the underlying causes of addiction. One of the
problems in identifying those causes is that different drugs (such as alcohol and
cocaine) affect the brain in very different ways—yet they may be equally addicting.
Furthermore, it takes longer to become addicted to some drugs than to others, even
though the ultimate consequences of addiction may be equally grave (Crombag &
Robinson, 2004; Nestler & Malenka, 2004; Smart, 2007).
Why do people take drugs in the first place? There are many reasons, ranging
from the perceived pleasure of the experience itself, to the escape that a drug-induced
What are the major classifica-
tions of drugs, and what are
their effects?
John Brodhead began to drink heavily
when he was in the sixth grade.
5 Drugs that
influence a person’s emotions,
perceptions, and behavior.
Drugs that produce
a biological or psychological depen-
dence in the user so that withdrawal
from them leads to a craving for the
drug that, in some cases, may be
nearly irresistible.
159
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160 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
FIGURE 1 How many teenagers use
drugs? The results of the most recent
comprehensive survey of 14,000 high
school seniors across the United States
show the percentage of respondents
who have used various substances for
nonmedical purposes at least once. Can
you think of any reasons why teenagers—
as opposed to older people—might be
particularly likely to use drugs? (Source:
Johnston et al., 2009.)
FIGURE 2 Different drugs affect
different parts of the nervous system
and brain and each drug functions in
one of these specific ways.
lert
Use Figure 2 to learn the dif-
ferent ways that drugs pro-
duce their effects on a
neurological level.
Alcohol
Marijuana
Cigarettes
Amphetamines
Tranquilizers
Hallucinogens
Cocaine
Ecstacy i
0
Steroids
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
Percent
high affords from the everyday pressures of life, to an attempt to achieve a religious
or spiritual state. However, other factors having little to do with the nature of the
experience itself, also lead people to try drugs (McDowell & Spitz, 1999).
For instance, the highly publicized drug use of role models such as movie stars
and professional athletes, the easy availability of some illegal drugs, and peer pres-
sure all play a role in the decision to use drugs. In some cases, the motive is simply
the thrill of trying something new. Finally, genetic factors may predispose some
people to be more susceptible to drugs and to become addicted to them. Regardless
of the forces that lead a person to begin using drugs, drug addiction is among the
Blocks release of
neurotransmitter Blocks receptor for
neurotransmitter
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Module 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness 161
most difficult of all behaviors to modify, even with extensive treatment (Lemonick,
2000; Mosher & Akins, 2007; Ray & Hutchison, 2007).
Because of the difficulty in treating drug problems, there is little disagreement
that the best hope for dealing with the overall societal problem of substance abuse
is to prevent people from becoming involved with drugs in the first place. However,
there is little accord on how to accomplish this goal.
Even drug reduction programs widely publicized for their effectiveness—such
as DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance Education)—are of questionable effectiveness.
Used in more than 80% of school districts in the United States, DARE consists of a
series of 17 lessons on the dangers of drugs, alcohol, and gangs taught to fifth- and
sixth-graders by a police officer. The program is highly popular with school officials,
parents, and politicians. The problem? Repeated careful evaluations have been unable
to demonstrate that the DARE program is effective in reducing drug use over the
long term. In fact, one study even showed that DARE graduates were more likely to
use marijuana than was a comparison group of nongraduates (Des Jarlais et al., 2006;
Kalb, 2001b; Lucas, 2008; West & O’Neal, 2004).
Stimulants: Drug Highs
It’s 1:00 a.m., and you still haven’t finished reading the last chapter of the text on which
you will be tested later in the morning. Feeling exhausted, you turn to the one thing
that may help you stay awake for the next two hours: a cup of strong black coffee.
If you have ever found yourself in such a position, you have resorted to a major
stimulant, caffeine, to stay awake. Caffeine is one of a number of stimulants, drugs
whose effect on the central nervous system causes a rise in heart rate, blood pressure,
and muscular tension. Caffeine is present not only in coffee; it is an important ingre-
dient in tea, soft drinks, and chocolate as well (see Figure 3).
Caffeine produces several reactions. The major behavioral effects are an increase
in attentiveness and a decrease in reaction time. Caffeine can also bring about an
improvement in mood, most likely by mimicking the effects of a natural brain chem-
ical, adenosine. Too much caffeine, however, can result in nervousness and insom-
nia. People can build up a biological dependence on the drug. Regular users who
Decaffeinated coffee I
Percolated coffee
Drip-brewed coffee
Instant coffee
Brewed tea
Instant tea
Cocoa B
Many soft drinks
Red Bull (8.2 oz)
Weight-loss drugs, diuretics
and stimulants
Pain relievers
Cold/allergy remedies
0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225
Milligrams
stimulants Drugs that have an arousal
effect on the central nervous system,
causing a rise in heart rate, blood
pressure, and muscular tension.
FIGURE 3 How much caffeine do
you consume? This chart shows the
range of caffeine found in common
foods and drinks. The average coffee
drinker in the United States consumes
about 200 milligrams of caffeine each
day, or around three cups of coffee.
(Blakeslee, 1991.)
162 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
Drugs Street Name
Stimulants
Amphetamines
Benzedrine Speed
Dexedrine Speed
Cocaine Coke, blow, snow,
lady, crack
Depressants
Alcohol Booze
Barbiturates
Nembutal Yellowjackets,
Seconal yellows
Phenobarbital Reds
Rohypnol Roofies, rope,
“date-rape drug”
Narcotics
Heroin H, hombre, junk,
smack, dope, crap,
horse
Morphine Drugstore dope,
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cube, first line, mud
Effects
Increased confidence,
mood elevation, sense of
energy and alertness,
decreased appetite,
anxiety, irritability,
insomnia, transient
drowsiness, delayed
orgasm
Anxiety reduction,
impulsiveness,
dramatic mood
swings, bizarre
thoughts, suicidal
behavior, slurred
speech, disorientation,
slowed mental and
physical functioning,
limited attention
span
Muscle relaxation,
amnesia, sleep
Anxiety and pain
reduction, apathy,
difficulty in concentration,
slowed speech, decreased
physical activity, drooling,
itching, euphoria, nausea
Withdrawal Symptoms
Apathy, general fatigue,
prolonged sleep,
depression, disorientation,
suicidal thoughts, agitated
motor activity, irritability,
bizarre dreams
Weakness, restlessness,
nausea and vomiting,
headaches, nightmares,
irritability, depression,
acute anxiety,
hallucinations, seizures,
possible death
Seizures
Anxiety, vomiting,
sneezing, diarrhea, lower
back pain, watery eyes,
runny nose, yawning,
irritability, tremors, panic,
chills and sweating,
cramps
Adverse/Overdose
Reactions
Elevated blood pressure,
increase in body
temperature, face picking,
suspiciousness, bizarre
and repetitious behavior,
vivid hallucinations,
convulsions, possible
death
Confusion, decreased
response to pain, shallow
respiration, dilated pupils,
weak and rapid pulse,
coma, possible death
Seizures, coma,
incapacitation, inability to
resist sexual assault
Depressed levels of
consciousness, low blood
pressure, rapid heart rate,
shallow breathing,
convulsions, coma,
possible death
FIGURE 4 Drugs and their effects. A comprehensive breakdown of effects of the most commonly used drugs.
idyAlert
Figure 4, which summarizes
the different categories of
drugs (stimulants,
depressants, narcotics,
and hallucinogens), will
help you learn the effects of
particular drugs.
suddenly stop drinking coffee may experience headaches or depression. Many peo-
ple who drink large amounts of coffee on weekdays have headaches on weekends
because of the sudden drop in the amount of caffeine they are consuming (Clayton
& Lundberg-Love, 2009; Hammond & Gold, 2008; Kendler, Myers, & Gardner, 2006).
Nicotine, found in cigarettes, is another common stimulant. The soothing effects
of nicotine help explain why cigarette smoking is addictive. Smokers develop a
dependence on nicotine, and those who suddenly stop smoking develop a strong
craving for the drug. This is not surprising: Nicotine activates neural mechanisms
similar to those activated by cocaine, which, as we see next, is also highly addictive
(Haberstick et al., 2007; Ray et al., 2008).
AMPHETAMINES
Amphetamines such as dexedrine and benzedrine, popularly known as speed, are
strong stimulants. In small quantities, amphetamines—which stimulate the central
nervous system—bring about a sense of energy and alertness, talkativeness, height-
ened confidence, and a mood “high.” They increase concentration and reduce fatigue.
Amphetamines also cause a loss of appetite, increased anxiety, and irritability. When
Drugs
Oxycodone
Hallucinogens
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Street Name
Oxy, OC, Percs
Module 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness 163
Effects
Pain reduction, shallow
breathing, slow heartbeat,
seizure (convulsions);
cold, clammy skin;
confusion
Withdrawal Symptoms
Sweating, chills, abdominal
cramps, insomnia,
vomiting, diarrhea
Cannabis Bhang, kif, ganja, Euphoria, relaxed Hyperactivity, insomnia,
Marijuana dope, grass, pot, inhibitions, increased decreased appetite, anxiety
Hashish hemp, joint, weed, appetite, disoriented
Hash oil bone, Mary Jane, behavior
reefer
MDMA Ecstasy Heightened sense of Depression, anxiety,
oneself and insight, sleeplessness
feelings of peace,
empathy, energy
LSD Acid, quasey, Heightened aesthetic Not reported
microdot, white responses; vision and
lightning depth distortion;
heightened sensitivity to
faces and gestures;
magnified feelings;
paranoia, panic, euphoria
Steroids
Rhoids, juice
Aggression, depression,
acne, mood swings,
masculine traits in women
and feminine traits in men
Symptoms can mimic other
medical problems and
include weakness, fatigue,
decreased appetite, weight
loss; women may note
menstrual changes
taken over long periods of time, amphetamines can cause feelings of being perse-
cuted by others, as well as a general sense of suspiciousness. People taking amphet-
amines may lose interest in sex. If taken in too large a quantity, amphetamines
overstimulate the central nervous system to such an extent that convulsions and
death can occur (Carhart-Harris, 2007).
Methamphetamine is a white, crystalline drug that U.S. police now say is the most
dangerous street drug. “Meth” is highly addictive and relatively cheap, and it pro-
duces a strong, lingering high. It has made addicts of people across the social spec-
trum, ranging from soccer moms to urban professionals to poverty-stricken inner-city
residents. After becoming addicted, users take it more and more frequently and in
increasing doses. Long-term use of the drug can lead to brain damage (Halkitis, 2009;
Kish et al., 2009; Sharma, Sjoquist, & Ali, 2007).
More than 1.5 million people in the United States are regular methamphetamine
users. Because it can be made from nonprescription cold pills, retailers such as Wal-
Mart and Target have removed these medications from their shelves. Illicit labs
devoted to the manufacture of methamphetamine have sprung up in many locations
around the United States (Jefferson, 2005). Figure 4 provides a summary of the effects
of amphetamines and other illegal drugs.
Adverse/Overdose
Reactions
Extreme drowsiness, muscle
weakness, confusion, cold
and clammy skin, pinpoint
pupils, shallow breathing,
slow heart rate, fainting,
or coma
Severe reactions rare but
include panic, paranoia,
fatigue, bizarre and
dangerous behavior,
decreased testosterone
over long-term; immune-
system effects
Increase in body
temperature, memory
difficulties
Nausea and chills;
increased pulse,
temperature, and blood
pressure; slow, deep
breathing; loss of appetite;
insomnia; bizarre,
dangerous behavior
Long-term, high-dose
effects of steroid use are
largely unknown, but can
lead to swelling and
weight gain
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164 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
depressants Drugs that slow down
the nervous system.
COCAINE
Although its use has declined over the last decade, the stimulant cocaine and its
derivative, crack, still represent a serious concern. Cocaine is inhaled or “snorted”
through the nose, smoked, or injected directly into the bloodstream. It is rapidly
absorbed into the body and takes effect almost immediately.
When used in relatively small quantities, cocaine produces feelings of profound
psychological well-being, increased confidence, and alertness. Cocaine produces this
“high” through the neurotransmitter dopamine. Dopamine is one of the chemicals
that transmit between neurons messages that are related to ordinary feelings of
pleasure. Normally when dopamine is released, excess amounts of the neurotrans-
mitter are reabsorbed by the releasing neuron. However, when cocaine enters the
brain, it blocks reabsorption of leftover dopamine. As a result, the brain is flooded
with dopamine-produced pleasurable sensations (Jarlais, Arasteh, & Perlis, 2007;
Redish, 2004).
However, there is a steep price to be paid for the pleasurable effects of cocaine. The
brain may become permanently rewired, triggering a psychological and physical addic-
tion in which users grow obsessed with obtaining the drug. Over time, users deteriorate
mentally and physically. In extreme cases, cocaine can cause hallucinations—a common
one is of insects crawling over one’s body. Ultimately, an overdose of cocaine can lead
to death (George & Moselhy, 2005; Little et al., 2009; Paulozzi, 2006).
Almost 2.5 million people in the United States are occasional cocaine users, and
as many as 1.8 million people use the drug regularly. Given the strength of cocaine,
withdrawal from the drug is difficult. Although the use of cocaine among high school
students has declined in recent years, the drug still represents a major problem (John-
ston et al., 2009).
Depressants: Drug Lows
In contrast to the initial effect of stimulants, which is an increase in arousal of the
central nervous system, the effect of depressants is to impede the nervous system
by causing neurons to fire more slowly. Small doses result in at least temporary feel-
ings of intoxication—drunkenness—along with a sense of euphoria and joy. When
large amounts are taken, however, speech becomes slurred and muscle control
becomes disjointed, making motion difficult. Ultimately, heavy users may lose con-
sciousness entirely.
ALCOHOL
The most common depressant is alcohol, which is used by more people than is any
other drug. Based on liquor sales, the average person over the age of 14 drinks 2%
gallons of pure alcohol over the course of a year. This works out to more than 200
drinks per person. Although alcohol consumption has declined steadily over the
last decade, surveys show that more than three-fourths of college students indicate
that they have had a drink within the last 30 days (Jung, 2002; Midanik, Tam, &
Weisner, 2007).
One of the more disturbing trends is the high frequency of binge drinking among
college students. For men, binge drinking is defined as having five or more drinks in
one sitting; for women, who generally weigh less than men and whose bodies absorb
alcohol less efficiently, binge drinking is defined as having four or more drinks at
one sitting (Mokdad, Brewer, & Naimi, 2007).
Around 50% of male college students and 40% of female college students say they
engaged in binge drinking at least once within the previous two weeks (see Figure 5).
Some 17% of female students and 31% of male students admitted drinking on 10 or
more occasions during the previous 30 days. Furthermore, even light drinkers were
affected by the high rate of alcohol use: Two-thirds of lighter drinkers said that they
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Module 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness 165
Men Women
had had their studying or sleep disturbed by drunk students, and a quarter of the
women said they had been the target of an unwanted sexual advance by a drunk class-
mate (Grucza, Norberg, & Beirut, 2009; Read et al., 2008; Wechsler et al., 2000, 2002).
Women are typically somewhat lighter drinkers than men—although the gap
between the sexes is narrowing for older women and has closed completely for
teenagers. Women are more susceptible to the effects of alcohol, and alcohol abuse
may harm the brains of women more than men (Mancinelli, Binetti, & Ceccanti, 2007;
Mann et al., 2005; Wuethrich, 2001).
There are also cultural and ethnic differences in alcohol consumption. For exam-
ple, teenagers in Europe drink more than teenagers in the United States do. Further-
more, people of East Asian backgrounds who live in the United States tend to drink
significantly less than do Caucasians and African Americans, and their incidence of
alcohol-related problems is lower. It may be that physical reactions to drinking,
which may include sweating, a quickened heartbeat, and flushing, are more unpleas-
ant for East Asians than for other groups (Garcia-Andrade, Wall, & Ehlers, 1997;
Garlow, Purselle, & Heninger, 2007; Kantrowitz & Underwood, 2007).
Although alcohol is a depressant, most people claim that it increases their sense
of sociability and well-being. The discrepancy between the actual and the perceived
effects of alcohol lies in the initial effects it produces in the majority of individuals
who use it: release of tension and stress, feelings of happiness, and loss of inhibitions
(Sayette, 1993; Steele & Josephs, 1990).
Although most alcohol consumers are casual users, there are more than 14 million alcoholics
in the United States. The effects of alcohol vary significantly, depending on who is drinking it
and the setting in which people drink. If alcohol were a newly discovered drug, do you think
its sale would be legal?
FIGURE 5 Drinking habits of college
students (Wechsler et al., 2003). For men,
binge drinking was defined as consuming
five or more drinks in one sitting; for
women, the total was four or more.
166
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Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
Number of drinks Alcohol Typical effects
consumed in two hours in blood
(percentage)
0.05 Judgment, thought, and restraint
weakened; tension released, giving
carefree sensation
Tensions and inhibitions of everyday life
lessened; cheerfulness
Voluntary motor action affected, making
hand and arm movements, walk, and
speech clumsy
Severe impairment—staggering, loud,
incoherent, emotionally unstable, 100
times greater traffic risk; exuberance and
aggressive inclinations magnified
Deeper areas of brain affected, with
stimulus-response and understanding
confused; stuporous; blurred vision
Incapable of voluntary action; sleepy,
difficult to arouse; equivalent of surgical
anesthesia
Se Sees
iS
OOTO
Comatose; centers controlling breathing
and heartbeat anesthetized; death
S increasingly probable
caaan a ae | 25
Hele
Goose
Note: A drink refers to a typical |2-ounce bottle of beer,
a 1.5-ounce shot of hard liquor, or a 5-ounce glass of wine.
FIGURE 6 The effects of alcohol. The quantities represent only rough benchmarks; the effects
vary significantly depending on an individual's weight, height, recent food intake, genetic
factors, and even psychological state.
As the dose of alcohol increases, however, the depressive effects become more
pronounced (see Figure 6). People may feel emotionally and physically unstable.
They also show poor judgment and may act aggressively. Moreover, memory is
impaired, brain processing of spatial information is diminished, and speech becomes
slurred and incoherent. Eventually they may fall into a stupor and pass out. If they
drink enough alcohol in a short time, they may die of alcohol poisoning (Murphy et
al., 1998; Thatcher & Clark, 2006; Zeigler et al., 2005).
Although most people fall into the category of casual users, 14 million people in
the United States—1 in every 13 adults—have a drinking problem. Alcoholics, people
with alcohol-abuse problems, come to rely on alcohol and continue to drink even
though it causes serious difficulties. In addition, they become increasingly immune
to the effects of alcohol. Consequently, alcoholics must drink progressively more to
experience the initial positive feelings that alcohol produces.
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Module 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness 167
In some cases of alcoholism, people must drink constantly in order to feel well
enough to function in their daily lives. In other cases, though, people drink inconsis-
tently but occasionally go on binges in which they consume large quantities of alcohol.
It is not clear why certain people become alcoholics and develop a tolerance for
alcohol, whereas others do not. There may be a genetic cause, although the question
of whether there is a specific inherited gene that produces alcoholism is controversial.
What is clear is that the chances of becoming an alcoholic are considerably higher if
alcoholics are present in earlier generations of a person’s family. However, not all
alcoholics have close relatives who are alcoholics. In these cases, environmental
stressors are suspected of playing a larger role (Nurnberger & Bierut, 2007; Whitfield
et al., 2004; Zimmermann, Blomeyer, & Laucht, 2007).
BARBITURATES
Barbiturates, which include drugs such as Nembutal, Seconal, and phenobarbital, are
another form of depressant. Frequently prescribed by physicians to induce sleep or
reduce stress, barbiturates produce a sense of relaxation. Yet they, too, are psycho-
logically and physically addictive and, when combined with alcohol, can be deadly,
since such a combination relaxes the muscles of the diaphragm to such an extent that
the user stops breathing.
ROHYPNOL
Rohypnol is sometimes called the “date rape drug,” because, when it is mixed with
alcohol, it can prevent victims from resisting sexual assault. Sometimes people who
are unknowingly given the drug are so incapacitated that they have no memory of
the assault.
Narcotics: Relieving Pain
and Anxiety
Narcotics are drugs that increase relaxation and relieve pain and anxiety. Two of the
most powerful narcotics, morphine and heroin, are derived from the poppy seed pod.
Although morphine is used medically to control severe pain, heroin is illegal in the
United States. This status has not prevented its widespread use.
Heroin users usually inject the drug directly into their veins with a hypodermic
needle. The immediate effect has been described as a “rush” of positive feeling, similar
in some respects to a sexual orgasm—and just as difficult to describe. After the rush,
a heroin user experiences a sense of well-being and peacefulness that lasts three to five
hours. When the effects of the drug wear off, however, the user feels extreme anxiety
and a desperate desire to repeat the experience. Moreover, larger amounts of heroin
are needed each time to produce the same pleasurable effect. These last two properties
are all the ingredients necessary for physiological and psychological dependence: The
user is constantly either shooting up or attempting to obtain ever-increasing amounts
of the drug. Eventually, the life of the addict revolves around heroin.
Because of the powerful positive feelings the drug produces, heroin addiction
is particularly difficult to cure. One treatment that has shown some success is the
use of methadone. Methadone is a synthetic chemical that satisfies a heroin user’s
physiological cravings for the drug without providing the “high” that accompanies
heroin. When heroin users are placed on regular doses of methadone, they may be
able to function relatively normally. The use of methadone has one substantial draw-
back, however: Although it removes the psychological dependence on heroin, it
replaces the physiological dependence on heroin with a physiological dependence
on methadone. Researchers are attempting to identify nonaddictive chemical
Even legal drugs, when used improperly,
lead to addiction.
narcotics Drugs that increase relax-
ation and relieve pain and anxiety.
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168 Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
90 substitutes for heroin as well as substitutes for other addictive drugs that do
80 | not replace one addiction with another (Amato et al., 2005; Joe, Flynn, &
70 Broome, 2007; Oviedo-Joekes et al., 2009; Verdejo, Toribio, & Orozco, 2005).
60 Oxycodone (sold as the prescription drug OxyContin) is a type of pain
50 reliever that has led to a significant amount of abuse. Many well-known
40 people (including Courtney Love and Rush Limbaugh) have become depen-
30 dent on it.
20
10
HALLUCINOGENS: PSYCHEDELIC DRUGS
0
1995 2000 2002 2004 2006
Year
= 8th grade == 10th grade == |2th grade
FIGURE 7 Although the level of
marijuana use has declined slightly in
recent years, overall the absolute
number of teenagers who have used the
drug in the last year remains relatively
high. (Source: Johnston et al., 2009.)
hallucinogen A drug that is capable of
producing hallucinations, or changes
in the perceptual process.
\
This drawing, made by someone taking
LSD, suggests the effects of hallucinogens
on thinking.
2008
What do mushrooms, jimsonweed, and morning glories have in common?
Besides being fairly common plants, each can be a source of a powerful hal-
lucinogen, a drug that is capable of producing hallucinations, or changes in
the perceptual process.
The most common hallucinogen in widespread use today is marijuana, whose
active ingredient—tetrahydrocannabinol (THC)—is found in a common weed, can-
nabis. Marijuana is typically smoked in cigarettes or pipes, although it can be cooked
and eaten. Just over 32% of high school seniors and 11% of eighth-graders report
having used marijuana in the last year (Johnston et al., 2009) (see Figure 7).
The effects of marijuana vary from person to person, but they typically consist of
feelings of euphoria and general well-being. Sensory experiences seem more vivid and
intense, and a person’s sense of self-importance seems to grow. Memory may be impaired,
causing users to feel pleasantly “spaced out.” However, the effects are not universally
positive. Individuals who use marijuana when they feel depressed can end up even more
depressed, because the drug tends to magnify both good and bad feelings.
There are clear risks associated with long-term, heavy marijuana use. Although
marijuana does not seem to produce addiction by itself, some evidence suggests that
there are similarities in the way marijuana and drugs such as cocaine and heroin
affect the brain. Furthermore, there is some evidence that heavy use at least tempo-
rarily decreases the production of the male sex hormone testosterone, potentially
affecting sexual activity and sperm count (Iverson, 2000; Lane, Cherek, & Tcheremis-
sine, 2007; Rossato, Pagano, & Vettor, 2008).
In addition, marijuana smoked during pregnancy may have lasting effects on
children who are exposed prenatally, although the results are inconsistent. Heavy use
also affects the ability of the immune system to fight off germs and increases stress
on the heart, although it is unclear how strong these effects are. There is one unques-
tionably negative consequence of smoking marijuana: The smoke damages the lungs
much the way cigarette smoke does, producing an increased likelihood of developing
cancer and other lung diseases (Cornelius et al., 1995; Julien, 2001).
Despite the possible dangers of marijuana use, there is little scientific evidence
for the popular belief that users “graduate” from marijuana to more dangerous
drugs. Furthermore, the use of marijuana is routine in certain cultures. For instance,
some people in Jamaica habitually drink a marijuana-based tea related to religious
practices. In addition, marijuana has several medical uses; it can be used to prevent
nausea from chemotherapy, treat some AIDS symptoms, and relieve muscle spasms
for people with spinal cord injuries. In a controversial move, several states have made
the use of the drug legal if it is prescribed by a physician—although it remains ille-
gal under U.S. federal law (Chapkis & Webb, 2008; Cohen, 2009; Iverson, 2000;
Seamon et al., 2007).
MDMA (ECSTASY) AND LSD
MDMA (“Ecstasy”) and lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD, or “acid”) fall into the category
of hallucinogens. Both drugs affect the operation of the neurotransmitter serotonin
in the brain, causing an alteration in brain-cell activity and perception (Buchert et
al., 2004; Cloud, 2000).
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Module 16 Drug Use: The Highs and Lows of Consciousness
Ecstasy users report a sense of peacefulness and calm. People on the drug report
experiencing increased empathy and connection with others, as well as feeling more
relaxed, yet energetic. Although the data are not conclusive, some researchers have
found declines in memory and performance on intellectual tasks, and such findings
suggest that there may be long-term changes in serotonin receptors in the brain (El-
Mallakh & Abraham, 2007; Jones et al., 2008; Montgomery et al., 2005).
LSD, which is structurally similar to serotonin, produces vivid hallucinations.
Perceptions of colors, sounds, and shapes are altered so much that even the most
mundane experience—such as looking at the knots in a wooden table—can seem
moving and exciting. Time perception is distorted, and objects and people may be
viewed in a new way, with some users reporting that LSD increases their under-
standing of the world. For others, however, the experience brought on by LSD can
be terrifying, particularly if users have had emotional difficulties in the past. Fur-
thermore, people occasionally experience flashbacks, in which they hallucinate long
after they initially used the drug (Baruss, 2003; Wu, Schlenger, & Galvin, 2006).
In a society bombarded with commercials for drugs that are BECOMING AN
guaranteed to do everything from curing restless leg syndrome INFORMED CONSUMER
to erectile dysfunction, it is no wonder that drug-related
problems are a major social issue. Yet many people with drug of Psyc h O | og y
Identifying Drug and Alcohol Problems
and alcohol problems deny that they have them, and even close
friends and family members may fail to realize when occasional
social use of drugs or alcohol has turned into abuse.
Certain signs, however, indicate when use becomes abuse
(National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2000). Among them are the following:
e Always getting high to have a good time.
e Being high more often than not.
e Getting high to get oneself going.
e Going to work or class while high.
e Missing or being unprepared for class or work because you were high.
e Feeling badly later about something you said or did while high.
e Driving a car while high.
e Coming in conflict with the law because of drugs.
e Doing something while high that you wouldn’t do otherwise.
e Being high in nonsocial, solitary situations.
e Being unable to stop getting high.
e Feeling a need for a drink or a drug to get through the day.
e Becoming physically unhealthy.
e Failing at school or on the job.
e Thinking about liquor or drugs all the time.
e Avoiding family or friends while using liquor or drugs.
Any combination of these symptoms should be sufficient to alert you to the potential
of a serious drug problem. Because drug and alcohol dependence are almost impossible
to cure on one’s own, people who suspect that they have a problem should seek
immediate attention from a psychologist, physician, or counselor.
You can also get help from national hotlines. For alcohol difficulties, call the National
Council on Alcoholism at (800) 622-2255. For drug problems, call the National Institute
on Drug Abuse at (800) 662-4357. You can also check your telephone book for a local
listing of Alcoholics Anonymous or Narcotics Anonymous. Finally, check out the
websites of the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (www.niaaa.nih
.gov) and the National Institute on Drug Abuse (www.nida.nih.gov).
169
170
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Chapter 5 States of Consciousness
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the major classifications of drugs, and what are their
effects?
Drugs can produce an altered state of consciousness.
However, they vary in how dangerous they are and in
whether they are addictive. (p. 159)
Stimulants cause arousal in the central nervous
system. Two common stimulants are caffeine and
nicotine. More dangerous are cocaine and amphet-
amines, which in large quantities can lead to convul-
sions and death. (p. 161)
Depressants decrease arousal in the central nervous sys-
tem. They can cause intoxication along with feelings of
euphoria. The most common depressants are alcohol and
barbiturates. (p. 164)
Alcohol is the most frequently used depressant. Its initial
effects of released tension and positive feelings yield to
depressive effects as the dose of alcohol increases. Both
heredity and environmental stressors can lead to alcohol-
ism. (p. 164)
Morphine and heroin are narcotics, drugs that produce
relaxation and relieve pain and anxiety. Because of their
addictive qualities, morphine and heroin are particularly
dangerous. (p. 167)
Hallucinogens are drugs that produce hallucinations or
other changes in perception. The most frequently used
hallucinogen is marijuana, which has several long-term
risks. Two other hallucinogens are LSD and Ecstasy.
(p. 168)
A number of signals indicate when drug use becomes
drug abuse. A person who suspects that he or she has a
drug problem should get professional help. People are
almost never capable of solving drug problems on their
own. (p. 169)
KEY TERMS
psychoactive drugs p. 159 stimulants p. 161 narcotics p. 167
addictive drugs p. 159 depressants p. 164 hallucinogen p. 168
EVALUATE
1. Drugs that affect a person’s consciousness are referred to
as i
2. Match the type of drug to an example of that type.
. narcotic—a pain reliever
. amphetamine—a strong stimulant
. hallucinogen—capable of producing hallucinations
LSD
. heroin
. dexedrine, or speed
3. Classify each drug listed as a stimulant (S), depressant
(D), hallucinogen (H), or narcotic (N).
1. nicotine
. cocaine
. alcohol
. morphine
. marijuana
4. The effects of LSD can recur long after the drug has been
taken. True or false?
5, _______is a drug that has been used to treat people
with heroin addiction.
ea oPp WN
ar WN
RETHINK
1. Why have drug education campaigns largely been ineffec-
tive in stemming the use of illegal drugs? Should the use
of certain now-illegal drugs be made legal? Would it be
more effective to stress reduction of drug use rather than a
complete prohibition of drug use?
2. From the perspective of a substance abuse counselor: How
would you explain why people start using drugs to the
family members of someone who was addicted? What
types of drug prevention programs would you advocate?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
auopeyjey *¢
fen P ‘H-S ‘N-P ‘A-E ‘S-Z ‘S-L"€ ‘e-e 9-7 ‘G-1 °% f@aOeOYDASd ‘T
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find a resource on the web that interprets dreams and another that reports the
results of scientific dream research. Compare the nature and content of the two sites
in terms of the topics covered, the reliability of information provided, and the
promises made about the use of the site and its information. Write a summary of
what you found.
2. There is considerable debate about the effectiveness of DARE, the Drug Abuse
Resistance Education program. Find a discussion of both sides of the issue on the
web, and summarize the arguments on each side. State your own preliminary
conclusions about the DARE program.
E D | log U = Our examination of states of consciousness has ranged
widely. It focuses both on natural factors such as sleep,
dreaming, and daydreaming and on more intentional modes of altering consciousness,
including hypnosis, meditation, and drugs. As we consider why people seek to alter their
consciousness, we need to reflect on the uses and abuses of the various consciousness-
altering strategies in which people engage.
Return briefly to the case of alcoholic Annie Fuller. Consider the following questions
in light of your understanding of addictive drugs:
1. How might you explain Annie Fuller's drinking problem?
2. What would be some of the effects on Annie Fuller as she becomes increasingly
intoxicated during the course of a day?
3. What might be some of the factors associated with Annie Fuller developing
alcoholism?
4. What would be some of the indicators if Annie Fuller were to overdose on alcohol?
171
CHAPTER 6
Learning
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Key Concepts for Chapter 6
MODULE 17
What is learning? @ How do we learn to form Classical Conditioning
kw x 5 The Basi f Classical Conditioni
associations between stimuli and responses? a N
Applying Conditioning Principles
to Human Behavior
Extinction
Generalization and Discrimination
Beyond Traditional Classical
Conditioning: Challenging
Basic Assumptions
MODULE 18
What is the role of reward and punishment in Operant Conditioning
i ; Thorndike's Law of Effect
learning? @ What are some practical methods for
The Basics of Operant Conditioning
bringing about behavior change, both in Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
i Dollars for Scholars: Should Parents
ourselves and in others? and Children Be Paid for Doing
the Right Thing?
PsychWork: Seeing Eye Dog Trainer
Becoming an Informed Consumer of
Psychology: Using Behavior Analysis
and Behavior Modification
MODULE 19
What is the role of recognition and thought Cognitive Approaches to Learning
in training? Latent Learning
Observational Learning: Learning
Through Imitation
Neuroscience in Your Life: Learning
Through Observation
Exploring Diversity: Does Culture
Influence How We Learn?
173
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Prologue / Was a Blackberry Addict
Senator Thad Cochran of Mississippi, like almost every politician
on the Hill, got a BlackBerry after 9/11 for security purposes. But
he gave it back. “I was always distracted,” Cochran said. “I couldn't
concentrate. Every time the light came on or it beeped, | felt this
compulsion to stop everything | was doing.’ Though he doesn't
begrudge his colleagues for their BlackBerry addiction, Cochran
says the result is that during meetings on the Hill almost every-
one is “always checking messages” or typing, he says. “It just
beeps or buzzes, all the time, and people get up and leave the
room.’ (Begley, 2009, p. 37)
Are you like Senator Cochran, reaching for your cellphone or
BlackBerry the moment it beeps or vibrates? Do you know
people who stop in mid-sentence when their cellphone rings to
answer it?
You might have heard jokes about people being addicted to
their “crackberries,’ but actually, their behavior isn’t an addiction
at all: It’s just a very-well learned response. This learning came
about because of the same processes that allow us to learn to
read a book, drive a car, play poker, study for a test, or perform
any of the numerous activities that make up our daily routine.
Each of us must acquire and then refine our skills and abilities
through learning.
Learning is a fundamental topic for psychologists and plays a
central role in almost every specialty area of psychology. For
example, a psychologist studying perception might ask, “How do
we learn that people who look small from a distance are far away
and not simply tiny?” A developmental psychologist might
inquire, “How do babies learn to distinguish their mothers from
174
other people?” A clinical psychologist might wonder, “Why do
some people learn to be afraid when they see a spider?” A social
psychologist might ask, “How do we learn to believe that we've
fallen in love?”
Each of these questions, although drawn from very different
branches of psychology, can be answered only through an
understanding of basic learning processes. In each case, a skill or
a behavior is acquired, altered, or refined through experience.
Psychologists have approached the study of learning from
several angles. Among the most fundamental are studies of the
type of learning that is illustrated in responses ranging from a
dog salivating when it hears its owner opening a can of dog food
to the emotions we feel when our national anthem is played.
Other theories consider how learning is a consequence of
rewarding circumstances. Finally, several other approaches focus
on the cognitive aspects of learning, or the thought processes
that underlie learning.
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MODULE 17
Does the mere sight of the golden arches in front of McDonald’s make you feel pangs
of hunger and think about hamburgers? If it does, you are displaying an elementary
form of learning called classical conditioning. Classical conditioning helps explain such
diverse phenomena as crying at the sight of a bride walking down the aisle, fearing
the dark, and falling in love.
Classical conditioning is one of a number of different types of learning that
psychologists have identified, but a general definition encompasses them all: Learning
is a relatively permanent change in behavior that is brought about by experience.
How do we know when a behavior has been influenced by learning—or even is
a result of learning? Part of the answer relates to the nature-nurture question, one of
the fundamental issues underlying the field of psychology. In the acquisition of
behaviors, experience—which is essential to the definition of learning—is the “nur-
ture” part of the nature-nurture question.
However, it’s not always easy to identify whether a change in behavior is due
to nature or nurture, because some changes in behavior or performance come about
through maturation alone and don’t involve experience. For instance, children
become better tennis players as they grow older partly because their strength increases
with their size—a maturational phenomenon. To understand when learning has
occurred, we must differentiate maturational changes from improvements resulting
from practice, which indicate that learning actually has occurred.
Similarly, short-term changes in behavior that are due to factors other than learn-
ing, such as declines in performance resulting from fatigue or lack of effort, are dif-
ferent from performance changes that are due to actual learning. If Serena Williams
has a bad day on the tennis court because of tension or fatigue, this does not mean
that she has not learned to play correctly or has “unlearned” how to play well.
Because there is not always a one-to-one correspondence between learning and per-
formance, understanding when true learning has occurred is difficult.
It is clear that we are primed for learning from the beginning of life. Infants
exhibit a simple type of learning called habituation. Habituation is the decrease in
response to a stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus.
For example, young infants may initially show interest in a novel stimulus, such as
a brightly colored toy, but they will soon lose interest if they see the same toy over
and over. (Adults exhibit habituation, too: Newlyweds soon stop noticing that they
are wearing a wedding ring.) Habituation permits us to ignore things that have
stopped providing new information.
Most learning is considerably more complex than habituation, and the study of
learning has been at the core of the field of psychology. Although philosophers since
the time of Aristotle have speculated on the foundations of learning, the first system-
atic research on learning was done at the beginning of the 20th century, when Ivan
Pavlov (does the name ring a bell?) developed the framework for learning called
classical conditioning.
What is learning?
How do we learn to form
associations between stimuli
and responses?
A relatively permanent
change in behavior brought about by
experience.
175
176 Chapter 6 Learning
Ivan Pavlov (center) developed the principles of classical
conditioning.
classical conditioning A type of
learning in which a neutral stimulus
comes to bring about a response after
it is paired with a stimulus that
naturally brings about that response.
neutral stimulus A stimulus that,
before conditioning, does not naturally
bring about the response of interest.
unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A
stimulus that naturally brings about a
particular response without having
been learned.
unconditioned response (UCR) A
response that is natural and needs no
training (e.g., salivation at the smell of
food).
conditioned stimulus (CS) A once-
neutral stimulus that has been paired
with an unconditioned stimulus to
bring about a response formerly
caused only by the unconditioned
stimulus.
conditioned response (CR) A
response that, after conditioning,
follows a previously neutral stimulus
(e.g., salivation at the ringing of a bell).
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The Basics of Classical
Conditioning
Ivan Pavlov, a Russian physiologist, never intended to do
psychological research. In 1904 he won the Nobel Prize for
his work on digestion, testimony to his contribution to that
field. Yet Pavlov is remembered not for his physiological
research but for his experiments on basic learning processes—
work that he began quite accidentally (Marks, 2004; Samoilov
& Zayas, 2007).
Pavlov had been studying the secretion of stomach acids
and salivation in dogs in response to the ingestion of varying
amounts and kinds of food. While doing that, he observed a
curious phenomenon: Sometimes stomach secretions and salivation would begin in
the dogs when they had not yet eaten any food. The mere sight of the experimenter
who normally brought the food, or even the sound of the experimenter’s footsteps,
was enough to produce salivation in the dogs. Pavlov’s genius lay in his ability to
recognize the implications of this discovery. He saw that the dogs were responding
not only on the basis of a biological need (hunger) but also as a result of learning—
or, as it came to be called, classical conditioning. Classical conditioning is a type of
learning in which a neutral stimulus (such as the experimenter’s footsteps) comes to
elicit a response after being paired with a stimulus (such as food) that naturally
brings about that response.
To demonstrate classical conditioning, Pavlov (1927) attached a tube to the sali-
vary gland of a dog, allowing him to measure precisely the dog’s salivation. He then
rang a bell and, just a few seconds later, presented the dog with meat. This pairing
occurred repeatedly and was carefully planned so that, each time, exactly the same
amount of time elapsed between the presentation of the bell and the meat. At first
the dog would salivate only when the meat was presented, but soon it began to
salivate at the sound of the bell. In fact, even when Pavlov stopped presenting the
meat, the dog still salivated after hearing the sound. The dog had been classically
conditioned to salivate to the bell.
As you can see in Figure 1, the basic processes of classical conditioning that
underlie Pavlov’s discovery are straightforward, although the terminology he chose
is not simple. Consider first the diagram in Figure 1a. Before conditioning, there are
two unrelated stimuli: the ringing of a bell and meat. We know that normally the
ringing of a bell does not lead to salivation but to some irrelevant response, such as
pricking up the ears or perhaps a startle reaction. The bell is therefore called the
neutral stimulus, because it is a stimulus that, before conditioning, does not naturally
bring about the response in which we are interested. We also have meat, which
naturally causes a dog to salivate—the response we are interested in conditioning.
The meat is considered an unconditioned stimulus (UCS) because food placed in a
dog’s mouth automatically causes salivation to occur. The response that the meat
elicits (salivation) is called an unconditioned response (UCR)—a natural, innate,
reflexive response that is not associated with previous learning. Unconditioned
responses are always brought about by the presence of unconditioned stimuli.
Figure 1b illustrates what happens during conditioning. The bell is rung just
before each presentation of the meat. The goal of conditioning is for the dog to asso-
ciate the bell with the unconditioned stimulus (meat) and therefore to bring about
the same sort of response as the unconditioned stimulus. After a number of pairings
of the bell and meat, the bell alone causes the dog to salivate.
When conditioning is complete, the bell has evolved from a neutral stimulus to
a conditioned stimulus (CS). At this time, salivation that occurs as a response to the
conditioned stimulus (bell) is considered a conditioned response (CR). This situation
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Module 17 Classical Conditioning
(a) Before conditioning
Neutral stimulus Response unrelated to meat
~ Sound of bell
|e
Pricking of ears
KA
\
Unconditioned stimulus (UCS)
Unconditioned response (UCR)
LBS n Salivation
Meat
(b) During conditioning
Neutral stimulus Unconditioned response (UCR)
=~ Sound of bell
))
AA
Salivation
Unconditioned stimulus (UCS)
Meat
(c) After conditioning
Conditioned stimulus (CS) Conditioned response (CR)
j =~ Sound of bell
(i
Salivation
CA ——s- >,
is depicted in Figure 1c. After conditioning, then, the conditioned stimulus evokes
the conditioned response.
The sequence and timing of the presentation of the unconditioned stimulus and
the conditioned stimulus are particularly important. Like a malfunctioning warning
light at a railroad crossing that goes on after the train has passed by, a neutral stim-
ulus that follows an unconditioned stimulus has little chance of becoming a condi-
tioned stimulus. However, just as a warning light works best if it goes on right before
a train passes, a neutral stimulus that is presented just before the unconditioned stim-
ulus is most apt to result in successful conditioning. Research has shown that con-
ditioning is most effective if the neutral stimulus (which will become a conditioned
stimulus) precedes the unconditioned stimulus by between a half second and several
seconds, depending on what kind of response is being conditioned (Bitterman, 2006;
Wasserman & Miller, 1997).
177
FIGURE 1 The basic process of classical
conditioning. (a) Before conditioning,
the ringing of a bell does not bring
about salivation—making the bell a
neutral stimulus. In contrast, meat
naturally brings about salivation, making
the meat an unconditioned stimulus
and salivation an unconditioned
response. (b) During conditioning, the
bell is rung just before the presentation
of the meat. (c) Eventually, the ringing
of the bell alone brings about salivation.
We now can say that conditioning has
been accomplished: The previously
neutral stimulus of the bell is now
considered a conditioned stimulus that
brings about the conditioned response
of salivation.
yAlert
Figure 1 can help you to learn
and understand the process
(and terminology) of clas-
sical conditioning, which
can be confusing.
178 Chapter 6 Learning
Because of a previous unpleasant
experience, a person may expect a
similar occurrence when faced with a
comparable situation in the future, a
process known as stimulus generalization.
Can you think of ways that this process
occurs in everyday life?
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Although the terminology Pavlov used to describe classical conditioning may
seem confusing, the following summary can help make the relationships between
stimuli and responses easier to understand and remember:
e Conditioned = learned.
e Unconditioned = not learned.
e An unconditioned stimulus leads to an unconditioned response.
e Unconditioned stimulus—unconditioned response pairings are not learned and
not trained: They are naturally occurring.
e During conditioning, a previously neutral stimulus is transformed into the
conditioned stimulus.
e A conditioned stimulus leads to a conditioned response, and a conditioned
stimulus—conditioned response pairing is a consequence of learning and
training.
e An unconditioned response and a conditioned response are similar (such as
salivation in Pavlov’s experiment), but the unconditioned response occurs
naturally, whereas the conditioned response is learned.
Applying Conditioning
Principles to Human Behavior
Although the initial conditioning experiments were carried out with animals, classical
conditioning principles were soon found to explain many aspects of everyday human
behavior. Recall, for instance, the earlier illustration of how people may experience
hunger pangs at the sight of McDonald’s golden arches. The cause of this reaction is
classical conditioning: The previously neutral arches have become associated with the
food inside the restaurant (the unconditioned stimulus), causing the arches to become
a conditioned stimulus that brings about the conditioned response of hunger.
Emotional responses are especially likely to be learned through classical condi-
tioning processes. For instance, how do some of us develop fears of mice, spiders,
and other creatures that are typically harmless? In a now infamous case study, psy-
chologist John B. Watson and colleague Rosalie Rayner (1920) showed that classical
conditioning was at the root of such fears by conditioning an 11-month-old infant
named Albert to be afraid of rats. “Little Albert,” like most infants, initially was
frightened by loud noises but had no fear of rats.
In the study, the experimenters sounded a loud noise whenever Little Albert
touched a white, furry rat. The noise (the unconditioned stimulus) evoked fear (the
unconditioned response). After just a few pairings of noise and rat, Albert began to
show fear of the rat by itself, bursting into tears when he saw it. The rat, then, had
become a CS that brought about the CR, fear. Furthermore, the effects of the condi-
tioning lingered: five days later, Albert reacted with some degree of fear not only
when shown a rat, but when shown objects that looked similar to the white, furry
rat, including a white rabbit, a white seal-skin coat, and even a white Santa Claus
mask. (By the way, although we don’t know for certain what happened to the unfor-
tunate Little Albert, it appears he was a sickly child who died at the age of 5. In any
case, Watson, the experimenter, has been condemned for using ethically questionable
procedures that could never be conducted today; Beck, Levinson, & Irons, 2009.)
Learning by means of classical conditioning also occurs during adulthood. For
example, you may not go to a dentist as often as you should because of previous
associations of dentists with pain. In more extreme cases, classical conditioning can
lead to the development of phobias, which are intense, irrational fears that we will
consider later in the book. For example, an insect phobia might develop in someone
who is stung by a bee. The insect phobia might be so severe that the person refrains
from leaving home. Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), suffered by some war veterans
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Module 17 Classical Conditioning 179
and others who have had traumatic experiences, can also be produced by classical
conditioning. Even years after their battlefield experiences, veterans may feel a rush
of fear and anxiety at a stimulus such as a loud noise (Kaštelan et al., 2007; Kozaric-
Kovacic, & Borovecki, 2005; Roberts, Moore, & Beckham, 2007).
However, classical conditioning also accounts for pleasant experiences. For
instance, you may have a particular fondness for the smell of a certain perfume or
aftershave lotion because thoughts of an early love come rushing back whenever you
encounter it. Or hearing a certain song can bring back happy or bittersweet emotions
due to associations that you have developed in the past. Classical conditioning, then,
explains many of the reactions we have to stimuli in the world around us.
Extinction
What do you think would happen if a dog that had become classically conditioned
to salivate at the ringing of a bell never again received food when the bell was rung?
The answer lies in one of the basic phenomena of learning: extinction. Extinction
occurs when a previously conditioned response decreases in frequency and eventu-
ally disappears.
To produce extinction, one needs to end the association between conditioned
stimuli and unconditioned stimuli. For instance, if we had trained a dog to salivate
(the conditioned response) at the ringing of a bell (the conditioned stimulus), we
could produce extinction by repeatedly ringing the bell but not providing meat. At
first the dog would continue to salivate when it heard the bell, but after a few such
instances, the amount of salivation would probably decline, and the dog would even-
tually stop responding to the bell altogether. At that point, we could say that the
response had been extinguished. In sum, extinction occurs when the conditioned
stimulus is presented repeatedly without the unconditioned stimulus (see Figure 2).
We should keep in mind that extinction can be a helpful phenomenon. Consider,
for instance, what it would be like if the fear you experienced while watching the
shower murder scene in the classic movie Psycho never was extinguished. You might
well tremble with fright every time you took a shower.
Once a conditioned response has been extinguished, has it vanished forever? Not
necessarily. Pavlov discovered this phenomenon when he returned to his dog a few
days after the conditioned behavior had seemingly been extinguished. If he rang a
bell, the dog once again salivated—an effect known as spontaneous recovery, or the
Acquisition (conditioned
stimulus and unconditioned
stimulus presented together)
Extinction (conditioned
Strong stimulus by itself)
Spontaneous recovery of
conditioned response
Extinction follows
(conditioned
stimulus alone)
Strength of
conditioned response (CR)
Weak | (a) Training (b) CS alone (c) Pause (d) Spontaneous recovery
Time —————>
extinction A basic phenomenon of
learning that occurs when a previously
conditioned response decreases in
frequency and eventually disappears.
spontaneous recovery The reemer-
gence of an extinguished conditioned
response after a period of rest and with
no further conditioning.
FIGURE 2 Acquisition, extinction, and
spontaneous recovery of a classically
conditioned response. (a) A conditioned
response (CR) gradually increases in
strength during training. (b) However,
if the conditioned stimulus (CS) is
presented by itself enough times, the
conditioned response gradually fades,
and extinction occurs. (c) After a pause
(d) in which the conditioned stimulus is
not presented, spontaneous recovery
can occur. However, extinction typically
reoccurs soon after.
180 Chapter 6 Learning
yAlert
Remember that stimulus
generalization relates to
stimuli that are similar to
one another, while
stimulus discrimination
relates to stimuli that are different
from one another.
stimulus generalization A process in
which, after a stimulus has been
conditioned to produce a particular
response, stimuli that are similar to the
original stimulus produce the same
response
stimulus discrimination The process
that occurs if two stimuli are suffi-
ciently distinct from one another that
one evokes a conditioned response but
the other does not; the ability to
differentiate between stimuli.
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reemergence of an extinguished conditioned response after a period of time and with
no further conditioning.
Spontaneous recovery helps explain why it is so hard to overcome drug addic-
tions. For example, cocaine addicts who are thought to be “cured” can experience an
irresistible impulse to use the drug again if they are subsequently confronted by a
stimulus with strong connections to the drug, such as a white powder (DiCano &
Everitt, 2002; Plowright, Simonds, & Butler, 2006; Rodd et al., 2004).
Generalization
and Discrimination
Despite differences in color and shape, to most of us a rose is a rose is a rose. The
pleasure we experience at the beauty, smell, and grace of the flower is similar for
different types of roses. Pavlov noticed a similar phenomenon. His dogs often sali-
vated not only at the ringing of the bell that was used during their original condi-
tioning but at the sound of a buzzer as well.
Such behavior is the result of stimulus generalization. Stimulus generalization
is a process in which, after a stimulus has been conditioned to produce a particular
response, stimuli that are similar to the original stimulus produce the same response.
The greater the similarity between two stimuli, the greater the likelihood of stimulus
generalization. Little Albert, who, as we mentioned earlier, was conditioned to be
fearful of white rats, grew afraid of other furry white things as well. However,
according to the principle of stimulus generalization, it is unlikely that he would
have been afraid of a black dog, because its color would have differentiated it suf-
ficiently from the original fear-evoking stimulus.
The conditioned response elicited by the new stimulus is usually not as intense
as the original conditioned response, although the more similar the new stimulus is
to the old one, the more similar the new response will be. It is unlikely, then, that
Little Albert’s fear of the Santa Claus mask was as great as his learned fear of a rat.
Still, stimulus generalization permits us to know, for example, that we ought to brake
at all red lights, even if there are minor variations in size, shape, and shade.
Stimulus discrimination, in contrast, occurs if two stimuli are sufficiently dis-
tinct from each other that one evokes a conditioned response but the other does not.
Stimulus discrimination provides the ability to differentiate between stimuli. For
example, my dog Cleo comes running into the kitchen when she hears the sound of
the electric can opener, which she has learned is used to open her dog food when
her dinner is about to be served. She does not bound into the kitchen at the sound
of the food processor, although it sounds similar. In other words, she discriminates
between the stimuli of can opener and food processor. Similarly, our ability to dis-
criminate between the behavior of a growling dog and that of one whose tail is
wagging can lead to adaptive behavior—avoiding the growling dog and petting the
friendly one.
Beyond Traditional Classical
Conditioning: Challenging
Basic Assumptions
Although Pavlov hypothesized that all learning is nothing more than long strings of
conditioned responses, this notion has not been supported by subsequent research.
It turns out that classical conditioning provides us with only a partial explanation of
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Module 17 Classical Conditioning 181
how people and animals learn; indeed, Pavlov was wrong in some of his basic
assumptions (Hollis, 1997).
For example, according to Pavlov, the process of linking stimuli and responses
occurs in a mechanistic, unthinking way. In contrast to this perspective, learning
theorists influenced by cognitive psychology have argued that learners actively
develop an understanding and expectancy about which particular unconditioned
stimuli are matched with specific conditioned stimuli. A ringing bell, for instance,
gives a dog something to think about: the impending arrival of food (Kirsch et al.,
2004; Rescorla, 198).
Traditional explanations of how classical conditioning operates have also been
challenged by John Garcia, a learning psychologist. He found that some organisms—
including humans—were biologically prepared to quickly learn to avoid foods that
smelled or tasted like something that made them sick. For instance, a dog quickly
learns to avoid rotting food that in the past made it sick. Similarly, if every time you
ate peanuts you had an upset stomach several hours later, eventually you would
learn to avoid peanuts. In fact, you might develop a learned taste aversion, so that
peanuts no longer even taste good to you (Garcia, 1990, 2003).
The surprising part of Garcia’s discovery was his demonstration that condition-
ing could occur even when the interval between exposure to the conditioned stimu-
lus of tainted food and the response of sickness was as long as eight hours.
Furthermore, the conditioning persisted over very long periods and sometimes
occurred after just one exposure.
These findings have had important practical implications. For example, to keep
crows from stealing eggs, dairy farmers may lace an egg with a chemical and leave
it in a place where crows will find it. The drug temporarily makes the crows ill, but
it does not harm them permanently. After exposure to a chemical-laden egg, crows
no longer finds them appetizing (Baker, Johnson, & Slater, 2007; Cox et al., 2004;
Green, Henderson, & Collinge, 2003).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP e Learning is not always permanent. Extinction occurs
when a previously learned response decreases in fre-
quency and eventually disappears. (p. 179)
e Stimulus generalization is the tendency for a conditioned
response to follow a stimulus that is similar to, but not
What is learning?
e Learning is a relatively permanent change in behavior
resulting from experience. (p. 175)
How do we learn to form associations between stimuli and the same as, the original conditioned stimulus. The con-
responses? verse phenomenon, stimulus discrimination, occurs
e One major form of learning is classical conditioning, when an organism learns to distinguish between stimuli.
which occurs when a neutral stimulus—one that normally (p. 180)
brings about no relevant response—is repeatedly paired
with a stimulus (called an unconditioned stimulus) that
brings about a natural, untrained response. (p. 176) EVALUATE
e Conditioning occurs when the neutral stimulus is repeat-
edly presented just before the unconditioned stimulus.
After repeated pairings, the neutral stimulus elicits the
same response that the unconditioned stimulus brings
about. When this occurs, the neutral stimulus has be-
come a conditioned stimulus, and the response a condi-
tioned response. (p. 176)
1, _____ involves changes brought about by experi-
ence, whereas maturation describes changes resulting
from biological development.
2, _______ is the name of the scientist responsible for dis-
covering the learning phenomenon known as
conditioning, whereby an organism learns a response to a
stimulus to which it normally would not respond.
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182 Chapter 6 Learning
Refer to the passage below to answer questions 3 through 5: RETHINK
The last three times little Theresa visited Dr. Lopez for 1. How likely is it that Little Albert, Watson’s experimental
checkups, he administered a painful preventive immuni-
zation shot that left her in tears. Today, when her mother
takes her for another checkup, Theresa begins to sob as
soon as she comes face to face with Dr. Lopez, even before
he has had a chance to say hello.
. The painful shot that Theresa received during each visit
subject, went through life afraid of Santa Claus? Describe
what could have happened to prevent his continual dread
of Santa.
. From the perspective of an advertising executive: How might
knowledge of classical conditioning be useful in creating
an advertising campaign? What, if any, ethical issues arise
from this use?
was a(n) that elicited the
, her tears.
4. Dr. Lopez is upset because his presence has become a
for Theresa’s crying.
5. Fortunately, Dr. Lopez gave Theresa no more shots for
quite some time. Over that period she gradually stopped
crying and even came to like him. _____ had.
occurred.
KEYTERMS
Answers to Evaluate Questions
uomugxy “¢ ‘snmwys pseuoyipuoo ‘p ‘asuodsar pauoytpuooun
‘snmwys pouoyIpuooun ‘g ‘[eoIsseyD ‘AoTARY ‘Z ‘SuTUTeIT I
learning p.175 unconditioned response conditioned response stimulus
classical (UCR) p. 176 (CR) p. 176 generalization p. 180
conditioning p. 176 conditioned stimulus extinction p. 179 stimulus
neutral stimulus p. 176 (CS) p. 176 spontaneous discrimination p. 180
unconditioned stimulus
(UCS) p. 176
recovery p. 179
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MODULE 18
Very good .. . What a clever idea . . . Fantastic... I agree .. . Thank you. . . Excellent
... Super... Right on . . . This is the best paper you've ever written; you get an A...
You are really getting the hang of it . . . I’m impressed . . . You're getting a raise . . .
Have a cookie . . . You look great... I love you...
Few of us mind being the recipient of any of these comments. But what is especially
noteworthy about them is that each of these simple statements can be used, through
a process known as operant conditioning, to bring about powerful changes in behav-
ior and to teach the most complex tasks. Operant conditioning is the basis for many
of the most important kinds of human, and animal, learning.
Operant conditioning is learning in which a voluntary response is strengthened
or weakened, depending on its favorable or unfavorable consequences. When we say
that a response has been strengthened or weakened, we mean that it has been made
more or less likely to recur regularly.
Unlike classical conditioning, in which the original behaviors are the natural,
biological responses to the presence of a stimulus such as food, water, or pain, oper-
ant conditioning applies to voluntary responses, which an organism performs delib-
erately to produce a desirable outcome. The term operant emphasizes this point: The
organism operates on its environment to produce a desirable result. Operant condi-
tioning is at work when we learn that toiling industriously can bring about a raise
or that studying hard results in good grades.
As with classical conditioning, the basis for understanding operant conditioning
was laid by work with animals. We turn now to some of that early research, which
began with a simple inquiry into the behavior of cats.
Thorndike’s Law of Effect
If you placed a hungry cat in a cage and then put a small piece of food outside the
cage, just beyond the cat’s reach, chances are that the cat would eagerly search for a
way out of the cage. The cat might first claw at the sides or push against an opening.
Suppose, though, you had rigged things so that the cat could escape by stepping on
a small paddle that released the latch to the door of the cage (see Figure 1). Eventu-
ally, as it moved around the cage, the cat would happen to step on the paddle, the
door would open, and the cat would eat the food.
What would happen if you then returned the cat to the box? The next time, it
would probably take a little less time for the cat to step on the paddle and escape.
After a few trials, the cat would deliberately step on the paddle as soon as it was
placed in the cage. What would have occurred, according to Edward L. Thorndike
(1932), who studied this situation extensively, was that the cat would have learned
that pressing the paddle was associated with the desirable consequence of getting
food. Thorndike summarized that relationship by formulating the law of effect:
Responses that lead to satisfying consequences are more likely to be repeated.
Thorndike believed that the law of effect operates as automatically as leaves fall
off a tree in autumn. It was not necessary for an organism to understand that there
What is the role of reward and
punishment in learning?
What are some practical
methods for bringing about
behavior change, both in
ourselves and in others?
Learning in
which a voluntary response is
strengthened or weakened, depending
on its favorable or unfavorable
consequences.
183
184 Chapter 6 Learning
FIGURE 1 Edward L. Thorndike devised
this puzzle box to study the process by
which a cat learns to press a paddle to
escape from the box and receive food.
Do you think Thorndike’s work has
relevance to the question of why
humans voluntarily solve puzzles, such
as crossword puzzles and jigsaw
puzzles? Do they receive any rewards?
reinforcement The process by which a
stimulus increases the probability that
a preceding behavior will be repeated.
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was a link between a response and a reward. Instead, Thorndike believed, over time
and through experience the organism would make a direct connection between the
stimulus and the response without any awareness that the connection existed.
The Basics of Operant
Conditioning
Thorndike’s early research served as the foundation for the work of one of the 20th
century's most influential psychologists, B. F. Skinner (1904-1990).You may have
heard of the Skinner box (shown in Figure 2), a chamber with a highly controlled
environment that was used to study operant conditioning processes with laboratory
animals. Whereas Thorndike’s goal was to get his cats to learn to obtain food by
leaving the box, animals in a Skinner box learn to obtain food by operating on their
environment within the box. Skinner became interested in specifying how behavior
varies as a result of alterations in the environment.
Skinner, whose work went far beyond perfecting Thorndike’s earlier apparatus,
is considered the inspiration for a whole generation of psychologists studying oper-
ant conditioning. To illustrate Skinner’s contribution, let’s consider what happens to
a rat in the typical Skinner box (Keehn, 1996; Pascual & Rodriguez, 2006).
Suppose you want to teach a hungry rat to press a lever that is in its box. At first
the rat will wander around the box, exploring the environment in a relatively random
fashion. At some point, however, it will probably press the lever by chance, and when
it does, it will receive a food pellet. The first time this happens, the rat will not learn
the connection between pressing a lever and receiving food and will continue to
explore the box. Sooner or later the rat will press the lever again and receive a pellet,
and in time the frequency of the pressing response will increase. Eventually, the rat
will press the lever continually until it satisfies its hunger, thereby demonstrating that
it has learned that the receipt of food is contingent on pressing the lever.
REINFORCEMENT: THE CENTRAL CONCEPT
OF OPERANT CONDITIONING
Skinner called the process that leads the rat to continue pressing the key “reinforce-
ment.” Reinforcement is the process by which a stimulus increases the probability
that a preceding behavior will be repeated. In other words, pressing the lever is more
likely to occur again because of the stimulus of food.
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 185
In a situation such as this one, the food is called a reinforcer. A reinforcer is any
stimulus that increases the probability that a preceding behavior will occur again.
Hence, food is a reinforcer, because it increases the probability that the behavior of
pressing (formally referred to as the response of pressing) will take place.
What kind of stimuli can act as reinforcers? Bonuses, toys, and good grades can
serve as reinforcers—if they strengthen the probability of the response that occurred
before their introduction. What makes something a reinforcer depends on individual
preferences. Although a Hershey bar can act as a reinforcer for one person, an indi-
vidual who dislikes chocolate may find one dollar more desirable. The only way we
can know if a stimulus is a reinforcer for a particular organism is to observe whether
the frequency of a previously occurring behavior increases after the presentation of
the stimulus.
Of course, we are not born knowing that one dollar can buy us a candy bar.
Rather, through experience we learn that money is a valuable commodity because of
its association with stimuli, such as food and drink, that are naturally reinforcing.
This fact suggests a distinction between primary reinforcers and secondary reinforc-
ers. A primary reinforcer satisfies some biological need and works naturally, regardless
of a person’s previous experience. Food for a hungry person, warmth for a cold
person, and relief for a person in pain all would be classified as primary reinforcers.
A secondary reinforcer, in contrast, is a stimulus that becomes reinforcing because of
its association with a primary reinforcer. For instance, we know that money is valu-
able, because we have learned that it allows us to obtain other desirable objects,
including primary reinforcers such as food and shelter. Money thus becomes a sec-
ondary reinforcer (Moher et al., 2008).
POSITIVE REINFORCERS, NEGATIVE REINFORCERS,
AND PUNISHMENT
In many respects, reinforcers can be thought of in terms of rewards; both a reinforcer
and a reward increase the probability that a preceding response will occur again. But
the term reward is limited to positive occurrences, and this is where it differs from a
reinforcer—for it turns out that reinforcers can be positive or negative.
FIGURE 2 B. F. Skinner with a Skinner
box used to study operant conditioning.
Laboratory rats learn to press the lever
in order to obtain food, which is
delivered in the tray.
reinforcer Any stimulus that in-
creases the probability that a preceding
behavior will occur again.
yAlert
Remember that primary
reinforcers satisfy a
biological need; secondary
reinforcers are effective
due to previous association
with a primary reinforcer.
186 Chapter 6 Learning
positive reinforcer A stimulus added
to the environment that brings about
an increase in a preceding response.
negative reinforcer An unpleasant
stimulus whose removal leads to an
increase in the probability that a
preceding response will be repeated in
the future.
punishment A stimulus that
decreases the probability that a
previous behavior will occur again.
yAlert
The differences between
positive reinforcement,
negative reinforcement,
positive punishment, and
negative punishment are
tricky, so pay special attention to
Figure 3 and the definitions in
the text.
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A positive reinforcer is a stimulus added to the environment that brings about
an increase in a preceding response. If food, water, money, or praise is provided after
a response, it is more likely that that response will occur again in the future. The
paychecks that workers get at the end of the week, for example, increase the likeli-
hood that they will return to their jobs the following week.
In contrast, a negative reinforcer refers to an unpleasant stimulus whose removal
leads to an increase in the probability that a preceding response will be repeated in
the future. For example, if you have an itchy rash (an unpleasant stimulus) that is
relieved when you apply a certain brand of ointment, you are more likely to use that
ointment the next time you have an itchy rash. Using the ointment, then, is negatively
reinforcing, because it removes the unpleasant itch. Similarly, if your iPod volume is
so loud that it hurts your ears when you first turn it on, you are likely to reduce the
volume level. Lowering the volume is negatively reinforcing, and you are more apt
to repeat the action in the future when you first turn it on. Negative reinforcement,
then, teaches the individual that taking an action removes a negative condition that
exists in the environment. Like positive reinforcers, negative reinforcers increase the
likelihood that preceding behaviors will be repeated (Magoon & Critchfield, 2008).
Note that negative reinforcement is not the same as punishment. Punishment
refers to a stimulus that decreases the probability that a prior behavior will occur
again. Unlike negative reinforcement, which produces an increase in behavior, punish-
ment reduces the likelihood of a prior response. If we receive a shock that is meant
to decrease a certain behavior, then we are receiving punishment, but if we are
already receiving a shock and do something to stop that shock, the behavior that
stops the shock is considered to be negatively reinforced. In the first case, the specific
behavior is apt to decrease because of the punishment; in the second, it is likely to
increase because of the negative reinforcement.
There are two types of punishment: positive punishment and negative punish-
ment, just as there are positive reinforcement and negative reinforcement. (In both
cases, “positive” means adding something, and “negative” means removing some-
thing.) Positive punishment weakens a response through the application of an unpleas-
ant stimulus. For instance, spanking a child for misbehaving or spending ten years
in jail for committing a crime is positive punishment. In contrast, negative punishment
consists of the removal of something pleasant. For instance, when a teenager is told
she is “grounded” and will no longer be able to use the family car because of her
poor grades, or when an employee is informed that he has been demoted with a cut
in pay because of a poor job evaluation, negative punishment is being administered.
Both positive and negative punishment result in a decrease in the likelihood that a
prior behavior will be repeated.
The following rules (and the summary in Figure 3) can help you distinguish
these concepts from one another:
e Reinforcement increases the frequency of the behavior preceding it; punishment
decreases the frequency of the behavior preceding it.
e The application of a positive stimulus brings about an increase in the frequency
of behavior and is referred to as positive reinforcement; the application of a
negative stimulus decreases or reduces the frequency of behavior and is called
punishment.
e The removal of a negative stimulus that results in an increase in the frequency
of behavior is negative reinforcement; the removal of a positive stimulus that
decreases the frequency of behavior is negative punishment.
THE PROS AND CONS OF PUNISHMENT:
WHY REINFORCEMENT BEATS PUNISHMENT
Is punishment an effective way to modify behavior? Punishment often presents the
quickest route to changing behavior that, if allowed to continue, might be dangerous
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning
Intended Result When stimulus is added, the result is ... When stimulus is removed or terminated, the result is ...
Increase in Positive reinforcement Negative reinforcement
behavior
Example: Giving a raise
(reinforcement) for good performance
Result: Increase in
the ointment
response of good
performance Result: Increase in response of
using ointment
Decrease in Positive punishment Negative punishment
behavior Example: Yelling at a Example: Restricting teenager's
(punishment)
teenager when she
steals a bracelet
Result: Decrease in
frequency of response
of stealing
breaking curfew
FIGURE 3 Types of reinforcement and punishment.
to an individual. For instance, a parent may not have a second chance to warn a
child not to run into a busy street, and so punishing the first incidence of this behav-
ior may prove to be wise. Moreover, the use of punishment to suppress behavior,
even temporarily, provides an opportunity to reinforce a person for subsequently
behaving in a more desirable way.
There are some rare instances in which punishment can be the most humane
approach to treating certain severe disorders. For example, some children suffer from
autism, a psychological disorder that can lead them to abuse themselves by tearing
at their skin or banging their heads against the wall, injuring themselves severely in
the process. In such cases—and when all other treatments have failed—punishment
in the form of a quick but intense electric shock has been used to prevent self-
injurious behavior. Such punishment, however, is used only to keep the child safe
and to buy time until positive reinforcement procedures can be initiated (Ducharme,
Sanjuan, & Drain, 2007; Matson & LoVullo, 2008; Toole et al., 2004).
Punishment has several disadvantages that make its routine questionable. For
one thing, punishment is frequently ineffective, particularly if it is not delivered
shortly after the undesired behavior or if the individual is able to leave the setting
in which the punishment is being given. An employee who is reprimanded by the
boss may quit; a teenager who loses the use of the family car may borrow a friend’s
car instead. In such instances, the initial behavior that is being punished may be
replaced by one that is even less desirable.
Even worse, physical punishment can convey to the recipient the idea that phys-
ical aggression is permissible and perhaps even desirable. A father who yells at and
hits his son for misbehaving teaches the son that aggression is an appropriate, adult
response. The son soon may copy his father’s behavior by acting aggressively toward
others. In addition, physical punishment is often administered by people who are
Example: Applying ointment to
relieve an itchy rash leads to a
higher future likelihood of applying
access to car due to breaking curfew
Result: Decrease in response of
187
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in
Dollars for Scholars: Should
Parents and Children Be Paid
for Doing the Right Thing?
It’s one of the basic rules of parenting: Good
fathers and mothers are supposed to be in-
volved in their children’s lives and watch
out for their best interests. Yet some parents
don’t do this as much as they should. Per-
haps these behaviors were never modeled
by their own parents, or perhaps they are
overwhelmed by the stressors in their lives.
But for whatever reason, they don’t do such
things for their children as taking them to
the dentist, getting them a library card, or
attending parent-teacher conferences.
To deal with the problem, a privately
funded program in New York city called
Opportunity NYC is testing a highly contro-
versial solution for getting low-income par-
ents more involved in their children’s health
and education: It pays them to do it. For in-
stance, the program pays parents $200 for
each child who receives an annual medical
checkup. It pays $50 every two months for
each child who attends school regularly
during that period. It even makes some pay-
ments to the children themselves if they are
in high school, and, for instance, they take
precollege standardized tests or accumulate
sufficient credits toward graduation.
Opportunity NYC has the goal of less-
ening economic hardship in low-income
families through these direct payments
and encouraging families to take the initia-
tive to invest in their children and to im-
prove their futures. This seems noble
188
the 21st Century
OPPORTUNITY A)
enough—families get money they very
much need, but only if they engage in cer-
tain behaviors to advance the health and
education of their children. In operant con-
ditioning terms, the payment is a positive
reinforcement. In principle, the beneficial
behaviors should become well learned
(OpportunityNYC.org, 2009).
So what objections could people have to
such a program? For one thing, it has been
criticized as insulting and patronizing to
low-income parents. But also, whether
such a program would work to change be-
havior for the better over the long term is
an open question. People might be moti-
vated by the rewards to learn to engage in
the appropriate behaviors, but it’s unclear
that those behaviors would persist without
the rewards. Furthermore, some critics be-
lieve it may undermine students’ natural
enjoyment of learning; instead, they will
focus on the financial rewards (Kelley,
2007; Sebire, Standage, & Vansteenkiste,
2009; Vansteenkiste et al., 2005).
Opportunity NYC intentionally takes
advantage of operant conditioning princi-
ples in an attempt to change people’s be-
havior for the greater social good. If it
works as intended, it will help relieve the
financial strains of poverty-stricken fami-
lies, and it will have coaxed those parents
into giving their children better futures
than they might otherwise have had. Still,
the idea of paying people to be socially re-
sponsible and meet their parental obliga-
tions strikes many people as the wrong
approach to take, and it remains to be seen
whether the program is effective.
e Do you believe that rewarding students financially for doing well in school reduces
their motivation to learn for learning’s sake? Why or why not?
e How might you determine if Opportunity NYC is an effective program?
themselves angry or enraged. It is unlikely that individuals in such an emotional
state will be able to think through what they are doing or control carefully the degree
of punishment they are inflicting. Ultimately, those who resort to physical punish-
ment run the risk that they will grow to be feared. Punishment can also reduce the
self-esteem of recipients unless they can understand the reasons for it (Leary et al.,
2008; Miller-Perrin, Perrin, & Kocur, 2009; Zolotor et al., 2008).
Finally, punishment does not convey any information about what an alternative,
more appropriate behavior might be. To be useful in bringing about more desirable
behavior in the future, punishment must be accompanied by specific information
about the behavior that is being punished, along with specific suggestions concerning
a more desirable behavior. Punishing a child for staring out the window in school
could merely lead her to stare at the floor instead. Unless we teach her appropriate
ways to respond, we have merely managed to substitute one undesirable behavior
for another. If punishment is not followed up with reinforcement for subsequent
behavior that is more appropriate, little will be accomplished.
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 189
In short, reinforcing desired behavior is a more appropriate technique for mod-
ifying behavior than using punishment. Both in and out of the scientific arena, then,
reinforcement usually beats punishment (Hiby, Rooney, & Bradshaw, 2004; Pogarsky
& Piquero, 2003; Sidman, 2006). (Also see Applying Psychology in the 21st Century.)
SCHEDULES OF REINFORCEMENT: TIMING LIFE’S REWARDS
The world would be a different place if poker players never played cards again after
the first losing hand, fishermen returned to shore as soon as they missed a catch, or
telemarketers never made another phone call after their first hang-up. The fact that
such unreinforced behaviors continue, often with great frequency and persistence, schedules of reinforcement Different
illustrates that reinforcement need not be received continually for behavior to be patterns of frequency and timing of
learned and maintained. In fact, behavior that is reinforced only occasionally can reinforcement following desired
ultimately be learned better than can behavior that is always reinforced. behavior.
When we refer to the frequency and timing of reinforcement that follows desired
behavior, we are talking about schedules of reinforcement. Behavior that is rein-
forced every time it occurs is said to be on a continuous reinforcement schedule;
if it is reinforced some but not all of the time, it is on a partial (or intermittent)
reinforcement schedule. Although learning occurs more rapidly under a continuous partial (or intermittent) reinforcement
reinforcement schedule, behavior lasts longer after reinforcement stops when it is schedule Reinforcing of a behavior
learned under a partial reinforcement schedule (Casey, Cooper-Brown, & Wacher, some but not all of the time.
2006; Gottlieb, 2004; Reed, 2007; Staddon & Cerutti, 2003).
Why should intermittent reinforcement result in stronger, longer-lasting learning
than continuous reinforcement? We can answer the question by examining how we
might behave when using a candy vending machine compared with a Las Vegas slot
machine. When we use a vending machine, previous experience has taught us that
every time we put in the appropriate amount of money, the reinforcement, a candy
bar, ought to be delivered. In other words, the schedule of reinforcement is continu-
ous. In comparison, a slot machine offers intermittent reinforcement. We have learned
that after putting in our cash, most of the time we will not receive anything in return.
At the same time, though, we know that we will occasionally win something.
Now suppose that, unknown to us, both the candy vending machine and the slot
machine are broken, and so neither one is able to dispense anything. It would not be
very long before we stopped depositing coins into the broken candy machine. Probably
at most we would try only two or three times before leaving the machine in disgust.
But the story would be quite different with the broken slot machine. Here, we would fixed-ratio schedule A schedule by
drop in money for a considerably longer time, even though there would be no payoff. which reinforcement is given only after
In formal terms, we can see the difference between the two reinforcement sched- a specific number of responses are
ules: Partial reinforcement schedules (such as those provided by slot machines) main- made.
tain performance longer than do continuous reinforcement
schedules (such as those established in candy vending
machines) before extinction—the disappearance of the condi-
tioned response—occurs.
Certain kinds of partial reinforcement schedules produce
stronger and lengthier responding before extinction than do
others. Although many different partial reinforcement sched-
ules have been examined, they can most readily be put into two
categories: schedules that consider the number of responses made
before reinforcement is given, called fixed-ratio and variable-
ratio schedules, and those that consider the amount of time that
elapses before reinforcement is provided, called fixed-interval
and variable-interval schedules (Gottlieb, 2006; Pellegrini et al.,
2004; Reed & Morgan, 2008; Svartdal, 2003).
continuous reinforcement
schedule Reinforcing of a behavior
every time it occurs.
NEXT
STIMULUS
20 MILES
Fixed- and Variable-Ratio Schedules In a fixed-ratio schedule,
reinforcement is given only after a specific number of responses.
© Christopher Weyant/The New Yorker Collection/
www.cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
190 Chapter 6 Learning
FIGURE 4 Typical outcomes of different
reinforcement schedules. (a) In a fixed-
ratio schedule, reinforcement is provided
after a specific number of responses are
made. Because the more responses, the
more reinforcement, fixed-ratio schedules
produce a high rate of responding. (b) In
a variable-ratio schedule, responding also
occurs at a high rate. (c) A fixed-interval
schedule produces lower rates of
responding, especially just after
reinforcement has been presented,
because the organism learns that a
specified time period must elapse
between reinforcements. (d) A variable-
interval schedule produces a fairly
steady stream of responses.
variable-ratio schedule A schedule by
which reinforcement occurs after a
varying number of responses rather
than after a fixed number.
yAlert
Remember that the different
schedules of reinforcement
affect the rapidity with
which a response is
learned and how long it
lasts after reinforcement is no longer
provided.
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(a) Fixed-ratio schedule (b) Variable-ratio schedule
Responding occurs
at a high, steady rate.
There are
relatively short
pauses in
responding after
reinforcement is
provided.
Cumulative frequency of responses
Cumulative frequency of responses
Time Time
(c) Fixed-interval schedule (d) Variable-interval schedule
There are typically long
pauses in responding after
reinforcement is provided.
Responding occurs
at a steady rate.
Cumulative frequency of responses
Cumulative frequency of responses
Time Time
For instance, a rat might receive a food pellet every tenth time it pressed a lever; here,
the ratio would be 1:10. Similarly, garment workers are generally paid on fixed-ratio
schedules: They receive a specific number of dollars for every blouse they sew. Because
a greater rate of production means more reinforcement, people on fixed-ratio sched-
ules are apt to work as quickly as possible (see Figure 4).
In a variable-ratio schedule, reinforcement occurs after a varying number of
responses rather than after a fixed number. Although the specific number of responses
necessary to receive reinforcement varies, the number of responses usually hovers
around a specific average. A good example of a variable-ratio schedule is a telephone
salesperson’s job. He might make a sale during the 3rd, 8th, 9th, and 20th calls with-
out being successful during any call in between. Although the number of responses
he must make before making a sale varies, it averages out to a 20% success rate.
Under these circumstances, you might expect that the salesperson would try to make
as many calls as possible in as short a time as possible. This is the case with all
variable-ratio schedules, which lead to a high rate of response and resistance to
extinction.
Fixed- and Variable-Interval Schedules: The Passage of Time In contrast to fixed-
and variable-ratio schedules, in which the crucial factor is the number of responses,
fixed-interval and variable-interval schedules focus on the amount of time that has
elapsed since a person or animal was rewarded. One example of a fixed-interval
schedule is a weekly paycheck. For people who receive regular, weekly paychecks,
it typically makes relatively little difference exactly how much they produce in a
given week.
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 191
Because a fixed-interval schedule provides reinforcement for a response only if
a fixed time period has elapsed, overall rates of response are relatively low. This is
especially true in the period just after reinforcement, when the time before another
reinforcement is relatively great. Students’ study habits often exemplify this reality.
If the periods between exams are relatively long (meaning that the opportunity for
reinforcement for good performance is given fairly infrequently), students often
study minimally or not at all until the day of the exam draws near. Just before the
exam, however, students begin to cram for it, signaling a rapid increase in the rate
of their studying response. As you might expect, immediately after the exam there
is a rapid decline in the rate of responding, with few people opening a book the day
after a test. Fixed-interval schedules produce the kind of “scalloping effect” shown
in Figure 4 (Saville, 2009).
One way to decrease the delay in responding that occurs just after reinforcement,
and to maintain the desired behavior more consistently throughout an interval, is to
use a variable-interval schedule. In a variable-interval schedule, the time between
reinforcements varies around some average rather than being fixed. For example, a
professor who gives surprise quizzes that vary from one every three days to one
every three weeks, averaging one every two weeks, is using a variable-interval sched-
ule. Compared to the study habits we observed with a fixed-interval schedule, stu-
dents’ study habits under such a variable-interval schedule would most likely be
very different. Students would be apt to study more regularly because they would
never know when the next surprise quiz was coming. Variable-interval schedules, in
general, are more likely to produce relatively steady rates of responding than are
fixed-interval schedules, with responses that take longer to extinguish after reinforce-
ment ends.
DISCRIMINATION AND GENERALIZATION
IN OPERANT CONDITIONING
It does not take a child long to learn that a red light at an intersection means stop
and a green light indicates that it is permissible to continue, in the same way that a
pigeon can learn to peck a key when a green light goes on but not when a red light
appears. Just as in classical conditioning, then, operant learning involves the phe-
nomena of discrimination and generalization.
The process by which people learn to discriminate stimuli is known as stimu-
lus control training. In stimulus control training, a behavior is reinforced in the pres-
ence of a specific stimulus, but not in its absence. For example, one of the most
difficult discriminations many people face is determining when someone’s friend-
liness is not mere friendliness, but a signal of romantic interest. People learn to
make the discrimination by observing the presence of certain nonverbal cues—such
as increased eye contact and touching—that indicate romantic interest. When such
cues are absent, people learn that no romantic interest is indicated. In this case, the
nonverbal cue acts as a discriminative stimulus, one to which an organism learns
to respond during stimulus control training. A discriminative stimulus signals the
likelihood that reinforcement will follow a response. For example, if you wait until
your roommate is in a good mood before you ask to borrow her favorite CD, your
behavior can be said to be under stimulus control because you can discriminate
between her moods.
Just as in classical conditioning, the phenomenon of stimulus generalization, in
which an organism learns a response to one stimulus and then exhibits the same
response to slightly different stimuli, occurs in operant conditioning. If you have
learned that being polite helps you to get your way in a certain situation (reinforcing
your politeness), you are likely to generalize your response to other situations. Some-
times, though, generalization can have unfortunate consequences, as when people
behave negatively toward all members of a racial group because they have had an
unpleasant experience with one member of that group.
fixed-interval schedule A schedule
that provides reinforcement for a
response only if a fixed time period
has elapsed, making overall rates of
response relatively low.
variable-interval schedule A schedule
by which the time between reinforce-
ments varies around some average
rather than being fixed.
192 Chapter 6 Learning
shaping The process of teaching a
complex behavior by rewarding closer
and closer approximations of the
desired behavior.
Name: Lea Johnson
Hanover, NH
Position: Seeing Eye Guide Dog Trainer
Education: BS, Geography, Dartmouth College,
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SHAPING: REINFORCING WHAT DOESN’T COME NATURALLY
Consider the difficulty of using operant conditioning to teach people to repair an
automobile transmission. If you had to wait until they chanced to fix a transmission
perfectly before you provided them with reinforcement, the Model T Ford might be
back in style long before they mastered the repair process.
There are many complex behaviors, ranging from auto repair to zoo manage-
ment, that we would not expect to occur naturally as part of anyone’s spontaneous
behavior. For such behaviors, for which there might otherwise be no opportunity to
provide reinforcement (because the behavior would never occur in the first place), a
procedure known as shaping is used. Shaping is the process of teaching a complex
behavior by rewarding closer and closer approximations of the desired behavior. In
shaping, you start by reinforcing any behavior that is at all similar to the behavior
you want the person to learn. Later, you reinforce only responses that are closer to
the behavior you ultimately want to teach. Finally, you reinforce only the desired
response. Each step in shaping, then, moves only slightly beyond the previously
learned behavior, permitting the person to link the new step to the behavior learned
earlier (Krueger & Dayan, 2009).
Shaping allows even lower animals to learn complex responses that would never
occur naturally, ranging from lions jumping through hoops, dolphins rescuing divers
lost at sea, or rodents finding hidden land mines. Shaping also underlies the learning
of many complex human skills. For instance, the organization of most textbooks is
based on the principles of shaping. Typically, information is presented so that new
material builds on previously learned concepts or skills. Thus, the concept of shaping
could not be presented until we had discussed the more basic principles of operant
learning (Meyer & Ladewig, 2008). (Also see PsychWork.)
7 P hW k For decades, guide dogs have provided a set of eyes to the
È SYC O r visually impaired, expanding the opportunities open to them
SEEING EYE GUIDE DOG TRAINER and increasing their independence. But it takes a great deal of
training to make a dog an effective seeing eye guide dog,
according to Lea Johnson, who works with The Seeing Eye
agency in Morristown, New Jersey. Johnson teaches apprentice
instructors to carry out the demanding, but rewarding, process
of training dogs.
“We hire college graduates, and while we don’t require a
specific major, a background in psychology or animal science allows employees to
more easily connect with different aspects of the job,” she said.
An apprentice instructor needs to have self-motivation in order to complete all
aspects of the dog’s training. In addition, they need to be able to work in a team
setting, according to Johnson. But that’s only part of it.
“The process of training the dogs is complex,” says Johnson. “For example, the
dog must be obedient and respond to their visually-impaired owner. But they also
get praised for sometimes refusing their owner’s commands, if it would put their
owner in danger.”
Once a dog learns the skills it needs, the trainer must then teach a visually-
impaired person how to work with the dog.
“After training dogs for four months, the trainers must be able to teach blind
people the skills to care for and travel with their Seeing Eye dog safely,” Johnson
said. Not only must trainers relate well to dogs, but they also must interact well with
blind people. She adds, “The training of people is intense and emotionally challeng-
ing in a very different way from the dog training portion. Without a good heart to
start with, trainers would never be successful.”
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 193
BIOLOGICAL CONSTRAINTS ON LEARNING: YOU
CAN’T TEACH AN OLD DOG JUST ANY TRICK
Not all behaviors can be trained in all species equally well.
Instead, there are biological constraints, built-in limitations in the
ability of animals to learn particular behaviors. In some cases,
an organism has a special predisposition that will aid in its learn-
ing a behavior (such as pecking behaviors in pigeons). In other
cases, biological constraints act to prevent or inhibit an organism
from learning a behavior. For example, it’s impossible to train
pigs to pick up a disk, because they are biologically programmed
to push objects like it along the ground. Similarly, although a
raccoon can be conditioned to drop a single coin into a piggy
bank, it will do so only after rubbing the coin against the outside
of the bank. The reason? After catching a fish, raccoons instinc-
tually rub them against the ground to remove their outer cover-
ing (Breland & Breland, 1966; Stevens & Pashler, 2002).
The existence of biological constraints is consistent with evo-
lutionary explanations of behavior. Clearly, there are adaptive
benefits that promote survival for organisms that quickly learn—
or avoid—certain behaviors. For example, our ability to rapidly
learn to avoid touching hot surfaces increases our chances of
survival. Additional support for the evolutionary interpreta-
tion of biological constraints lies in the fact the associations that
animals learn most readily involve stimuli that are most relevant to the specific envi-
ronment in which they live (Cosmides & Tooby, 2004; Davis, 2007; Terry, 2003).
Furthermore, psychologists taking an evolutionary perspective have suggested
that we may be genetically predisposed to be fearful of certain stimuli, such as snakes
or even threatening faces. For example, people in experiments learn associations
relatively quickly between photos of faces with threatening expressions and neutral
stimuli (such as an umbrella). In contrast, they are slower to learn associations
between faces that have pleasant expressions and neutral stimuli. Stimuli that pose
potential threats, like snakes or people with hostile facial expressions, posed a poten-
tial danger to early humans, and there may be an evolved “fear module” in the brain
that is sensitized to such threats (DeLoache & LoBue, 2009; Endres & Fendt, 2007;
Georgiou et al., 2005; Gerdes, Uhl, & Alpers, 2009; Oehman & Mineka, 2003).
Biological constraints make it nearly impossible for animals to learn
certain behaviors. Here, psychologist Marian Breland attempts to
overcome the natural limitations that inhibit the success of
conditioning this rooster.
COMPARING CLASSICAL AND OPERANT CONDITIONING
We've considered classical conditioning and operant conditioning as two completely
different processes. And, as summarized in Figure 5, there are a number of key dis-
tinctions between the two forms of learning. For example, the key concept in classi-
cal conditioning is the association between stimuli, whereas in operant conditioning
it is reinforcement. Furthermore, classical conditioning involves an involuntary, nat-
ural, innate behavior, but operant conditioning is based on voluntary responses made
by an organism.
Some researchers are asking if, in fact, the two types of learning are so different
after all. Some learning psychologists have suggested that classical and operant con-
ditioning might share some underlying processes. Arguing from an evolutionary
viewpoint, they contend that it is unlikely that two completely separate basic pro-
cesses would evolve. Instead, one process—albeit with considerable complexity in
the way it operates—might better explain behavior. Although it’s too early to know
if this point of view will be supported, it is clear that there are a number of processes
that operate both in classical and operant conditioning, including extinction, stimulus
generalization, and stimulus discrimination (Donahoe, 2003; Donahoe & Vergas, 2004;
Silva, Goncalves, & Garcia-Mijares, 2007).
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194 Chapter 6 Learning
Concept Classical Conditioning Operant Conditioning
Basic principle Building associations between a conditioned stimulus Reinforcement increases the frequency of the behavior
and conditioned response. preceding it; punishment decreases the frequency of the
behavior preceding it.
Nature Based on involuntary, natural, innate behavior. Behavior Organism voluntarily operates on its environment to produce
of behavior is elicited by the unconditioned or conditioned stimulus. a desirable result. After behavior occurs, the likelihood of the
behavior occurring again is increased or decreased by the
behaviors consequences.
Order of events Before conditioning, an unconditioned stimulus leads to Reinforcement leads to an increase in behavior; punishment
an unconditioned response. After conditioning, a leads to a decrease in behavior
conditioned stimulus leads to a conditioned response.
Example After a physician gives a child a series of painful injections A student who, after studying hard for a test, earns an A (the
(an unconditioned stimulus) that produce an emotional positive reinforcer), is more likely to study hard in the future.
reaction (an unconditioned response), the child develops A student who, after going out drinking the night before a
an emotional reaction (a conditioned response) whenever test, fails the test (punishment) is less likely to go out drinking
he sees the physician (the conditioned stimulus). the night before the next test.
r
FIGURE 5 Comparing key concepts in classical conditioning and operant conditioning.
BECOMING AN A couple who had been living together for three years began to fight
INFORMED CONSUMER frequently. The issues of disagreement ranged from who was going to
do the dishes to the quality of their love life.
of Ps YC h O | O g y Disturbed, the couple went to a behavior analyst, a psychologist
Using Behavior Analysis and Behavior who specialized in behavior-modification techniques. He asked them
> to keep a detailed written record of their inti ti th t
Modification p iled w eir interactions over the nex
two weeks.
When they returned with the data, he carefully reviewed the
records with them. In doing so, he noticed a pattern: Each of their
arguments had occurred just after one or the other had left a household chore undone, such
as leaving dirty dishes in the sink or draping clothes on the only chair in the bedroom.
Using the data the couple had collected, the behavior analyst asked them to list all the
chores that could possibly arise and assign each one a point value depending on how long it
took to complete. Then he had them divide the chores equally and agree in a written
contract to fulfill the ones assigned to them. If either failed to carry out one of the assigned
chores, he or she would have to place $1 per point in a fund for the other to spend. They also
agreed to a program of verbal praise, promising to reward each other verbally for complet-
ing a chore.
The couple agreed to try it for a month and to keep careful records of the number of
ts they had during that period. To thei ise, thi ber declined rapidly.
behaviormodtoation A formalized arguments they had during that period. To their surprise, the number declined rapidly.
technique for promoting the frequency This case provides an illustration of behavior modification, a formalized technique
of desirable behaviors and decreasing for promoting the frequency of desirable behaviors and decreasing the incidence of
the incidence of unwanted ones. unwanted ones. Using the basic principles of learning theory, behavior-modification
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 195
techniques have proved to be helpful in a variety of situations. People with severe
mental retardation have, for the first time in their lives, started dressing and feeding
themselves. Behavior modification has also helped people lose weight, give up smok-
ing, and behave more safely (Delinsky, Latner, & Wilson, 2006; Ntinas, 2007; Wadden,
Crerand, & Brock, 2005).
The techniques used by behavior analysts are as varied as the list of processes
that modify behavior. They include reinforcement scheduling, shaping, generaliza-
tion training, discrimination training, and extinction. Participants in a behavior-
change program do, however, typically follow a series of similar basic steps that
include the following:
e Identifying goals and target behaviors. The first step is to define desired behavior.
Is it an increase in time spent studying? A decrease in weight? An increase in
the use of language? A reduction in the amount of aggression displayed by a
child? The goals must be stated in observable terms and must lead to specific
targets. For instance, a goal might be “to increase study time,” whereas the
target behavior would be “to study at least two hours per day on weekdays
and an hour on Saturdays.”
e Designing a data-recording system and recording preliminary data. To determine
whether behavior has changed, it is necessary to collect data before any
changes are made in the situation. This information provides a baseline against
which future changes can be measured.
e Selecting a behavior-change strategy. The crucial step is to select an appropriate
strategy. Because all the principles of learning can be employed to bring
about behavior change, a “package” of treatments is normally used. This
might include the systematic use of positive reinforcement for desired
behavior (verbal praise or something more tangible, such as food), as well as
a program of extinction for undesirable behavior (ignoring a child who
throws a tantrum). Selecting the right reinforcers is critical, and it may be
necessary to experiment a bit to find out what is important to a particular
individual.
e Implementing the program. Probably the most important aspect of program
implementation is consistency. It is also important to reinforce the intended
behavior. For example, suppose a mother wants her son to spend more time
on his homework, but as soon as he sits down to study, he asks for a snack.
If the mother gets a snack for him, she is likely to be reinforcing her son’s
delaying tactic, not his studying.
e Keeping careful records after the program is implemented. Another crucial task is
record keeping. If the target behaviors are not monitored, there is no way of
knowing whether the program has actually been successful.
e Evaluating and altering the ongoing program. Finally, the results of the program
should be compared with baseline, pre-implementation data to determine its
effectiveness. If the program has been successful, the procedures employed can
be phased out gradually. For instance, if the program called for reinforcing
every instance of picking up one’s clothes from the bedroom floor, the rein-
forcement schedule could be modified to a fixed-ratio schedule in which every
third instance was reinforced. However, if the program has not been successful
in bringing about the desired behavior change, consideration of other approaches
might be advisable.
Behavior-change techniques based on these general principles have enjoyed wide
success and have proved to be one of the most powerful means of modifying behav-
ior. Clearly, it is possible to employ the basic notions of learning theory to improve
our lives.
196
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Chapter 6 Learning
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What is the role of reward and punishment in learning?
Operant conditioning is a form of learning in which a
voluntary behavior is strengthened or weakened.
According to B. F. Skinner, the major mechanism
underlying learning is reinforcement, the process by
which a stimulus increases the probability that a
preceding behavior will be repeated. (p. 183)
Primary reinforcers are rewards that are naturally
effective without previous experience, because they
satisfy a biological need. Secondary reinforcers begin to
act as if they were primary reinforcers through
association with a primary reinforcer. (p. 184)
Positive reinforcers are stimuli that are added to the
environment and lead to an increase in a preceding
response. Negative reinforcers are stimuli that
remove something unpleasant from the environment,
also leading to an increase in the preceding response.
(p. 185)
Punishment decreases the probability that a prior behav-
ior will occur. Positive punishment weakens a response
through the application of an unpleasant stimulus,
whereas negative punishment weakens a response by
the removal of something positive. In contrast to
reinforcement, in which the goal is to increase the
incidence of behavior, punishment is meant to decrease
or suppress behavior. (p. 186)
Schedules and patterns of reinforcement affect the
strength and duration of learning. Generally, partial
reinforcement schedules—in which reinforcers are not
delivered on every trial—produce stronger and longer-
lasting learning than do continuous reinforcement
schedules. (p. 189)
Among the major categories of reinforcement schedules
are fixed- and variable-ratio schedules, which are based
on the number of responses made, and fixed- and
variable-interval schedules, which are based on the time
interval that elapses before reinforcement is provided.
(p. 190)
Stimulus control training (similar to stimulus discrimina-
tion in classical conditioning) is reinforcement of a be-
havior in the presence of a specific stimulus but not in its
absence. In stimulus generalization, an organism learns a
response to one stimulus and then exhibits the same re-
sponse to slightly different stimuli. (p. 191)
Shaping is a process for teaching complex behaviors by
rewarding closer and closer approximations of the de-
sired final behavior. (p. 192)
There are biological constraints, or built-in limitations,
on the ability of an organism to learn: Certain behaviors
will be relatively easy for individuals of a species to
learn, whereas other behaviors will be either difficult or
impossible for them to learn. (p. 193)
What are some practical methods for bringing about behavior
change, both in ourselves and in others?
e Behavior modification is a method for formally using
the principles of learning theory to promote the fre-
quency of desired behaviors and to decrease or eliminate
unwanted ones. (p. 194)
EVALUATE
1, _______ conditioning describes learning that occurs as
a result of reinforcement.
2. Match the type of operant learning with its definition:
1. An unpleasant stimulus a. positive reinforcement
is presented to decrease b. negative reinforcement
behavior. c. positive punishment
2. An unpleasant stimulus d. negative punishment
is removed to increase
behavior.
3. A pleasant stimulus
is presented to increase
behavior.
4. A pleasant stimulus
is removed to decrease
behavior.
3. Sandy had had a rough day, and his son’s noisemaking
was not helping him relax. Not wanting to resort to scold-
ing, Sandy told his son in a serious manner that he was
very tired and would like the boy to play quietly for an
hour. This approach worked. For Sandy, the change in his
son’s behavior was
a. positively reinforcing.
b. negatively reinforcing.
4. Ina______ reinforcement schedule, behavior is re-
inforced some of the time, whereas in a
reinforcement schedule, behavior is reinforced all the time.
5. Match the type of reinforcement schedule with its definition.
1. Reinforcement occurs a. fixed-ratio
after a set time period. b. variable-interval
2. Reinforcement occurs c. fixed-interval
after a set number d. variable-ratio
of responses.
3. Reinforcement occurs
after a varying time period.
4. Reinforcement occurs
after a varying number
of responses.
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Module 18 Operant Conditioning 197
RETHINK to set up a program to increase the likelihood that children
f ee eee : will complete their homework more frequently?
1. Using the scientific literature as a guide, what would you P q 7
tell parents who wish to know if the routine use of physi- ;
j f 5 Answers to Evaluate Questions
cal punishment is a necessary and acceptable form of child p-F G-¢ e-z 2-1 ‘g ‘snonunuo.
rearing? “(qua}qTu193uT 10) tensed ‘p q'e p-p L-g /q-Z -1'7 “quested “TL
2. From the perspective of an educator: How would you use
your knowledge of operant conditioning in the classroom
KEYTERMS
operant conditioning schedules of fixed-ratio schedule p. 189 variable-interval
p. 183 reinforcement p. 189 variable-ratio schedule p.191
reinforcement p. 184 continuous reinforcement schedule p.190 shaping p. 192
reinforcer p. 185 schedule p. 189 fixed-interval behavior
positive reinforcer p. 186 partial (or intermittent) schedule p. 191 modification p. 194
negative reinforcer p. 186 reinforcement
punishment p. 186 schedule p. 189
>
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What is the role of cognition
and thought in learning?
An
approach to the study of learning that
focuses on the thought processes that
underlie learning.
> StudyAlert
Remember that the cognitive
learning approach focuses
on the internal thoughts
and expectations of
learners, whereas classical
and operant conditioning approaches
focus on external stimuli, responses,
and reinforcement.
Learning in which a
new behavior is acquired but is not
demonstrated until some incentive is
provided for displaying it.
198
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Consider what happens when people learn to drive a car. They don’t just get behind
the wheel and stumble around until they randomly put the key into the ignition and,
later, after many false starts, accidentally manage to get the car to move forward,
thereby receiving positive reinforcement. Rather, they already know the basic ele-
ments of driving from previous experience as passengers, when they more than likely
noticed how the key was inserted into the ignition, the car was put in drive, and the
gas pedal was pressed to make the car go forward.
Clearly, not all learning is due to operant and classical conditioning. In fact, such
activities as learning to drive a car imply that some kinds of learning must involve
higher-order processes in which people’s thoughts and memories and the way they
process information account for their responses. Such situations argue against regard-
ing learning as the unthinking, mechanical, and automatic acquisition of associations
between stimuli and responses, as in classical conditioning, or the presentation of
reinforcement, as in operant conditioning.
Some psychologists view learning in terms of the thought processes, or cogni-
tions, that underlie it—an approach known as cognitive learning theory. Although
psychologists working from the cognitive learning perspective do not deny the
importance of classical and operant conditioning, they have developed approaches
that focus on the unseen mental processes that occur during learning, rather than
concentrating solely on external stimuli, responses, and reinforcements.
In its most basic formulation, cognitive learning theory suggests that it is not
enough to say that people make responses because there is an assumed link between
a stimulus and a response—a link that is the result of a past history of reinforcement
for a response. Instead, according to this point of view, people, and even lower ani-
mals, develop an expectation that they will receive a reinforcer after making a response.
Two types of learning in which no obvious prior reinforcement is present are latent
learning and observational learning.
Latent Learning
Evidence for the importance of cognitive processes comes from a series of animal
experiments that revealed a type of cognitive learning called latent learning. In latent
learning, a new behavior is learned but not demonstrated until some incentive is
provided for displaying it (Tolman & Honzik, 1930). In short, latent learning occurs
without reinforcement.
In the studies demonstrating latent learning, psychologists examined the behav-
ior of rats in a maze such as the one shown in Figure 1a. In one experiment, a group
of rats was allowed to wander around the maze once a day for 17 days without ever
receiving a reward. Understandably, those rats made many errors and spent a rela-
tively long time reaching the end of the maze. A second group, however, was always
given food at the end of the maze. Not surprisingly, those rats learned to run quickly
and directly to the food box, making few errors.
A third group of rats started out in the same situation as the unrewarded rats,
but only for the first 10 days. On the 11th day, a critical experimental manipulation
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Module 19 Cognitive Approaches to Learning
Finish 10
(with food)
Unrewarded control
OKNA, AN
NG
BEBRDANAS
k
Experimental group
LA One-way door 0 | | |
A Curtain Days
(a) (b)
FIGURE 1 (a) In an attempt to demonstrate latent learning, rats were allowed to roam
through a maze of this sort once a day for 17 days. (b) The rats that were never rewarded
(the unrewarded control condition) consistently made the most errors, whereas those that
received food at the finish every day (the rewarded control condition) consistently made far
fewer errors. But the results also showed latent learning: Rats that were initially unrewarded
but began to be rewarded only after the 10th day (the experimental group) showed an
immediate reduction in errors and soon became similar in error rate to the rats that had been
rewarded consistently. According to cognitive learning theorists, the reduction in errors
indicates that the rats had developed a cognitive map—a mental representation—of the
maze. Can you think of other examples of latent learning?
Average number of errors
was introduced: From that point on, the rats in this group were given food for com-
pleting the maze. The results of this manipulation were dramatic, as you can see
from the graph in Figure 1b. The previously unrewarded rats, which had earlier
seemed to wander about aimlessly, showed such reductions in run-
ning time and declines in error rates that their performance almost
immediately matched that of the group that had received rewards
from the start.
To cognitive theorists, it seemed clear that the unrewarded rats
had learned the layout of the maze early in their explorations; they
just never displayed their latent learning until the reinforcement was
offered. Instead, those rats seemed to develop a cognitive map of the
maze—a mental representation of spatial locations and directions.
People, too, develop cognitive maps of their surroundings. For
example, latent learning may permit you to know the location of a
kitchenware store at a local mall you’ve frequently visited, even
though you’ve never entered the store and don’t even like to cook.
The possibility that we develop our cognitive maps through
latent learning presents something of a problem for strict operant
© Gahan Wilson/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
200 Chapter 6 Learning
Albert Bandura examined the principles
of observational learning.
observational learning Learning by
observing the behavior of another
person, or model.
yAlert
A key point of observational
learning approaches is that
the behavior of models who
are rewarded for a given
behavior is more likely to be
imitated than behavior in which the
model is punished for the behavior.
This boy is displaying observational
learning based on previous observation
of his father. How does observational
learning contribute to learning gender
roles?
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conditioning theorists. If we consider the results of the maze-learning experiment,
for instance, it is unclear what reinforcement permitted the rats that initially received
no reward to learn the layout of the maze, because there was no obvious reinforcer
present. Instead, the results support a cognitive view of learning, in which changes
occurred in unobservable mental processes (Frensch & Rtinger, 2003; Iaria et al., 2009;
Stouffer & White, 2006).
Observational Learning:
Learning Through Imitation
Let’s return for a moment to the case of a person learning to drive. How can we
account for instances in which an individual with no direct experience in carrying
out a particular behavior learns the behavior and then performs it? To answer this
question, psychologists have focused on another aspect of cognitive learning: obser-
vational learning.
According to psychologist Albert Bandura and colleagues, a major part of human
learning consists of observational learning, which is learning by watching the behav-
ior of another person, or model. Because of its reliance on observation of others—a
social phenomenon—the perspective taken by Bandura is often referred to as a social
cognitive approach to learning (Bandura, 1999, 2004).
Bandura dramatically demonstrated the ability of models to stimulate learning
in a classic experiment. In the study, young children saw a film of an adult wildly
hitting a 5-feet-tall inflatable punching toy called a Bobo doll (Bandura, Ross, & Ross,
1963a, 1963b). Later the children were given the opportunity to play with the Bobo
doll themselves, and, sure enough, most displayed the same kind of behavior, in
some cases mimicking the aggressive behavior almost identically.
Not only negative behaviors are acquired through observational learning. In one
experiment, for example, children who were afraid of dogs were exposed to a
model—dubbed the Fearless Peer—playing with a dog (Bandura, Grusec, & Men-
love, 1967). After exposure, observers were considerably more likely to approach a
strange dog than were children who had not viewed the Fearless Peer.
Observational learning is particularly important in acquiring skills in which the
operant conditioning technique of shaping is inappropriate. Piloting an airplane and
performing brain surgery, for example, are behaviors that could hardly be learned
by using trial-and-error methods without grave cost—literally—to those involved in
the learning process.
Observational learning may have a genetic basis. For example, we find observa-
tional learning at work with mother animals teaching their young such activities as
hunting. In addition, the discovery of mirror neurons that fire when we observe
another person carrying out a behavior (discussed in the chapter on neuroscience)
suggests that the capacity to imitate others may be innate (Lepage & Theoret, 2007;
Thornton & McAuliffe, 2006; Schulte-Ruther et al., 2007) (see Figure 2).
Not all behavior that we witness is learned or carried out, of course. One crucial
factor that determines whether we later imitate a model is whether the model is
rewarded for his or her behavior. If we observe a friend being rewarded for putting
more time into his studies by receiving higher grades, we are more likely to imitate
his behavior than we would if his behavior resulted only in being stressed and tired.
Models who are rewarded for behaving in a particular way are more apt to be mim-
icked than are models who receive punishment. Observing the punishment of a
model, however, does not necessarily stop observers from learning the behavior.
Observers can still describe the model’s behavior—they are just less apt to perform
it (Bandura, 1977, 1986, 1994).
Observational learning is central to a number of important issues relating to
the extent to which people learn simply by watching the behavior of others. For
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Module 19 Cognitive Approaches to Learning 201
Learning Through
Observation
FIGURE 2 Mirror neurons are neurons in the brain that respond both during the observation
and execution of an action, suggesting a mechanism that may be involved with learning
through imitation. In a study investigating the mirror neuron system in humans, participants
were scanned while observing actions relating to communication (a) and objects (b). The brain
scans (c and d) illustrate the areas of the brain that form the human mirror neuron system that
respond during the observation and execution of these actions. (Source: Montgomery et al., 2007.)
Ok
(a) Communication-related movement (c)
Turn Key
(b) Object-related movement (d)
instance, the degree to which observation of media aggression produces subsequent
aggression on the part of viewers is a crucial—and controversial—question, as we
discuss next.
VIOLENCE IN TELEVISION AND VIDEO GAMES:
DOES THE MEDIA’S MESSAGE MATTER?
In an episode of The Sopranos television series, fictional mobster Tony Soprano murdered
one of his associates. To make identification of the victim’s body difficult, Soprano and
one of his henchmen dismembered the body and dumped the body parts.
A few months later, two real-life half brothers in Riverside, California, strangled
their mother and then cut her head and hands from her body. Victor Bautista, 20,
and Matthew Montejo, 15, were caught by police after a security guard noticed that
the bundle they were attempting to throw in a dumpster had a foot sticking out of
it. They told police that the plan to dismember their mother was inspired by the
Sopranos episode (Martelle, Hanley, & Yoshino, 2003).
Like other “media copycat” killings, the brothers’ cold-blooded brutality raises
a critical issue: Does observing violent and antisocial acts in the media lead viewers
to behave in similar ways? Because research on modeling shows that people fre-
quently learn and imitate the aggression that they observe, this question is among
the most important issues being addressed by psychologists.
Certainly, the amount of violence in the mass media is enormous. By the time
of elementary school graduation, the average child in the United States will have
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202 Chapter 6 Learning
viewed more than 8,000 murders and more than 800,000 violent acts on
network television (Huston et al., 1992; Mifflin, 1998).
Most experts agree that watching high levels of media violence makes
viewers more susceptible to acting aggressively, and recent research sup-
ports this claim (Boxer et al., 2009; Carnagey, Anderson, & Bartholow,
2007; Savage & Yancey, 2008). For example, one survey of serious and
violent young male offenders incarcerated in Florida showed that one-
fourth of them had attempted to commit a media-inspired copycat crime
(Surette, 2002). A significant proportion of those teenage offenders noted
that they paid close attention to the media.
Violent video games have also been linked with actual aggression. In
one of a series of studies by psychologist Craig Anderson and his col-
leagues, for example, college students who frequently played violent
video games, such as Postal or Doom, were more likely to have been
involved in delinquent behavior and aggression. Frequent players also
had lower academic achievement (Anderson et al., 2004; Anderson & Car-
nagey, 2009; Swing & Anderson, 2007).
Several aspects of media violence may contribute to real-life aggressive
behavior (Bushman & Anderson, 2001; Johnson et al., 2002). For one thing,
experiencing violent media content seems to lower inhibitions against car-
rying out aggression—watching television portrayals of violence or using
violence to win a video game makes aggression seem a legitimate response
to particular situations. Exposure to media violence also may distort our understand-
ing of the meaning of others’ behavior, predisposing us to view even nonaggressive
acts by others as aggressive. Finally, a continuous diet of aggression may leave us
desensitized to violence, and what previously would have repelled us now produces
little emotional response. Our sense of the pain and suffering brought about by aggres-
sion may be diminished (Bartholow, Bushman, & Sestir, 2006; Carnagey, Anderson,
& Bushman, 2007; Weber, Ritterfeld, & Kostygina, 2006).
What about real-life exposure to actual violence? Does it also lead to increases in
aggression? The answer is yes. Exposure to actual firearm violence (being shot or
being shot at) doubles the probability that an adolescent will commit serious violence
over the next two years. Whether the violence is real or fictionalized, then, observing
violent behavior leads to increases in aggressive behavior (Allwood, 2007; Bingen-
heimer, Brennan, & Earls, 2005).
Illustrating observational learning, this infant observes
an adult on the television and then is able to imitate
his behavior. Learning has obviously occurred through
the mere observation of the television model.
Ş È Ex p | O r | nN g When a member of the Chilcotin Indian tribe teaches her daughter to
fg DIVERSITY prepare salmon, at first she allows the daughter only to observe the
eae Culture Influence: How We Learn? entire process. A little later, she permits her child to try out some basic
i parts of the task. Her response to questions is noteworthy. For example,
e 3 g 73
a ana:
when the daughter asks about how to do “the backbone part,” the
mother’s response is to repeat the entire process with another salmon.
The reason? The mother feels that one cannot learn the individual parts of the task apart from
the context of preparing the whole fish. (Tharp, 1989)
It should not be surprising that children raised in the Chilcotin tradition, which stresses
instruction that starts by communicating the entire task, may have difficulty with
traditional Western schooling. In the approach to teaching most characteristic of
Western culture, tasks are broken down into their component parts. Only after each
small step is learned is it thought possible to master the complete task.
Do the differences in teaching approaches between cultures affect how people
learn? Some psychologists, taking a cognitive perspective on learning, suggest that
people develop particular learning styles, characteristic ways of approaching material,
based on their cultural background and unique pattern of abilities (Anderson &
Adams, 1992; Barmeyer, 2004; Wilkinson & Olliver-Gray, 2006).
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Module 19 Cognitive Approaches to Learning
Relational Style
|. Perceive information as part of total
picture
2. Exhibit improvisational and intuitive
thinking
3. More easily learn materials that have
a human, social content and are
characterized by experimental/cultural
relevance
4. Have a good memory for verbally
presented ideas and information,
especially if relevant
5. Are more task-oriented concerning
nonacademic areas
6. Are influenced by authority figures’
expression of confidence or doubt in
students’ ability
7. Prefer to withdraw from unstimulating
task performance
8. Style conflicts with the traditional school
environment
FIGURE 3 A comparison of analytical versus relational approaches to learning offers one
example of how learning styles differ along several dimensions.
Learning styles differ along several dimensions. For example, one central dimen-
sion is relational versus analytical approaches to learning. As illustrated in Figure 3,
people with a relational learning style master material best through exposure to a full
unit or phenomenon. Parts of the unit are comprehended only when their relation-
ship to the whole is understood.
In contrast, those with an analytical learning style do best when they can carry
out an initial analysis of the principles and components underlying a phenomenon
or situation. By developing an understanding of the fundamental principles and
components, they are best able to understand the full picture.
According to James Anderson and Maurianne Adams, particular minority groups
in Western societies display characteristic learning styles. For instance, they argue
that Caucasian females and African-American, Native-American, and Hispanic-
American males and females are more apt to use a relational style of learning than
are Caucasian and Asian-American males, who are more likely to employ an ana-
lytical style (Adams et al., 2000; Anderson & Adams, 1992).
The conclusion that members of particular ethnic and gender groups have similar
learning styles is controversial. Because there is so much diversity within each particu-
lar racial and ethnic group, critics argue that generalizations about learning styles can-
not be used to predict the style of any single individual, regardless of group membership.
Still, it is clear that values about learning, which are communicated through a per-
son’s family and cultural background, have an impact on how successful students are
in school. One theory suggests that members of minority groups who were voluntary
immigrants are more apt to be successful in school than those who were brought into
a majority culture against their will. For example, Korean children in the United States—
the sons and daughters of voluntary immigrants—perform quite well, as a group, in
school. In contrast, Korean children in Japan, who were often the sons and daughters
of people who were forced to immigrate during World War II, essentially as forced
laborers, do less well in school. The theory suggests that the motivation to succeed is
lower for children in forced immigration groups (Foster, 2005; Ogbu, 1992, 2003).
Analytical Style
Able to dis-embed information from
total picture (focus on detail)
. Exhibit sequential and structured thinking
. More easily learn materials that are
inanimate and impersonal
. Have a good memory for abstract ideas
and irrelevant information
. Are more task-oriented concerning
academics
. Are not greatly affected by the opinions
of others
. Show ability to persist at unstimulating
tasks
. Style matches most school environments
203
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204 Chapter 6 Learning
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. In_________ learning, a new behavior is learned but is
tsh til iate reinf ti ted.
What is the role of cognition and thought in learning? Se ane Ti eine aes Oa det tea eng
Son A e 4. Bandura’s _____ theory of learning states that
ognitive approaches to learning consider learning in T ae ala) (another
terms of thought processes, or cognition. Phenomena
such as latent learning—in which a new behavior is
learned but not performed until some incentive is
provided for its performance—and the apparent
development of cognitive maps support cognitive
approaches. (p. 198)
Learning also occurs from observing the behavior of
others. The major factor that determines whether an
observed behavior will actually be performed is the
nature of the reinforcement or punishment a model
receives. (p. 200)
Observation of violence is linked to a greater likelihood
of subsequently acting aggressively. (p. 201)
person displaying the behavior of interest).
RETHINK
1. The relational style of learning sometimes conflicts with
the traditional school environment. Could a school be
created that takes advantage of the characteristics of the
relational style? How? Are there types of learning for
which the analytical style is clearly superior?
2. From the perspective of a social worker: What advice would
you give to families about children’s exposure to violent
media and video games?
e Learning styles are characteristic ways of approaching
learning, based on a person’s cultural background and Answers to Evaluate Questions
unique pattern of abilities. Whether an individual has an Jepow ‘TeuoHeasasgo “fF 4U g {UOTeyDadxa ‘z ‘sassad01d
analytical or a relational style of learning, for example, [eyUOUT tBIM pauaouos ATeUTTAd are systrooty SupUTea] IAHPUZOD ‘asTey `T
may reflect family background or culture. (p. 202)
EVALUATE
1. Cognitive learning theorists are concerned only with overt
behavior, not with its internal causes. True or false?
2. In cognitive learning theory, it is assumed that people
develop a(n) ______ about receiving a reinforcer
when they behave a certain way.
KEY TERMS
cognitive learning latent learning observational
theory p. 198 p. 198 learning p. 200
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Psychology on the Web
1. B. F. Skinner had an impact on society and on thought that is only hinted at in our
discussion of learning. Find additional information on the web about Skinner's life
and influence. See what you can find out about his ideas for an ideal, utopian society
based on the principles of conditioning and behaviorism. Write a summary of your
findings.
2. Select a topic discussed in this set of modules that is of interest to you—for example,
reinforcement versus punishment, teaching complex behaviors by shaping, violence
in video games, relational versus analytical learning styles, behavior modification, and
so on. Find at least two sources of information on the web about your topic and
summarize the results of your quest. It may be most helpful to find two different
approaches to your topic and compare them.
E © | log U e Here we have discussed several kinds of learning,
ranging from classical conditioning, which depends on
the existence of natural stimulus-response pairings, to operant conditioning, in which
reinforcement is used to increase desired behavior. These approaches to learning focus
on outward, behavioral learning processes. Cognitive approaches to learning focus on
mental processes that enable learning.
We have also noted that learning is affected by culture and individual differences,
with individual learning styles potentially affecting the ways in which people learn most
effectively. And we saw some ways in which our learning about learning can be put to
practical use, through such means as behavior-modification programs designed to
decrease negative behaviors and increase positive ones.
Return to the prologue of this set of modules and consider the following questions
about the very-well-learned response to cellphones and other handheld devices:
1. When people check their messages as soon as their device beeps, is that an example
of classical conditioning, operant conditioning, or cognitive learning? Why?
2. In the example of people checking their messages, what is the stimulus and what is
the response?
3. What is the reinforcement that keeps the message-checking behavior strong? Is it
positive or negative reinforcement? Is the behavior ever punished? How so?
4. If the message-checking behavior is so frequent that it becomes a problem, as
Senator Cochran described, what strategies could be used to stop or control the
behavior?
205
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Key Concepts for Chapter 7
MODULE 20
What is memory? @ Are there different kinds The Foundations of Memory
. . S M
of memory? @ What are the biological bases E as
Short-Term Memory
of memory? Working Memory
Long-Term Memory
Neuroscience in Your Life: Experience,
Memory, and the Brain
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
In Pursuit of a Memory Eraser
MODULE 21
What causes difficulties and failures in Recalling Long-Term Memories
. Retrieval Cues
remembering? ,
Levels of Processing
Explicit and Implicit Memory
Flashbulb Memories
Constructive Processes in Memory:
Rebuilding the Past
Exploring Diversity: Are There Cross-
Cultural Differences in Memory?
Why do we forget information? @ What are Forgetting: When Memory Fails
3 s ; Why We Forget
the major memory impairments? 7 9
Proactive and Retroactive Interference:
The Before and After of Forgetting
Memory Dysfunctions: Afflictions
of Forgetting
Neuroscience in Your Life: Alzheimer's
Disease and Brain Deterioration
Becoming an Informed Consumer of
Psychology: Improving Your Memory
207
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Prologue Remembering It All
Meet Jill Price at one of her favorite Los Angeles restaurants, and
she'll scoot into a booth and start to reminisce. “On Wednesday,
December 11, 1996, my friend and | came here hunting for the
perfect crab cake,” she says. She also remembers Saturday,
November 4, 1 995 (she-saw on TV that Israeli Prime Minister
Yitzhak Rabin was killed) and Friday, September 20, 1985 (her first
visit to the eatery; she wore a large hat). “It’s all flashing through
my head,’ she says matter-of-factly. “m totally in the moment.
| just have a split screen of my past, too” \
What Price, 42, has is the first-ever diagnosed case of highly
superior autobiographical memory, which forces her to recall
every day of her life from the age of 14. Given a date, she can tell
you on what day of the week it fell, what she did and any
historical event she heard of that day. “It’s like | walk around with
a video camera,’ says Price. “My memories are nonstop and
involuntary.’ (Perry, 2008, p. 143)
While we might think that having perfect recall for all the events
in our lives would be a blessing, Jill Price’s experience suggests
otherwise. Her extremely rare condition (called hyperthymestic
syndrome) affects the part of her memory that stores experiences
related to life events. She has perfect, vivid memories of virtually
every day of her life, memories both good and bad. And while it's
pleasant for her to relive her fond memories, she can't escape the
pain of the bad ones (Parker, Cahill, & McGaugh, 2006; Price,
2008).
Price's condition illustrates the complexity and the mystery of
the phenomenon we call memory. Memory allows us to retrieve
a vast amount of information. We are able to remember the name
208
of a friend we haven't talked with for years and recall the details
of a picture that hung in our bedroom as a child. At the same
time, though, memory failures are common. We forget where we
left the keys to the car and fail to answer an exam question about
material we studied only a few hours earlier. Why?
We turn now to the nature of memory, considering the ways
in which information is stored and retrieved. We examine the
problems of retrieving information from memory, the accuracy
of memories, and the reasons information is sometimes forgotten.
We also consider the biological foundations of memory and
discuss some practical means of increasing memory capacity.
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MODULE 20
You are playing a game of Trivial Pursuit, and winning the game comes down to
one question: On what body of water is Mumbai located? As you rack your brain
for the answer, several fundamental processes relating to memory come into play.
You may never, for instance, have been exposed to information regarding Mumbai's
location. Or if you have been exposed to it, it may simply not have registered in a
meaningful way. In other words, the information might not have been recorded prop-
erly in your memory. The initial process of recording information in a form usable
to memory, a process called encoding, is the first stage in remembering something.
Even if you had been exposed to the information and originally knew the name
of the body of water, you may still be unable to recall it during the game because of
a failure to retain it. Memory specialists speak of storage, the maintenance of material
saved in memory. If the material is not stored adequately, it cannot be recalled later.
Memory also depends on one last process—retrieval: Material in memory storage has
to be located and brought into awareness to be useful. Your failure to recall Mumbai's
location, then, may rest on your inability to retrieve information that you learned earlier.
In sum, psychologists consider memory to be the process by which we encode,
store, and retrieve information (see Figure 1). Each of the three parts of this definition—
encoding, storage, and retrieval—represents a different process. You can think of these
processes as being analogous to a computer’s keyboard (encoding), hard drive (storage),
and software that accesses the information for display on the screen (retrieval). Only if
all three processes have operated will you experience success and be able to recall the
body of water on which Mumbai is located: the Arabian Sea.
Recognizing that memory involves encoding, storage, and retrieval gives us a start
in understanding the concept. But how does memory actually function? How do we
explain what information is initially encoded, what gets stored, and how it is retrieved?
According to the three-system approach to memory that dominated memory research
for several decades, there are different memory storage systems or stages through
which information must travel if it is to be remembered (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968,
1971). Historically, the approach has been extremely influential in the development
of our understanding of memory, and—although new theories have augmented it—
it still provides a useful framework for understanding how information is recalled.
Retrieval
(Recovery of
stored information)
Encoding
(Initial recording
of information)
Storage
(Information saved
for future use)
loading from/ j
drive a ji
What is memory?
Are there different kinds of
memory?
What are the biological bases
of memory?
The process by which we
encode, store, and retrieve information.
‘IGURE 1 Memory is built on three
basic processes—encoding, storage, and
retrieval—that are analogous to a
computer's keyboard, hard drive, and
software to access the information for
display on the screen. The analogy is
not perfect, however, because human
memory is less precise than a computer.
How might you modify the analogy to
make it more accurate?
209
210 Chapter 7 Memory
4
Informati
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Elaborative rehearsal
(moves information
into long-term memory)
Repetitive
rehearsal (retains
information in
short-term memory)
Forgetting Forgetting
typically within within 15 to
| second 25 seconds
sensory memory The initial, momen-
tary storage of information, lasting
only an instant.
short-term memory Memory that
holds information for 15 to 25 seconds.
long-term memory Memory that
stores information on a relatively
permanent basis, although it may be
difficult to retrieve.
y Alert
Although the three types
of memory are discussed
as separate memory
stores, these are not
mini-warehouses located in
specific areas of the brain. Instead,
they represent three different types
of memory systems with different
characteristics.
FIGURE 2 In this three-stage model of memory, information initially recorded by the person's
sensory system enters sensory memory, which momentarily holds the information. The infor-
mation then moves to short-term memory, which stores it for 15 to 25 seconds. Finally, the
information can move into long-term memory, which is relatively permanent. Whether the
information moves from short-term to long-term memory depends on the kind and amount of
rehearsal of the material that is carried out. (Source: Atkinson & Shifrin, 1968.)
The three-system memory theory proposes the existence of the three separate
memory stores shown in Figure 2. Sensory memory refers to the initial, momentary
storage of information that lasts only an instant. Here an exact replica of the stimu-
lus recorded by a person’s sensory system is stored very briefly. In a second stage,
short-term memory holds information for 15 to 25 seconds and stores it according
to its meaning rather than as mere sensory stimulation. The third type of storage
system is long-term memory. Information is stored in long-term memory on a rela-
tively permanent basis, although it may be difficult to retrieve.
Sensory Memory
A momentary flash of lightning, the sound of a twig snapping, and the sting of a pin-
prick all represent stimulation of exceedingly brief duration, but they may nonetheless
provide important information that can require a response. Such stimuli are initially—
and fleetingly—stored in sensory memory, the first repository of the information the
world presents to us. Actually, there are several types of sensory memories, each related
to a different source of sensory information. For instance, iconic memory reflects infor-
mation from the visual system. Echoic memory stores auditory information coming from
the ears. In addition, there are corresponding memories for each of the other senses.
Sensory memory can store information for only a very short time. If information
does not pass into short-term memory, it is lost for good. For instance, iconic mem-
ory seems to last less than a second, and echoic memory typically fades within two
or three seconds. However, despite the brief duration of sensory memory, its preci-
sion is high: Sensory memory can store an almost exact replica of each stimulus to
which it is exposed (Darwin, Turvey, & Crowder, 1972; Long & Beaton, 1982; Sams
et al., 1993; Deouell, Parnes, & Pickard, 2006).
Psychologist George Sperling (1960) demonstrated the existence of sensory mem-
ory in a series of clever and now-classic studies. He briefly exposed people to a series
of 12 letters arranged in the following pattern:
F T Y C
K D N È
Y W B M
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 211
When exposed to this pattern of letters for just one twentieth of a second, most
people could recall only four or five of the letters accurately. Although they knew
that they had seen more, the memory of those letters had faded by the time they
reported the first few letters. It was possible, then, that the information had initially
been accurately stored in sensory memory. But during the time it took to verbalize
the first four or five letters, the memory of the other letters faded.
To test that possibility, Sperling conducted an experiment in which a high,
medium, or low tone sounded just after a person had been exposed to the full pat-
tern of letters. People were told to report the letters in the highest line if a high tone
was sounded, the middle line if the medium tone occurred, or the lowest line at the
sound of the low tone. Because the tone occurred after the exposure, people had to A momentary flash of lightning leaves a
rely on their memories to report the correct row. sensory visual memory, a fleeting but
The results of the study clearly showed that people had been storing the com- @%act replica of the stimulus that fades
plete pattern in memory. They accurately recalled the letters in the line that had been away.
indicated by the tone regardless of whether it was the top, middle, or bottom line.
Obviously, all the lines they had seen had been stored in sensory memory. Despite
its rapid loss, then, the information in sensory memory was an accurate representa-
tion of what people had seen.
By gradually lengthening the time between the presentation of the visual pattern
and the tone, Sperling was able to determine with some accuracy the length of time
that information was stored in sensory memory. The ability to recall a particular row
of the pattern when a tone was sounded declined progressively as the period between
the visual exposure and the tone increased. This decline continued until the period
reached about one second in duration, at which point the row could not be recalled
accurately at all. Sperling concluded that the entire visual image was stored in sensory
memory for less than a second.
In sum, sensory memory operates as a kind of snapshot that stores information—
which may be of a visual, auditory, or other sensory nature—for a brief moment in
time. But it is as if each snapshot, immediately after being taken, is destroyed and
replaced with a new one. Unless the information in the snapshot is transferred to
some other type of memory, it is lost.
Short-Term Memory
Because the information that is stored briefly in sensory memory consists of repre-
sentations of raw sensory stimuli, it is not meaningful to us. If we are to make sense
of it and possibly retain it, the information must be transferred to the next stage of
memory: short-term memory. Short-term memory is the memory store in which
information first has meaning, although the maximum length of retention there is
relatively short (Hamilton & Martin, 2007).
The specific process by which sensory memories are transformed into short-term
memories is not clear. Some theorists suggest that the information is first translated
into graphical representations or images, and others hypothesize that the transfer
occurs when the sensory stimuli are changed to words (Baddeley & Wilson, 1985).
What is clear, however, is that unlike sensory memory, which holds a relatively full
and detailed—if short-lived—representation of the world, short-term memory has
incomplete representational capabilities.
In fact, the specific amount of information that can be held in short-term memory
has been identified as seven items, or “chunks,” of information, with variations up
to plus or minus two chunks. A chunk is a meaningful grouping of stimuli that can chunk A meaningful grouping of
be stored as a unit in short-term memory. According to George Miller (1956),a chunk stimuli that can be stored as a unit in
can be individual letters or numbers, permitting us to hold a seven-digit phone short-term memory.
number (such as 226-4610) in short-term memory.
But a chunk also may consist of larger categories, such as words or other mean-
ingful units. For example, consider the following list of 21 letters:
PBSFOXCNNABCCBSMTVNBC
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212 Chapter 7 Memory
FIGURE 3 Examine the chessboard on the left for about five seconds. Then cover up the
board and draw the position of the pieces on the blank chessboard. (You could also use a
chessboard of your own and place the pieces in the same positions.) Unless you are an
experienced chess player, you are likely to have great difficulty carrying out such a task. Yet
chess masters—those who win tournaments—do this quite well (deGroot, 1966). They are
able to reproduce correctly 90% of the pieces on the board. In comparison, inexperienced
chess players are typically able to reproduce only 40% of the board properly. The chess
masters do not have superior memories in other respects; they generally test normally on
other measures of memory. What they can do better than others is see the board in terms
of chunks or meaningful units and reproduce the position of the chess pieces by using
those units.
Because the list exceeds seven chunks, it is difficult to recall the letters after one
exposure. But suppose they were presented as follows:
PBS FOX CNN ABC CBS MTV NBC
In this case, even though there are still 21 letters, you’d be able to store them in
short-term memory since they represent only seven chunks.
Chunks can vary in size from single letters or numbers to categories that are far
more complicated. The specific nature of what constitutes a chunk varies according
to one’s past experience. You can see this for yourself by trying an experiment that
was first carried out as a comparison between expert and inexperienced chess play-
ers and is illustrated in Figure 3 (deGroot, 1978; Oberauer, 2007; Gilchrist, Cowan, &
Naveh-Benjamin, 2009).
Although it is possible to remember seven or so relatively complicated sets of
information entering short-term memory, the information cannot be held there very
long. Just how brief is short-term memory? If you've ever looked up a telephone
number in a phone directory, repeated the number to yourself, put away the direc-
tory, and then forgotten the number after you’ve tapped the first three numbers into
your phone, you know that information does not remain in short-term memory very
long. Most psychologists believe that information in short-term memory is lost after
15 to 25 seconds—unless it is transferred to long-term memory.
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 213
REHEARSAL
The transfer of material from short- to long-term memory
proceeds largely on the basis of rehearsal, the repetition of
information that has entered short-term memory. Rehearsal a
accomplishes two things. First, as long as the information | EPN |
is repeated, it is maintained in short-term memory. More Eaa Ean
important, however, rehearsal allows us to transfer the
information into long-term memory (Kvavilashvili &
Fisher, 2007).
Whether the transfer is made from short- to long-term
memory seems to depend largely on the kind of rehearsal that
is carried out. If the information is simply repeated over and
over again—as we might do with a telephone number while
we rush from the phone book to the phone—it is kept current |
in short-term memory, but it will not necessarily be placed in ;
long-term memory. Instead, as soon as we stop punching in
the phone numbers, the number is likely to be replaced by
other information and will be completely forgotten.
In contrast, if the information in short-term memory is
rehearsed using a process called elaborative rehearsal, it is
much more likely to be transferred into long-term memory.
Elaborative rehearsal occurs when the information is consid-
ered and organized in some fashion. The organization might =
include expanding the information to make it fit into a logical
framework, linking it to another memory, turning it into an image, or transforming it
in some other way. For example, a list of vegetables to be purchased at a store could
be woven together in memory as items being used to prepare an elaborate salad, could
be linked to the items bought on an earlier shopping trip, or could be thought of in
terms of the image of a farm with rows of each item.
By using organizational strategies such as these—called mnemonics—we can vastly
improve our retention of information. Mnemonics (pronounced “neh MON ix”) are
formal techniques for organizing information in a way that makes it more likely to
be remembered. For instance, when a beginning musician learns that the spaces on
the music staff spell the word FACE, or when we learn the rhyme “Thirty days hath
September, April, June, and November . . . ,” we are using mnemonics (Bellezza,
2000; Carney & Levin, 2003; Sprenger, 2007).
Working Memory
Rather than seeing short-term memory as an independent way station into which
memories arrive, either to fade or to be passed on to long-term memory, many con-
temporary memory theorists conceive of short-term memory as far more active. In this
view, short-term memory is like an information-processing system that manages both
new material gathered from sensory memory and older material that has been pulled
from long-term storage. In this increasingly influential view, short-term memory is
referred to as working memory and defined as a set of temporary memory stores that
actively manipulate and rehearse information (Bayliss et al., 2005a, 2005b; Unsworth
& Engle, 2005).
Working memory is thought to contain a central executive processor that is
involved in reasoning and decision making. The central executive coordinates three
distinct storage-and-rehearsal systems: the visual store, the verbal store, and the epi-
sodic buffer. The visual store specializes in visual and spatial information, whereas
the verbal store holds and manipulates material relating to speech, words, and
numbers. The episodic buffer contains information that represents episodes or
[How NOT To REMEMBER NAMES
0.K He has a bothen nose That
rhymes with Sutten Willie Sutton Willie
Sutton robbed banks. Banks" rhymes
with Hanks. Tom Hanks. His name
is Tam: No. His name is Hank.
Ne. Tom Hank. Wait. “Hank ”
Sounds weird. T've get t FRANK/
Ne Frank ..
not
© Roz Chast/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
rehearsal The repetition of information
that has entered short-term memory.
working memory A set of active,
temporary memory stores that actively
manipulate and rehearse information.
214
Chapter 7 Memory
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FIGURE 4 Working memory is an active “workspace” in which information is retrieved and
manipulated and in which information is held through rehearsal (Gathercole & Baddeley,
1993). It consists of a “central executive” that coordinates the visual store (which concentrates
on visual and spatial information), the verbal store (which concentrates on speech, words, and
numbers), and the episodic buffer (which represents episodes or occurrences that are
encountered). (Source: Adapted from Baddeley, Chincotta, & Adlam, 2001.)
events (Baddeley, 2001; Bröder & Schiffer, 2006; Rudner & Rönnberg, 2008; see
Figure 4).
Working memory permits us to keep information in an active state briefly so that
we can do something with the information. For instance, we use working memory
when we're doing a multistep arithmetic problem in our heads, storing the result of
one calculation while getting ready to move to the next stage. (I make use of my
working memory when I figure a 20% tip in a restaurant by first calculating 10% of
the total bill and then doubling it.)
Although working memory aids in the recall of information, it uses a significant
amount of cognitive resources during its operation. In turn, this can make us less
aware of our surroundings—something that has implications for the debate about
the use of cell telephones in automobiles. If a phone conversation requires thinking,
it will burden working memory and leave drivers less aware of their surroundings,
an obviously dangerous state of affairs (Sifrit, 2006; Strayer & Drews, 2007).
Furthermore, stress can reduce the effectiveness of working memory by reducing
its capacity. In fact, one study found that students with the highest working memory
capacity and greatest math ability were the ones who were most vulnerable to pres-
sure to perform well. Those who should have performed best, then, were the ones
most apt to choke on the test because their working memory capacities were reduced
by the stress (Beilock & Carr, 2005; Carey, 2004).
Long-Term Memory
Material that makes its way from short-term memory to long-term memory enters a
storehouse of almost unlimited capacity. Like a new file we save on a hard drive, the
information in long-term memory is filed and coded so that we can retrieve it when
we need it.
Evidence of the existence of long-term memory, as distinct from short-term mem-
ory, comes from a number of sources. For example, people with certain kinds of brain
damage have no lasting recall of new information received after the damage occurred,
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 215
although people and events stored in memory before the injury remain intact (Milner,
1966). Because information that was encoded and stored before the injury can be
recalled and because short-term memory after the injury appears to be operational—
new material can be recalled for a very brief period—we can infer that there are two
distinct types of memory: one for short-term and one for long-term storage.
Results from laboratory experiments are also consistent with the notion of sepa-
rate short-term and long-term memory. For example, in one set of studies, people
were asked to recall a relatively small amount of information (such as a set of three
letters). Then, to prevent practice of the initial information, participants were required
to recite some extraneous material aloud, such as counting backward by threes
(Brown, 1958; Peterson & Peterson, 1959). By varying the amount of time between
the presentation of the initial material and the need for its recall, investigators found
that recall was quite good when the interval was very short but declined rapidly
thereafter. After 15 seconds had gone by, recall hovered at around 10% of the mate-
rial initially presented.
Apparently, the distraction of counting backward prevented almost all the initial
material from reaching long-term memory. Initial recall was good because it was
coming from short-term memory, but those memories were lost at a rapid rate. Even-
tually, all that could be recalled was the small amount of material that had made its
way into long-term storage despite the distraction of counting backward.
The distinction between short- and long-term memory is also supported by the
serial position effect, in which the ability to recall information in a list depends on
where in the list an item appears. For instance, often a primacy effect occurs, in which
items presented early in a list are remembered better. There is also a recency effect, in
which items presented late in a list are remembered best (Bonanni et al., 2007; Tan
& Ward, 2008; Tydgat & Grainger, 2009).
LONG-TERM MEMORY MODULES
Just as short-term memory is often conceptualized in terms of working memory,
many contemporary researchers now regard long-term memory as having several
different components, or memory modules. Each of these modules represents a sepa-
rate memory system in the brain.
One major distinction within long-term memory is that between declarative mem-
ory and procedural memory. Declarative memory is memory for factual information:
names, faces, dates, and facts, such as “a bike has two wheels.” In contrast, procedural
memory (or nondeclarative memory) refers to memory for skills and habits, such as how
to ride a bike or hit a baseball. Information about things is stored in declarative mem-
ory; information about how to do things is stored in procedural memory (Feldhusen,
2006; Brown & Robertson, 2007; Bauer, 2008).
Declarative memory can be subdivided into semantic memory and episodic
memory. Semantic memory is memory for general knowledge and facts about the
world, as well as memory for the rules of logic that are used to deduce other facts.
Because of semantic memory, we remember that the ZIP code for Beverly Hills is
90210, that Mumbai is on the Arabian Sea, and that memoree is the incorrect spelling
of memory. Thus, semantic memory is somewhat like a mental almanac of facts
(Nyberg & Tulving, 1996; Tulving, 2002).
In contrast, episodic memory is memory for events that occur in a particular
time, place, or context. For example, recall of learning to ride a bike, our first kiss,
or arranging a surprise 21st birthday party for our brother is based on episodic
memories. Episodic memories relate to particular contexts. For example, remember-
ing when and how we learned that 2 xX 2 = 4 would be an episodic memory; the fact
itself (that 2 X 2 = 4) is a semantic memory. (Also see Figure 5.)
Episodic memories can be surprisingly detailed. Consider, for instance, how you’d
respond if you were asked to identify what you were doing on a specific day two years
ago. Impossible? You may think otherwise as you read the following exchange between
declarative memory Memory for
factual information: names, faces,
dates, and the like.
procedural memory Memory for skills
and habits, such as riding a bike or
hitting a baseball; sometimes referred
to as nondeclarative memory.
semantic memory Memory for general
knowledge and facts about the world,
as well as memory for the rules of logic
that are used to deduce other facts.
episodic memory Memory for events
that occur in a particular time, place,
or context.
216 Chapter 7 Memory
FIGURE 5 Long-term memory can be
subdivided into several different types.
What type of long-term memory is
involved in your recollection of the
moment you first arrived on your
campus at the start of college? What
type of long-term memory is involved
in remembering the lyrics to a song,
compared with the tune of a song?
y Alert
Use Figure 5 to help clarify
the distinctions between
the different types of long-
term memory.
semantic networks Mental represen-
tations of clusters of interconnected
information.
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Semantic memory
(general memory)
Example: George Washington
wore a wig
Episodic memory
(personal knowledge)
Example: Remembering your
visit to Washington’s home,
Mount Vernon
a researcher and a participant in a study who was asked, in a memory experiment, what
he was doing “on Monday afternoon in the third week of September two years ago.”
PARTICIPANT: Come on. How should I know?
EXPERIMENTER: Just try it anyhow.
PARTICIPANT: OK. Let’s see: Two years ago . . . I would be in high school in Pitts-
burgh .... That would be my senior year. Third week in September—that’s just after
summer—that would be the fall term . . . . Let me see. I think I had chemistry lab on
Mondays. I don’t know. I was probably in chemistry lab. Wait a minute—that would be
the second week of school. I remember he started off with the atomic table—a big fancy
chart. I thought he was crazy trying to make us memorize that thing. You know, I think
I can remember sitting . . . . (Lindsay & Norman, 1977).
Episodic memory, then, can provide information about events that happened
long in the past (Reynolds & Takooshian, 1988). But semantic memory is no less
impressive, permitting us to dredge up tens of thousands of facts ranging from the
date of our birthday to the knowledge that $1 is less than $5.
SEMANTIC NETWORKS
Try to recall, for a moment, as many things as you can think of that are the color
red. Now pull from your memory the names of as many fruits as you can recall.
Did the same item appear when you did both tasks? For many people, an apple
comes to mind in both cases since it fits equally well in each category. And the fact
that you might have thought of an apple when doing the first task makes it even
more likely that you'll think of it when doing the second task.
It’s actually quite amazing that we're able to retrieve specific material from the
vast store of information in our long-term memories. According to some memory
researchers, one key organizational tool that allows us to recall detailed information
from long-term memory is the associations that we build between different pieces of
information. In this view, knowledge is stored in semantic networks, mental repre-
sentations of clusters of interconnected information (Collins & Quillian, 1969; Collins
& Loftus, 1975; Cummings, Ceponiene, & Koyama, 2006).
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 217
FIGURE 6 Semantic networks in memory consist of relationships between pieces of information,
such as those relating to the concept of a fire engine. The lines suggest the connections that
indicate how the information is organized within memory. The closer together two concepts are,
the greater the strength of the association. (Source: Collins & Loftus, 1975.)
Consider, for example, Figure 6, which shows some of the relationships in
memory relating to fire engines, the color red, and a variety of other semantic
concepts. Thinking about a particular concept leads to recall of related concepts.
For example, seeing a fire engine may activate our recollections of other kinds of
emergency vehicles, such as an ambulance, which in turn may activate recall of the
related concept of a vehicle. And thinking of a vehicle may lead us to think about
a bus that we’ve seen in the past. Activating one memory triggers the activation of
related memories in a process known as spreading activation (Foster et al., 2008;
Kreher et al, 2008).
THE NEUROSCIENCE OF MEMORY
Can we pinpoint a location in the brain where long-term memories reside? Is there
a single site that corresponds to a particular memory, or is memory distributed in
different regions across the brain? Do memories leave an actual physical trace that
scientists can view?
The search for the engram, the term for the physical memory trace that corresponds
to a memory, has proved to be a major puzzle to psychologists and other neuroscien-
tists interested in memory. Using advanced brain scanning procedures in their efforts
to determine the neuroscientific basis of memory formation, investigators have learned
that certain areas and structures of the brain specialize in different types of memory-
related activities. The hippocampus, a part of the brain’s limbic system (see Figure 7),
plays a central role in the consolidation of memories. Located within the brain’s medial
temporal lobes just behind the eyes, the hippocampus aids in the initial encoding of
information, acting as a kind of neurological e-mail system. That information is
218 Chapter 7 Memory
FIGURE 7 The hippocampus and
amygdala, parts of the brain's limbic
system, play a central role in the
consolidation of memories. (Source: Van
De Graff, 2000.)
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subsequently passed along to the cerebral cortex of the brain, where it is actually
stored (Govindarajan, Kelleher, & Tonegawa, 2006; J. Peters et al., 2007; Lavenex &
Lavenex, 2009).
The significance of the hippocampus is exemplified by studies of individuals
who have particularly good, yet specialized, types of memories. For instance, taxi
drivers in London, England, must have accurate, complete recall of the location of
the maze of streets and alleys within a six-mile radius of the center of the city. It
takes years of study to memorize the material. MRI brain scans of taxi drivers show
that, relative to non-taxi drivers with fewer navigational skills, the back of the hip-
pocampus is larger while the front is smaller. The findings are consistent with the
idea that particular areas of the hippocampus are involved in the consolidation of
“The matters about which I’m being questioned, Your Honor, are all
things I should have included in my long-term memory but which
I mistakenly inserted in my short-term memory.”
© Ed Fisher/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 219
Experience,
Memory, and the Brain
FIGURE 8 Illustrating how experience can shape how our brain processes memories, these
fMRI scans show how the number of years spent driving a taxi relates to the size of particular
areas of the hippocampus as participants become spatial and navigational memory experts.
In (a) we see areas of the posterior (back) hippocampus that increase in activity (in yellow)
with the number of years spent driving a taxi. We also see the relationship illustrated
graphically in the graph to the right of the figure. In contrast, in (b) we see areas of the
anterior (front) hippocampus that show reduced activity (also in yellow) after many years of
driving a taxi and the relationship portrayed graphically. The changes in the areas activated
during memory tasks show how practice can shape the brain and how this allows us to
develop specialized skills such as memory for spatial locations. (Source: Maguire et al., 2006.)
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Anterior hippocampus (HC) Anterior HC grey matter volume
spatial memories (see Figure 8; Maguire, Woollett, & Spiers, 2006; Spiers & Maguire,
2007; Woollett & Maguire, 2009).
The amygdala, another part of the limbic system, also plays an important role
in memory. The amygdala is especially involved with memories involving emo-
tion. For example, if you are frightened by a large Doberman, you're likely to
remember the event vividly—an outcome related to the functioning of the amyg-
dala. Encountering the Doberman or any large dog in the future is likely to reac-
tivate the amygdala and bring back the unpleasant memory (Hamann, 2001;
Buchanan & Adolphs, 2004; Talmi et al., 2008).
Memory at the Level of Neurons. Although it is clear that the hippocampus and
amygdala play a central role in memory formation, how is the transformation of
information into a memory reflected at the level of neurons?
One answer is long-term potentiation, which shows that certain neural pathways
become easily excited while a new response is being learned. At the same time, the
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In Pursuit of aMemory Eraser
Most of us would welcome a way to im-
prove our memories. Wouldn’t it be help-
ful to retain more information in textbooks,
or to remember the names of people we
meet at a party, or just to recall where we
left our car keys?
But would it also be important to devise
a method to be able to forget information in
memory?
Some researchers believe so, and they are
trying to identify ways to allow people to for-
get traumatic events, persistent fears, or even
annoying habits. Researchers recently took
an important step in the direction of being
able to erase unwanted memories by discov-
ering an intriguing substance that seems to
be a key player in the formation of memories.
The substance, called PKM-zeta, seems to be
present whenever a connection between
neurons is strengthened. So researchers put
PKM-zeta to a test in lab rats. The rats were
trained to associate a certain tone with re-
ceiving a mild electric shock, such that they
became fearful of the tone—a learning expe-
rience that was stored in their memories.
However, when the rats’ brains were injected
later with a drug that stops production of
PKM-zeta, a strange thing happened: The
tone no longer produced a fear response. The
rats forgot what they had originally learned
(Pastalkova et al., 2006; Yao et al., 2008).
The study supports the hypothesis that
memory, far from being a rigid and durable
phenomenon, is actually fluid and malleable.
220
A treatment that can stop the encoding of
memories has the potential to help people
who are suffering from intrusive traumatic
memories. For example, the blood-pressure
drug propranolol affects areas of the brain
that are responsible for memory storage. In
one study, researchers gave a small group of
hospital patients who had just suffered an
accident or a rape a course of treatment with
either propranolol or a placebo. Three
months later, when the patients were ex-
posed to reminders of their traumatic expe-
riences, those who had received the
propranolol had a less stressful reaction than
those who had received the placebo (Jha,
2006; Brunet et al., 2007; Brunet et al., 2008).
Ultimately, the goal of researchers is to
use substances such as PKM-zeta and pro-
pranolol to interfere with the reconsolida-
tion of traumatic memories that have been
reawakened. The idea is not to block the
memory entirely but to reduce its inten-
sity upon reconsolidation so that the vic-
tim will remember what happened but
not be tortured by the memory. If that
happens, victims may be treated more
successfully (Pitman & Delahanty, 2005;
Carey, 2009a).
New treatments erase intrusive traumatic
memories.
The inhibition of PKM-zeta did not induce
the rats to forget what they learned as much
as it stopped the memory from being re-
encoded in the brain after it was activated.
e Why might researchers want only to reduce the intensity of a traumatic memory
rather than erase it altogether?
e What might be some of the practical or ethical issues involved with erasing un-
wanted memories?
number of synapses between neurons increase as the dendrites branch out to receive
messages. These changes reflect a process called consolidation, in which memories
become fixed and stable in long-term memory. Long-term memories take some time
to stabilize; this explains why events and other stimuli are not suddenly fixed in
memory. Instead, consolidation may continue for days and even years (McGaugh,
2003; Meeter & Murre, 2004; Kawashima, Izaki, & Grace, 2006).
Because a stimulus may contain different sensory aspects, visual, auditory, and
other areas of the brain may be simultaneously processing information about that stim-
ulus. Information storage appears to be linked to the sites where this processing occurs,
and it is therefore located in the particular areas that initially processed the information
in terms of its visual, auditory, and other sensory stimuli. For this reason, memory traces
are distributed throughout the brain. For example, when you recall a beautiful beach
sunset, your recollection draws on memory stores located in visual areas of the brain
(the view of the sunset), auditory areas (the sounds of the ocean), and tactile areas (the
feel of the wind) (Desimone, 1992; Brewer et al., 1998; Squire, Clark, & Bayley, 2004).
In short, the physical stuff of memory—the engram—is produced by a complex of
biochemical and neural processes. Scientists are just beginning to understand how the
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Module 20 The Foundations of Memory 221
brain compiles the individual neural components into a single, coherent memory. It
may be that the same neurons that fire when we are initially exposed to material are
reactivated during efforts to recall that information. Still, although memory researchers
have made considerable strides in understanding the neuroscience behind memory,
more remains to be learned—and remembered (Gelbard-Sagiv et al., 2008). (For more
on the biological basis of memory, see Applying Psychology in the 21st Century.)
RECAP
What is memory?
e Memory is the process by which we encode, store, and
retrieve information. (p. 209)
Are there different kinds of memory?
e Sensory memory, corresponding to each of the sensory
systems, is the first place where information is saved.
Sensory memories are very brief, but they are precise,
storing a nearly exact replica of a stimulus. (p. 210)
e Roughly seven (plus or minus two) chunks of informa-
tion can be transferred and held in short-term memory.
Information in short-term memory is held from 15 to
25 seconds and, if not transferred to long-term memory,
is lost. (p. 211)
e Memories are transferred into long-term storage through
rehearsal. If memories are transferred into long-term
memory, they become relatively permanent. (p. 213)
e Some theorists view short-term memory as a working
memory in which information is retrieved and manipu-
lated and held through rehearsal. In this view, it is a cen-
tral executive processor involved in reasoning and
decision making; it coordinates a visual store, a verbal
store, and an episodic buffer. (p. 213)
e Long-term memory can be viewed in terms of memory
modules, each of which is related to separate memory
systems in the brain. For instance, we can distinguish
between declarative memory and procedural memory.
Declarative memory is further divided into episodic
memory and semantic memory. (p. 214)
e Semantic networks suggest that knowledge is stored in
long-term memory as mental representations of clusters
of interconnected information. (p. 217)
What are the biological bases of memory?
e The hippocampus and amygdala are especially impor-
tant in the establishment of memory. (p. 218)
KEY TERMS
memory p. 209 long-term memory p. 210
sensory memory p. 209 chunk p. 211
short-term memory p. 210 rehearsal p. 213
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
e Memories are distributed across the brain, relating to
the different sensory information-processing systems in-
volved during the initial exposure to a stimulus. (p. 218)
EVALUATE
1. Match the type of memory with its definition:
1. long-term memory a. holds information 15 to
2. short-term memory 25 seconds
3. sensory memory b. stores information on a
relatively permanent basis
c. direct representation of a
stimulus
2. A(n) is a meaningful group of stimuli that can
be stored together in short-term memory.
3. There appear to be two types of declarative memory:
memory for knowledge and facts and
memory for personal experiences.
4. Some memory researchers believe that long-term memory
is stored as associations between pieces of information in
networks.
RETHINK
1. It is a truism that “you never forget how to ride a bicycle.”
Why might this be so? In what type of memory is infor-
mation about bicycle riding stored?
2. From a marketing specialist’s perspective: How might adver-
tisers and others use ways of enhancing memory to pro-
mote their products? What ethical principles are involved?
Can you think of a way to protect yourself from unethical
advertising?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
oyueulas ‘p ‘orpostda yuewas ‘g Nyo ‘z ‘2-2-7 ‘G-[ ‘TL
working memory p. 213 semantic memory p. 216
declarative memory p. 215 episodic memory p. 216
procedural memory p. 216 semantic networks p. 217
MODULE 21
What causes difficulties and
failures in remembering?
The
inability to recall information that one
realizes one knows—a result of the
difficulty of retrieving information
from long-term memory.
Memory task in which specific
information must be retrieved.
Memory task in which
individuals are presented with a
stimulus and asked whether they have
been exposed to it in the past or to
identify it from a list of alternatives.
FIG! Try to recall the names of these characters. Because this
is a recall task, it is relatively difficult.
222
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An hour after his job interview, Ricardo was sitting in a coffee shop, telling his friend
Laura how well it had gone, when the woman who had interviewed him walked in.
“Well, hello, Ricardo. How are you doing?” Trying to make a good impression, Ricardo
began to make introductions, but suddenly realized he could not remember the
interviewer’s name. Stammering, he desperately searched his memory but to no avail.
“I know her name,” he thought to himself, “but here I am, looking like a fool. I can kiss
this job good-bye.”
Have you ever tried to remember someone’s name, convinced that you knew it but
unable to recall it no matter how hard you tried? This common occurrence—known
as the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon—exemplifies how difficult it can be to retrieve
information stored in long-term memory (Schwartz, 2001, 2002, 2008; Cleary, 2006;
Brennen, Vikan, & Dybdahl, 2007).
Retrieval Clues
Perhaps recall of names and other memories is not perfect because there is so much
information stored in long-term memory. Because the material that makes its way to
long-term memory is relatively permanent, the capacity of long-term memory is vast.
For instance, if you are like the average college student, your vocabulary includes
some 50,000 words, you know hundreds of mathematical “facts,” and you are able to
conjure up images—such as the way your childhood home looked—with no trouble
at all. In fact, simply cataloging all your memories would probably take years of work.
How do we sort through this vast array of material and retrieve specific informa-
tion at the appropriate time? One way is through retrieval cues. A retrieval cue is a
stimulus that allows us to recall more easily information that
is in long-term memory. It may be a word, an emotion, or a
sound; whatever the specific cue, a memory will suddenly
come to mind when the retrieval cue is present. For example,
the smell of roasting turkey may evoke memories of Thanks-
giving or family gatherings.
Retrieval cues guide people through the information stored
in long-term memory in much the same way that a search
engine such as Google guides people through the Internet.
They are particularly important when we are making an effort
to recall information, as opposed to being asked to recognize
material stored in memory. In recall, a specific piece of infor-
mation must be retrieved—such as that needed to answer a
fill-in-the-blank question or to write an essay on a test. In con-
trast, recognition occurs when people are presented with a
stimulus and asked whether they have been exposed to it pre-
viously or are asked to identify it from a list of alternatives.
As you might guess, recognition is generally a much easier
task than recall (see Figures 1 and 2). Recall is more difficult
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Module 21 Recalling Long-Term Memories
Answer this recognition question:
Which of the following are the names of the seven dwarfs in the Disney movie
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs?
Goofy Bashful
Sleepy Meanie
Smarty Doc
Scaredy Happy
Dopey Angry
Grumpy Sneezy
Wheezy Crazy
(Azaaus pue ‘Adaays ‘Addey ‘dwn ‘Aadog 0q ‘|njyseg aie sJaMsUe 7291102 BU)
because it consists of a series of processes: a search through memory, retrieval of poten-
tially relevant information, and then a decision regarding whether the information you
have found is accurate. If the information appears to be correct, the search is over, but
if it is not, the search must continue. In contrast, recognition is simpler because it
involves fewer steps (Miserando, 1991; Leigh, Zinkhan, & Swaminathan, 2006).
Levels of Processing
One determinant of how well memories are recalled is the way in which material is
first perceived, processed, and understood. The levels-of-processing theory empha-
sizes the degree to which new material is mentally analyzed. It suggests that the
amount of information processing that occurs when material is initially encountered
is central in determining how much of the information is ultimately remembered.
According to this approach, the depth of information processing during exposure to
material—meaning the degree to which it is analyzed and considered—is critical; the
greater the intensity of its initial processing, the more likely we are to remember it
(Craik, 1990; Troyer, Hafliger, & Cadieux, 2006; Craik & Lockhart, 2008).
Because we do not pay close attention to much of the information to which we
are exposed, very little mental processing typically takes place, and we forget new
material almost immediately. However, information to which we pay greater atten-
tion is processed more thoroughly. Therefore, it enters memory at a deeper level—
and is less apt to be forgotten than is information processed at shallower levels.
The theory goes on to suggest that there are considerable differences in the ways
in which information is processed at various levels of memory. At shallow levels,
information is processed merely in terms of its physical and sensory aspects. For
example, we may pay attention only to the shapes that make up the letters in the
word dog. At an intermediate level of processing, the shapes are translated into mean-
ingful units—in this case, letters of the alphabet. Those letters are considered in the
context of words, and specific phonetic sounds may be attached to the letters.
At the deepest level of processing, information is analyzed in terms of its mean-
ing. We may see it in a wider context and draw associations between the meaning
of the information and broader networks of knowledge. For instance, we may think
of dogs not merely as animals with four legs and a tail, but also in terms of their
relationship to cats and other mammals. We may form an image of our own dog,
thereby relating the concept to our own lives. According to the levels-of-processing
approach, the deeper the initial level of processing of specific information, the longer
the information will be retained.
There are considerable practical implications to the notion that recall depends
on the degree to which information is initially processed. For example, the depth of
information processing is critical when learning and studying course material. Rote
223
FIGURE 2 Naming the characters in
Figure 1 (a recall task) is more difficult
than solving the recognition problem
posed in this list.
y Alert
Remember the distinction
between recall (in which
specific information
must be retrieved) and
recognition (in which
information is presented and must
be identified or distinguished from
other material).
levels-of-processing theory The
theory of memory that emphasizes the
degree to which new material is
mentally analyzed.
224 Chapter 7 Memory
explicit memory Intentional or
conscious recollection of information.
implicit memory Memories of which
people are not consciously aware but
that can affect subsequent performance
and behavior.
priming A phenomenon in which
exposure to a word or concept (called a
prime) later makes it easier to recall
related information, even when there
is no conscious memory of the word or
concept.
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memorization of a list of key terms for a test is unlikely to produce long-term recol-
lection of information because processing occurs at a shallow level. In contrast, think-
ing about the meaning of the terms and reflecting on how they relate to information
that one currently knows results in far more effective long-term retention (Conway,
2002; Wenzel, Zetocha, & Ferraro, 2007).
Explicit and Implicit Memory
If you’ve ever had surgery, you probably hoped that the surgeons were focused
completely on the surgery and gave you their undivided attention while slicing into
your body. The reality in most operating rooms is quite different, though. Surgeons
may be chatting with nurses about a new restaurant as soon as they sew you up.
If you are like most patients, you are left with no recollection of the conversation
that occurred while you were under anesthesia. However, it is very possible that
although you had no conscious memories of the discussions on the merits of the
restaurant, on some level you probably did recall at least some information. In fact,
careful studies have found that people who are anesthetized during surgery can
sometimes recall snippets of conversations they heard during surgery—even though
they have no conscious recollection of the information (Kihlstrom et al., 1990; Sebel,
Bonke, & Winogard, 1993).
The discovery that people have memories about which they are unaware has
been an important one. It has led to speculation that two forms of memory, explicit
and implicit, may exist side by side. Explicit memory refers to intentional or con-
scious recollection of information. When we try to remember a name or date we have
encountered or learned about previously, we are searching our explicit memory.
In contrast, implicit memory refers to memories of which people are not con-
sciously aware but that can affect subsequent performance and behavior. Skills that
operate automatically and without thinking, such as jumping out of the path of an
automobile coming toward us as we walk down the side of a road, are stored in
implicit memory. Similarly, a feeling of vague dislike for an acquaintance, without
knowing why we have that feeling, may be a reflection of implicit memories. Perhaps
the person reminds us of someone else in our past that we didn’t like, even though
we are not aware of the memory of that other individual (Tulving, 2000; Uttl, Graf,
& Consentino, 2003; Coates, Butler, & Berry, 2006; Voss & Paller, 2008).
Implicit memory is closely related to the prejudice and discrimination people
exhibit toward members of minority groups. As we first discussed in the module on
conducting psychological research, even though people may say and even believe they
harbor no prejudice, assessment of their implicit memories may reveal that they have
negative associations about members of minority groups. Such associations can influ-
ence people’s behavior without their being aware of their underlying beliefs (Green-
wald, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003; Greenwald, Nosek, & Sriram, 2006; Hofmann et al., 2008).
One way that memory specialists study implicit memory is through experiments
that use priming. Priming is a phenomenon in which exposure to a word or concept
(called a prime) later makes it easier to recall related information. Priming effects occur
even when people have no conscious memory of the original word or concept (Schacter
& Badgaiyan, 2001; Toth & Daniels, 2002; Schacter, Dobbins, & Schnyer, 2004).
The typical experiment designed to illustrate priming helps clarify the phenom-
enon. In priming experiments, participants are rapidly exposed to a stimulus such
as a word, an object, or perhaps a drawing of a face. The second phase of the exper-
iment is done after an interval ranging from several seconds to several months. At
that point, participants are exposed to incomplete perceptual information that is
related to the first stimulus, and they are asked whether they recognize it. For exam-
ple, the new material may consist of the first letter of a word that had been presented
earlier or a part of a face that had been shown earlier. If participants are able to
identify the stimulus more readily than they identify stimuli that have not been
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Module 21
presented earlier, priming has taken place. Clearly, the earlier stimulus has been
remembered—although the material resides in implicit memory, not explicit memory.
The same thing happens to us in our everyday lives. Suppose several months ago
you watched a documentary on the planets, and the narrator described the moons of
Mars, focusing on its moon named Phobos. You promptly forget the name of the moon,
at least consciously. Then, several months later, you’re completing a crossword puzzle
that you have partially filled in, and it includes the letters obos. As soon as you look
at the set of letters, you think of Phobos, and suddenly you recall for the first time
since your initial exposure to the information that it is one of the moons of Mars. The
sudden recollection occurred because your memory was primed by the letters obos.
In short, when information that we are unable to consciously recall affects our
behavior, implicit memory is at work. Our behavior may be influenced by experi-
ences of which we are unaware—an example of what has been called “retention
without remembering” (Horton et al., 2005).
Flashbulb Memories
Where were you on February 1, 2003? You will most likely draw a blank until this
piece of information is added: February 1, 2003, was the date the Space Shuttle
Columbia broke up in space and fell to Earth.
You probably have little trouble recalling your exact location and a variety of
other trivial details that occurred when you heard about the shuttle disaster, even
though the incident happened a few years ago. Your ability to remember details
about this fatal event illustrates a phenomenon known as flashbulb memory. Flash-
bulb memories are memories related to a specific, important, or surprising event
that are so vivid they represent a virtual snapshot of the event.
Several types of flashbulb memories are common among college students. For
example, involvement in a car accident, meeting one’s roommate for the first time,
and the night of high school graduation are all typical flashbulb memories (Romeu,
2006; Bohn & Berntsen, 2007; Talarico, 2009; see Figure 3).
Of course, flashbulb memories do not contain every detail of an original scene.
I remember vividly that more than four decades ago I was sitting in Mr. Sharp’s
10th-grade geometry class when I heard that President John Kennedy had been shot.
However, although I recall where I was sitting and how my classmates reacted to
the news, I do not recollect what I was wearing or what I had for lunch that day.
Furthermore, the details recalled in flashbulb memories are often inaccurate. For
example, think back to the tragic day when the World Trade Center in New York
was attacked by suicidal terrorists. Do you remember watching television that morn-
ing and seeing images of the first plane, and then the second plane, striking the
towers?
If you do, you are among the 73% of Americans who recall viewing the initial
television images of both planes on September 11, 2001. However, that recollection
is wrong: In fact, television broadcasts showed images only of the second plane on
September 11. No video of the first plane was available until early the following
morning, September 12, when it was shown on television (Begley, 2002).
Flashbulb memories illustrate a more general phenomenon about memory: Mem-
ories that are exceptional are more easily retrieved (although not necessarily accu-
rately) than are those relating to events that are commonplace. The more distinctive
a stimulus is, and the more personal relevance the event has, the more likely we are
to recall it later (Berntsen & Thomsen, 2005; Shapiro, 2006; Talarico & Rubin, 2007).
Even with a distinctive stimulus, however, we may not remember where the
information came from. Source amnesia occurs when an individual has a memory for
some material but cannot recall where he or she encountered it. For example, source
amnesia can explain situations in which you meet someone you know but can’t
remember where you’d met that person initially.
Recalling Long-Term Memories 225
flashbulb memories Memories
centered on a specific, important, or
surprising event that are so vivid it is
as if they represented a snapshot of the
event.
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226 Chapter 7 Memory
Being in or witnessing
a car accident
Met a roommate
for the first time
Night of high school
graduation
Night of your senior
prom
An early romantic
experience
Public speaking
Receipt of college
admissions letter
First date-when you
met him or her
First airplane flight
Moment you opened
your SAT scores
constructive processes Processes in
which memories are influenced by
the meaning we give to events.
schemas Organized bodies of
information stored in memory that
bias the way new information is
interpreted, stored, and recalled.
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Percentage of sample reporting that event resulted
in “flashbulb memories”
FIGURE 3 These are the most common flashbulb memory events, based on a survey of
college students. What are some of your flashbulb memories? (Source: From David C. Rubin,
“The Subtle Deceiver: Recalling Our Past,” Psychology Today, September 1985, pp. 39-46. Reprinted
with permission from Psychology Today magazine. (Copyright © 1985 Sussex Publishers, LLC.))
Similarly, our motivation to remember material when we are exposed to it ini-
tially affects how well we can later recall it. If we know we are going to need to
recall material later, we are going to be more attentive to it. In contrast, if we don’t
expect to need to recall material later, then we are less likely to remember it (Naveh-
Benjamin et al., 2000; Kassam et al., 2009).
Constructive Processes in
Memory: Rebuilding the Past
As we have seen, although it is clear that we can have detailed recollections of sig-
nificant and distinctive events, it is difficult to gauge the accuracy of such memories.
In fact, it is apparent that our memories reflect, at least in part, constructive processes,
processes in which memories are influenced by the meaning we give to events. When
we retrieve information, then, the memory that is produced is affected not just by
the direct prior experience we have had with the stimulus, but also by our guesses
and inferences about its meaning.
The notion that memory is based on constructive processes was first put forward
by Frederic Bartlett, a British psychologist. He suggested that people tend to remem-
ber information in terms of schemas, organized bodies of information stored in
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Module 21 Recalling Long-Term Memories 227
memory that bias the way new information is interpreted, stored, and recalled
(Bartlett, 1932). Our reliance on schemas means that memories often consist of a
general reconstruction of previous experience. Bartlett argued that schemas are based
not only on the specific material to which people are exposed, but also on their
understanding of the situation, their expectations about the situation, and their
awareness of the motivations underlying the behavior of others.
One of the earliest demonstrations of schemas came from a classic study that
involved a procedure similar to the children’s game of “telephone,” in which infor-
mation from memory is passed sequentially from one person to another. In the
study, a participant viewed a drawing in which there were a variety of people of
differing racial and ethnic backgrounds on a subway car, one of whom—a white
person—was shown with a razor in his hand (Allport & Postman, 1958). The first
participant was asked to describe the drawing to someone else without looking
back at it. Then that person was asked to describe it to another person (without
looking at the drawing), and then the process was repeated with still one more
participant.
The report of the last person differed in significant, yet systematic, ways from
the initial drawing. Specifically, many people described the drawing as depicting an
African American with a knife—an incorrect recollection, given that the drawing
showed a razor in the hand of a Caucasian person. The transformation of the Cau-
casian’s razor into an African American’s knife clearly indicates that the participants
held a schema that included the unwarranted prejudice that African Americans are
more violent than Caucasians and thus more apt to be holding a knife. In short, our
expectations and knowledge—and prejudices—affect the reliability of our memories
(McDonald & Hirt, 1997; Newby-Clark & Ross, 2003).
MEMORY IN THE COURTROOM:
THE EYEWITNESS OF TRIAL
For Calvin Willis, the inadequate memories of two people cost him more than two
decades of his life. Willis was the victim of mistaken identity when a young rape
victim picked out his photo as the perpetrator of the rape. On that basis, he was tried,
convicted, and sentenced to life in prison. Twenty-one years later, DNA testing showed
that Willis was innocent, and the victim’s identification wrong (Corsello, 2005).
Unfortunately, Willis is not the only victim to whom apologies have had to be
made; many cases of mistaken identity have led to unjustified legal actions. Research
on eyewitness identification of suspects, as well as on memory for other details of
crimes, has shown that eyewitnesses are apt to make significant errors when they try
to recall details of criminal activity—even if they are highly confident about their
recollections (Thompson, 2000; Wells, Olson, & Charman, 2002; Zaragoza, Belli, &
Payment, 2007).
One reason is the impact of the weapons used in crimes. When a criminal per-
petrator displays a gun or knife, it acts like a perceptual magnet, attracting the eyes
of the witnesses. As a consequence, witnesses pay less attention to other details of
the crime and are less able to recall what actually occurred (Steblay et al., 2003;
Zaitsu, 2007; Pickel, 2009).
One reason eyewitnesses are prone to memory-related errors is that the specific
wording of questions posed to them by police officers or attorneys can affect the
way they recall information, as a number of experiments illustrate. For example,
in one experiment the participants were shown a film of two cars crashing into
each other. Some were then asked the question, “About how fast were the cars
going when they smashed into each other?” On average, they estimated the speed
to be 40.8 miles per hour. In contrast, when another group of participants was
asked, “About how fast were the cars going when they contacted each other?” the
average estimated speed was only 31.8 miles per hour (Loftus & Palmer, 1974; see
Figure 4).
y Alert
A key fact about memory is
that it is a constructive pro-
cess in which memories
are influenced by the
meaning given to what is
being recalled.
228 Chapter 7 Memory
FIGURE 4 After viewing an accident
involving two cars, the participants in a
study were asked to estimate the speed
of the two cars involved in the collision.
Estimates varied substantially, depending
on the way the question was worded.
(Source: Loftus & Palmer, 1974.)
Six years after being convicted of
murder based on a so-called repressed
memory of his daughter, George
Franklin Sr’s conviction was overturned.
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About how fast were the cars going when they. each other?
“Smashed into”
“Collided with”
“Bumped into”
“Hit”
“Contacted”
0 10 20 30 40 50
Estimated miles per hour
Children’s Reliability. The problem of memory reliability becomes even more
acute when children are witnesses because increasing evidence suggests that chil-
dren’s memories are highly vulnerable to the influence of others (Loftus, 1993;
Douglas, Goldstein, & Bjorklund, 2000). For instance, in one experiment, 5- to
7-year-old girls who had just had a routine physical examination were shown an
anatomically explicit doll. The girls were shown the doll’s genital area and asked,
“Did the doctor touch you here?” Three of the girls who did not have a vaginal or
anal exam said that the doctor had in fact touched them in the genital area, and
one of those three made up the detail “The doctor did it with a stick” (Saywitz &
Goodman, 1990).
Children’s memories are especially susceptible to influence when the situation
is highly emotional or stressful. For example, in trials in which there is significant
pretrial publicity or in which alleged victims are questioned repeatedly, often by
untrained interviewers, the memories of the alleged victims may be influenced by
the types of questions they are asked (Scullin, Kanaya, & Ceci, 2002; Lamb & Gar-
retson, 2003; Quas, Malloy, & Melinder, 2007; Goodman & Quas, 2008).
Repressed and False Memories: Separating Truth from Fiction. Consider the case
of George Franklin Sr., a man charged with murdering his daughter’s playmate. The
entire case was based on memories of Franklin’s daughter, who claimed that she had
repressed them until she began to have flashbacks of the event two decades later.
Gradually, the memories became clearer until she recalled her father lifting a rock
over his head and then seeing her friend covered with blood. On the basis of her
memories, her father was convicted—but later was cleared of the crime after an
appeal of the conviction.
There is good reason to question the validity of repressed memories, recollections
of events that are initially so shocking that the mind responds by pushing them into
the unconscious. Supporters of the notion of repressed memory (based on Freud’s
psychoanalytic theory) suggest that such memories may remain hidden, possibly
throughout a person’s lifetime, unless they are triggered by some current circum-
stance, such as the probing that occurs during psychological therapy.
However, memory researcher Elizabeth Loftus maintains that so-called repressed
memories may well be inaccurate or even wholly false—representing false memory. For
example, false memories develop when people are unable to recall the source of a
memory of a particular event about which they have only vague recollections. When
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Module 21
the source of the memory becomes unclear or ambiguous, people may become con-
fused about whether they actually experienced the event or whether it was imagined.
Ultimately, people come to believe that the event actually occurred (Loftus, 2004;
Wade, Sharman, & Garry, 2007; Bernstein & Loftus, 2009a).
There is great controversy regarding the legitimacy of repressed memories. Many
therapists give great weight to authenticity of repressed memories, and their views
are supported by research showing that there are specific regions of the brain that
help keep unwanted memories out of awareness. On the other side of the issue are
researchers who maintain that there is insufficient scientific support for the existence
of such memories. There is also a middle ground: memory researchers who suggest
that false memories are a result of normal information processing. The challenge for
those on all sides of the issue is to distinguish truth from fiction (Brown & Pope,
1996; Strange, Clifasefi, & Garry, 2007; Bernstein & Loftus, 2009b).
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL MEMORY: WHERE PAST MEETS PRESENT
Your memory of experiences in your own past may well be a fiction—or at least a
distortion of what actually occurred. The same constructive processes that make us
inaccurately recall the behavior of others also reduce the accuracy of autobiographi-
cal memories. Autobiographical memories are our recollections of circumstances and
episodes from our own lives. Autobiographical memories encompass the episodic
memories we hold about ourselves (Rubin, 1999; Sutin & Robins, 2007).
For example, we tend to forget information about our past that is incompatible
with the way in which we currently see ourselves. One study found that adults who
were well adjusted but who had been treated for emotional problems during the
early years of their lives tended to forget important but troubling childhood events,
such as being in foster care. College students misremember their bad grades—but
remember their good ones (see Figure 5; Walker, Skowronski, & Thompson, 2003;
Kemps & Tiggemann, 2007).
Similarly, when a group of 48-year-olds were asked to recall how they had
responded on a questionnaire they had completed when they were high school fresh-
man, their accuracy was no better than chance. For example, although 61% of the
questionnaire respondents said that playing sports and other physical activities was
their favorite pastime, only 23% of the adults recalled it accurately (Offer et al., 2000).
It is not just certain kinds of events that are distorted; particular periods of life
are remembered more easily than others. For example, when people reach late adult-
hood, they remember periods of life in which they experienced major transitions,
such as attending college and working at their first job, better than they remember
their middle-age years. Similarly, although most adults’ earliest memories of their
own lives are of events that occurred when they were toddlers, toddlers show evi-
dence of recall of events that occurred when they were as young as 6 months old
(Simcock & Hayne, 2002; Wang, 2003; Cordnoldi, De Beni, & Helstrup, 2007).
Travelers who have visited areas of the world in which there is
no written language often have returned with tales of people
with phenomenal memories. For instance, storytellers in some
preliterate cultures can recount long chronicles that recall the
names and activities of people over many generations. Those
feats led experts to argue initially that people in preliterate
societies develop a different, and perhaps better, type of memory
than do those in cultures that employ a written language. They suggested that in a
society that lacks writing, people are motivated to recall information with accuracy,
in Memory?
especially information relating to tribal histories and traditions that would be lost if
they were not passed down orally from one generation to another (Daftary & Meri,
2002; Berntsen & Rubin, 2004).
Exploring eens a
Are There Cross-Cultural Differences
Recalling Long-Term Memories 229
100
90
80
70
60
50
Percentage of grades recalled accurately
A B C D
Original grade assigned
FIGURE 5 We tend to distort memories
of unpleasant events. For example,
college students are much more likely to
accurately recall their good grades while
inaccurately recalling their poor ones
(Bahrick et al., 1996). Now that you
know this, how well do you think you
can recall your high school grades?
autobiographical memories Our
recollections of circumstances and
episodes from our own lives.
230 Chapter 7 Memory
Storytellers in many cultures can
recount hundreds of years of history in
vivid detail. Research has found that this
amazing ability is due less to basic
memory processes than to the ways in
which they acquire and retain
information.
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Today, memory researchers dismiss that view. For one thing, preliterate peoples
don’t have an exclusive claim to amazing memory feats. Some Hebrew scholars
memorize thousands of pages of text and can recall the locations of particular words
on the page. Similarly, poetry singers in the Balkans can recall thousands of lines of
poetry. Even in cultures in which written language exists, then, astounding feats of
memory are possible (Strathern & Stewart, 2003; Rubin et al., 2007).
Memory researchers now suggest that there are both similarities and differences in
memory across cultures. Basic memory processes such as short-term memory capacity
and the structure of long-term memory—the “hardware” of memory—are universal
and operate similarly in people in all cultures. In contrast, cultural differences can be
seen in the way information is acquired and rehearsed—the “software” of memory.
Culture determines how people frame information initially, how much they practice
learning and recalling it, and the strategies they use to try to recall it (Mack, 2003; Wang
& Conway, 2006; Rubin et al., 2007).
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Module 21 Recalling Long-Term Memories 231
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What causes difficulties and failures in remembering?
The tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon is the temporary
inability to remember information that one is certain one
knows. Retrieval cues are a major strategy for recalling
information successfully. (p. 222)
The levels-of-processing approach to memory suggests
that the way in which information is initially perceived
and analyzed determines the success with which it is
recalled. The deeper the initial processing, the greater the
recall. (p. 223)
Explicit memory refers to intentional or conscious
recollection of information. In contrast, implicit memory
refers to memories of which people are not consciously
aware but that can affect subsequent performance and
behavior. (p. 224)
Flashbulb memories are memories centered on a specific,
important event. The more distinctive a memory is, the
more easily it can be retrieved. (p. 225)
Memory is a constructive process: We relate memories to
the meaning, guesses, and expectations we give to
events. Specific information is recalled in terms of
schemas, organized bodies of information stored in
memory that bias the way new information is
interpreted, stored, and recalled. (p. 226)
Eyewitnesses are apt to make substantial errors when
they try to recall the details of crimes. The problem of
memory reliability becomes even more acute when the
witnesses are children. (p. 227)
Autobiographical memory is influenced by constructive
processes. (p. 229)
KEY TERMS
tip-of-the-tongue
phenomenon p. 222
recall p. 222
recognition p. 222
levels-of-processing
theory p. 223
explicit memory p. 224
implicit memory p. 224
EVALUATE
1.
While with a group of friends at a dance, Eva bumps into
a man she dated last month. But when she tries to intro-
duce him to her friends, she cannot remember his name.
What is the term for this occurrence?
is the process of retrieving a specific item from
memory.
. A friend tells you, “I know exactly where I was and what I
was doing when I heard that Michael Jackson died.” What
is this type of memory phenomenon called?
theory states that the
more a person analyzes a statement, the more likely he or
she is to remember it later.
RETHINK
1.
Research shows that an eyewitness’s memory for details
of crimes can contain significant errors. How might a
lawyer use this information when evaluating an
eyewitness’s testimony? Should eyewitness accounts
be permissible in a court of law?
. From a social worker's perspective: Should a child victim of
sexual abuse be allowed to testify in court, based on what
you've learned about children’s memories under stress?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
priming p. 224
flashbulb memories p. 225
constructive
Sutssa001d-Jo-s[aagy p
{Arowa qmqysep 'g e17 ‘uousutousyd an8uo0}j-sy}-jo-dy *T
schemas p. 226
autobiographical
memories p. 229
processes p. 226
Why do we forget information?
What are the major memory
impairments?
FIGURE 1 In his classic work, Ebbinghaus
found that the most rapid forgetting
occurs in the first nine hours after
exposure to new material. However, the
rate of forgetting then slows down and
declines very little even after many days
have passed (Ebbinghaus, 1885, 1913).
Check your own memory: What were you
doing exactly two hours ago? What were
you doing last Tuesday at 5 p.m.? Which
information is easier to retrieve?
232
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Known in the scientific literature by the alias of H.M., he could remember, quite
literally, nothing—nothing, that is, that had happened since the loss of his brain’s
temporal lobes and hippocampus during experimental surgery to reduce epileptic
seizures. Until that time, H.M.’s memory had been quite normal. But after the operation
he was unable to recall anything for more than a few minutes, and then the memory
was seemingly lost forever. He did not remember his address, or the name of the
person to whom he was talking. H.M. would read the same magazine over and over
again. According to his own description, his life was like waking from a dream and
being unable to know where he was or how he got there. (Milner, 1966, 2005)
As the case of H.M. illustrates, a person without a normal memory faces severe dif-
ficulties. All of us who have experienced even routine instances of forgetting—such
as not remembering an acquaintance’s name or a fact on a test—understand the very
real consequences of memory failure.
Of course, memory failure is also essential to remembering important informa-
tion. The ability to forget inconsequential details about experiences, people, and
objects helps us avoid being burdened and distracted by trivial stores of meaningless
data. Forgetting permits us to form general impressions and recollections. For exam-
ple, the reason our friends consistently look familiar to us is because we're able to
forget their clothing, facial blemishes, and other transient features that change from
one occasion to the next. Instead, our memories are based on a summary of various
critical features—a far more economical use of our memory capabilities.
The first attempts to study forgetting were made by German psychologist
Hermann Ebbinghaus about a hundred years ago. Using himself as the only
participant in his study, Ebbinghaus memorized lists of three-letter nonsense
syllables—meaningless sets of two consonants with a vowel in between, such as
FIW and BOZ. By measuring how easy it was to relearn a given list of words after
varying periods of time had passed since the initial learning, he found that forget-
ting occurred systematically, as shown in Figure 1. As the figure indicates, the most
109 Immediate recall
6 80
5
[= e
S w
ey
60 HE 20 minutes ] ]
o | hour g
=
g 40 9 hours |
20
0 2 4 6 8 10 15 20 25 31
Elapsed time (days)
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Module 22 Forgetting: When Memory Fails 233
rapid forgetting occurs in the first nine hours, particularly in the first hour. After
nine hours, the rate of forgetting slows and declines little, even after the passage
of many days.
Despite his primitive methods, Ebbinghaus’s study had an important influence
on subsequent research, and his basic conclusions have been upheld. There is almost
always a strong initial decline in memory, followed by a more gradual drop over
time. Furthermore, relearning of previously mastered material is almost always faster
than starting from scratch, whether the material is academic information or a motor
skill such as serving a tennis ball (Wixted & Carpenter, 2007).
Why We Forget
Why do we forget? One reason is that we may not have paid attention to the mate-
rial in the first place—a failure of encoding. For example, if you live in the United
States, you probably have been exposed to thousands of pennies during your life.
Despite this experience, you probably don’t have a clear sense of the details of the
coin. (See this for yourself by looking at Figure 2.) Consequently, the reason for your
memory failure is that you probably never encoded the information into long-term
memory initially. Obviously, if information was not placed in memory to start with,
there is no way the information can be recalled.
But what about material that has been encoded into memory and that can’t later
be remembered? Several processes account for memory failures, including decay,
interference, and cue-dependent forgetting.
Decay is the loss of information through nonuse. This explanation for forgetting
assumes that memory traces, the physical changes that take place in the brain when
new material is learned, simply fade away over time (Grann, 2007).
Although there is evidence that decay does occur, this does not seem to be the
complete explanation for forgetting. Often there is no relationship between how long
ago a person was exposed to information and how well that information is recalled.
If decay explained all forgetting, we would expect that the more time that has
elapsed between the initial learning of information and our attempt to recall it, the
harder it would be to remember it because there would be more time for the mem-
ory trace to decay. Yet people who take several consecutive tests on the same
decay The loss of information in
memory through its nonuse.
FIGURE 2 One of these pennies is the
real thing. Can you find it? Why is this
task harder than it seems at first?
(Source: Nickerson & Adams, 1979.)
Vy S! JƏMSUE 7291102 BY}
‘Apuey Auuad e əney 3,U0p Nod y|
234 Chapter 7 Memory
© Frank Cotham/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
All Rights Reserved.
interference The phenomenon by
which information in memory disrupts
the recall of other information.
cue-dependent forgetting Forgetting
that occurs when there are insufficient
retrieval cues to rekindle information
that is in memory.
y Alert
Memory loss through decay
comes from nonuse of the
memory; memory loss
through interference is
due to the presence of
other information in memory.
proactive interference Interference in
which information learned earlier
disrupts the recall of newer material.
retroactive interference Interference
in which there is difficulty in the recall
of information learned earlier because
of later exposure to different material.
“He must have forgotten something.”
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material often recall more of the initial information
when taking later tests than they did on earlier tests.
If decay were operating, we would expect the opposite
to occur (Payne, 1986).
Because decay does not fully account for forget-
ting, memory specialists have proposed an additional
mechanism: interference. In interference, information
in memory disrupts the recall of other information
(Naveh-Benjamin, Guez, & Sorek, 2007; Pilotti,
Chodorow, & Shono, 2009).
To distinguish between decay and interference,
think of the two processes in terms of a row of books
on a library shelf. In decay, the old books are constantly
crumbling and rotting away, leaving room for new
arrivals. Interference processes suggest that new books
knock the old ones off the shelf, where they become
inaccessible.
Finally, forgetting may occur because of cue-
dependent forgetting, forgetting that occurs when
there are insufficient retrieval cues to rekindle infor-
mation that is in memory (Tulving & Thompson, 1983). For example, you may not
be able to remember where you lost a set of keys until you mentally walk through
your day, thinking of each place you visited. When you think of the place where
you lost the keys—say, the library—the retrieval cue of the library may be sufficient
to help you recall that you left them on the desk in the library. Without that retrieval
cue, you may be unable to recall the location of the keys.
Most research suggests that interference and cue-dependent forgetting are key
processes in forgetting (Mel’nikov, 1993; Bower, Thompson, & Tulving, 1994). We
forget things mainly because new memories interfere with the retrieval of old ones
or because appropriate retrieval cues are unavailable, not because the memory trace
has decayed.
Proactive and Retroactive
Interference: The Before
and After of Forgetting
There are actually two sorts of interference that influence forgetting: proactive and
retroactive. In proactive interference, information learned earlier disrupts the recall
of newer material. Suppose, as a student of foreign languages, you first learned
French in the 10th grade, and then in the 11th grade you took Spanish. When in the
12th grade you take a college achievement test in Spanish, you may find you have
difficulty recalling the Spanish translation of a word because all you can think of is
its French equivalent (Bunting, 2006).
In contrast, retroactive interference refers to difficulty in the recall of informa-
tion because of later exposure to different material. If, for example, you have diffi-
culty on a French achievement test because of your more recent exposure to Spanish,
retroactive interference is the culprit (see Figure 3). One way to remember the differ-
ence between proactive and retroactive interference is to keep in mind that proactive
interference progresses in time—the past interferes with the present—whereas retro-
active interference retrogresses in time, working backward as the present interferes
with the past (Jacoby et al., 2007).
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Module 22 Forgetting: When Memory Fails 235
Proactive interference:
Spanish test performance
impaired by study of French
=
Time
=
Retroactive interference:
French test performance
impaired by study of Spanish
=
Time
Although the concepts of proactive and retroactive interference illustrate how
material may be forgotten, they still do not explain whether forgetting is caused by
the actual loss or modification of information or by problems in the retrieval of
information. Most research suggests that material that has apparently been lost
because of interference can eventually be recalled if appropriate stimuli are presented
(Tulving & Psotka, 1971; Anderson, 1981), but the question has not been fully
answered.
Memory Dysfunctions:
Afflictions of Forgetting
First you notice that you’re always misplacing things or that common nouns are
evading you as stubbornly as the names of new acquaintances. Pretty soon you're
forgetting appointments and getting flustered when you drive in traffic. On bad days
you find you can’t hold numbers in your mind long enough to dial the phone. You try
valiantly to conceal your lapses, but they become ever more glaring. You crash your car.
You spend whole mornings struggling to dress yourself properly. And even as you lose
the ability to read or play the piano, you’re painfully aware of what's happening to
you. (Cowley, 2000, p. 46)
These memory problems are symptomatic of Alzheimer’s disease, an illness
characterized in part by severe memory problems. Alzheimer’s is the fourth leading
cause of death among adults in the United States, affecting an estimated 5 million
people.
In the beginning, Alzheimer’s symptoms appear as simple forgetfulness of things
such as appointments and birthdays. As the disease progresses, memory loss becomes
more profound, and even the simplest tasks—such as using a telephone—are forgot-
ten. Ultimately, victims may lose their ability to speak or comprehend language, and
physical deterioration sets in, leading to death.
The causes of Alzheimer’s disease are not fully understood. Increasing evidence
suggests that Alzheimer’s results from an inherited susceptibility to a defect in the
production of the protein beta amyloid, which is necessary for the maintenance of
nerve cell connections. When the synthesis of beta amyloid goes awry, large clumps
of cells form, triggering inflammation and the deterioration of nerve cells in the brain
(Selkoe, 2002; Detoledo-Morrell, Stoub, & Wang, 2007; Horinek, Varjassyova, & Hort,
2007; Selkoe, 2008; see Figure 4).
FIGURE 3 Proactive interference occurs
when material learned earlier interferes
with the recall of newer material. In this
example, studying French before studying
Spanish interferes with performance on
a Spanish test. In contrast, retroactive
interference exists when material learned
after initial exposure to other material
interferes with the recall of the first
material. In this case, retroactive inter-
ference occurs when recall of French is
impaired because of later exposure to
Spanish.
Alzheimer’s disease An illness
characterized in part by severe
memory problems.
236 Chapter 7 Memory
(a)
Year |
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Alzheimer’s Disease
and Brain Deterioration
FIGURE 4 Alzheimer’s disease, which is the fourth leading cause of death among adults
in the United States, is characterized by significant memory declines. Here a man with
Alzheimer’s was followed for three years to learn how his brain processed autobiographical
memories as the disease progressed. (a) While in the first year, the areas of the brain used
for long-term memory, such as the hippocampus and surrounding temporal lobe (shown
in yellow, orange, and red), are activated similarly to healthy adults. (b) In the second
year, as his abilities began to decline, other areas of the brain began to compensate by
increasing the levels of activity in surrounding areas. Finally, in the third year when his
abilities decreased substantially, other areas of the brain were no longer able to compen-
sate and activity decreased overall. On the other hand, some areas of the brain—such as
those involved in visual processing—did not change over the three-year period, illustrat-
ing that not all areas of the brain are affected by the disease. (Source: Maguire et al., 2010.)
(b) (c)
Areas involved in visual processing that do not change over time
amnesia Memory loss that occurs
without other mental difficulties.
retrograde amnesia Amnesia in which
memory is lost for occurrences prior to
a certain event.
anterograde amnesia Amnesia in
which memory is lost for events that
follow an injury.
Korsakoff’s syndrome A disease that
afflicts long-term alcoholics, leaving
some abilities intact but including
hallucinations and a tendency to
repeat the same story.
Alzheimer’s disease is one of a number of memory dysfunctions. Another is
amnesia, memory loss that occurs without other mental difficulties. The type of
amnesia immortalized in countless Hollywood films involves a victim who receives
a blow to the head and is unable to remember anything from his or her past. In
reality, amnesia of this type, known as retrograde amnesia, is quite rare. In retrograde
amnesia, memory is lost for occurrences prior to a certain event. Usually, lost mem-
ories gradually reappear, although full restoration may take as long as several years.
In certain cases, some memories are lost forever. But even in cases of severe memory
loss, the loss is generally selective. For example, although people suffering from
retrograde amnesia may be unable to recall friends and family members, they still
may be able to play complicated card games or knit a sweater quite well (Verfaellie
& Keane, 2002; Bright, Buckman, & Fradera, 2006).
A second type of amnesia is exemplified by people who remember nothing of
their current activities. In anterograde amnesia loss of memory occurs for events that
follow an injury. Information cannot be transferred from short-term to long-term
memory, resulting in the inability to remember anything other than what was in
long-term storage before the accident (Gilboa, Winocur, & Rosenbaum, 2006).
Amnesia is also a result of Korsakoff’s syndrome, a disease that afflicts long-
term alcoholics. Although many of their intellectual abilities may be intact, Korsa-
koff’s sufferers display a strange array of symptoms, including hallucinations and a
tendency to repeat the same story over and over (van Oort & Kessels, 2009).
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Module 22 Forgetting: When Memory Fails
Fortunately, most of us have intact memory, and the occasional failures we suffer y Alert
may actually be preferable to having a perfect memory. Consider, for instance, the
case of a man who had total recall. After reading passages of Dante’s The Divine
Comedy in Italian—a language he did not speak—he was able to repeat them from
memory some 15 years later. He could memorize lists of 50 unrelated words and
recall them at will more than a decade later. He could even repeat the same list of
words backward, if asked (Luria, 1968).
Such a skill at first may seem to be enviable, but it actually presented quite a
problem. The man’s memory became a jumble of lists of words, numbers, and names;
when he tried to relax, his mind was filled with images. Even reading was difficult
since every word evoked a flood of thoughts from the past that interfered with his
ability to understand the meaning of what he was reading. Partially as a consequence
of the man’s unusual memory, psychologist A. R. Luria, who studied his case, found
him to be a “disorganized and rather dull-witted person” (Luria, 1968, p. 65). We
might be grateful, then, that forgetfulness plays a role in our lives.
relatively rare.
Apart from the advantages of forgetting, say, a bad date, most BECOMING AN
of us would like to find ways to improve our memories. Among INFORMED CONSUMER
the effective strategies for studying and remembering course
Kea of Psychology
e Use the keyword technique. If you are studying a foreign Improving Your Memory
language, try the keyword technique of pairing a foreign
word with a common English word that has a similar
sound. This English word is known as the keyword. For example, to learn the
Spanish word for duck (pato, pronounced pot-o), you might choose the keyword
pot; for the Spanish word for horse (caballo, pronounced cob-eye-yo), the keyword
might be eye. Once you have thought of a keyword, imagine the Spanish word
“interacting” with the English keyword. You might envision a duck taking a bath
in a pot to remember the word pato or a horse with a large, bulging eye in the
center of its head to recall caballo (Carney & Levin, 1998; Wyra, Lawson, & Hungi,
2007).
e Rely on organization cues. Recall material you read in textbooks by organizing the
material in memory the first time you read it. Organize your reading on the basis
of any advance information you have about the content and about its arrange-
ment. You will then be able to make connections and see relationships among the
various facts and process the material at a deeper level, which in turn will later
aid recall.
e Take effective notes. “Less is more” is perhaps the best advice for taking lecture
notes that facilitate recall. Rather than trying to jot down every detail of a lecture,
it is better to listen and think about the material, and take down the main points.
In effective note taking, thinking about the material when you first hear it is more
important than writing it down. This is one reason that borrowing someone else’s
notes is a bad idea; you will have no framework in memory that you can use to
understand them (Feldman, 2010).
e Practice and rehearse. Although practice does not necessarily make perfect, it
helps. By studying and rehearsing material past initial mastery—a process called
overlearning—people are able to show better long-term recall than they show if
they stop practicing after their initial learning of the material.
e Don't believe claims about drugs that improve memory. Advertisements for One-a-
Day vitamins with ginkgo biloba or Quanterra Mental Sharpness Product would
have you believe that taking a drug or supplement can improve your memory.
Not so, according to the results of numerous studies. No research has shown that
commercial memory enhancers are effective (Gold, Cahill, & Wenk, 2002; McDan-
iel, Maier, & Einstein, 2002; Burns, Bryan, & Nettelbeck, 2006).
237
Except for Alzheimer’s dis-
ease, memory disorders are
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238 Chapter 7 Memory
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP retrieving material as a result of the interference of
previously learned material.
4. Match the following memory disorders with the correct
information:
1. Affects alcoholics; may
result in hallucinations.
What are the major memory impairments? 2. Memory loss occurring
e Among the memory dysfunctions are Alzheimer’s without other mental
disease, which leads to a progressive loss of memory, problems.
and amnesia, a memory loss that occurs without other 3. Beta amyloid defect;
mental difficulties and can take the forms of retrograde progressive forgetting
amnesia and anterograde amnesia. Korsakoff’s syn- and physical deterioration.
drome is a disease that afflicts long-term alcoholics,
resulting in memory impairment. (p. 235)
e Among the techniques for improving memory are the
keyword technique to memorize foreign language vo- 1.
Why do we forget information?
e Several processes account for memory failure, including
decay, interference (both proactive and retroactive), and
. Alzheimer’s di
cue-dependent forgetting. (p. 233) cele ed eee
b. Korsakoff’s syndrome
c. Amnesia
RETHINK
What are the implications of proactive and retroactive
cabulary; using the encoding specificity phenomenon;
organizing text material and lecture notes; and practice
and rehearsal, leading to overlearning. (p. 237)
interference for learning multiple foreign languages?
Would earlier language training in a different language
help or hinder learning a new language?
2. From a healthcare provider’s perspective: Alzheimer’s disease
and amnesia are two of the most pervasive memory
dysfunctions that threaten many individuals. What sorts
of activities might health care providers offer their
patients to help them combat their memory loss?
EVALUATE
1. If, after learning the history of the Middle East for a class
two years ago, you now find yourself unable to recall
what you learned, you are experiencing memory
, caused by nonuse.
2. Difficulty in accessing a memory because of the presence
of other information is known as :
3, _____ interference occurs when material is difficult
to retrieve because of subsequent exposure to other
material; interference refers to difficulty in
Answers to Evaluate Questions
e-€ 0-7 ‘G-T p faaovord APLI tE faouaresIoyut Z (ÁLP T
KEY TERMS
decay p. 233 proactive Alzheimer’s disease p. 235 anterograde amnesia p. 236
interference p. 234 interference p. 234 amnesia p. 236 Korsakoff’s
cue-dependent retroactive retrograde amnesia p. 236 syndrome p. 236
forgetting p. 234 interference p. 234
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Psychology on the Web
1. The study of repressed memories can lead down unusual pathways—even more
unusual than the criminal investigation pathway. Two other areas in which repressed
memories play a large part are alien abduction and reincarnation. Find two sources
on the web that deal with one of these issues—one supportive and one skeptical.
Read what they say and relate it to your knowledge of memory. Summarize your
findings and indicate which side of the controversy your study of memory leads you
to favor.
2. Memory is a topic of serious interest to psychologists, but it is also a source of amuse-
ment. Find a website that focuses on the amusing side of memory such as memory
games, tests of recall, or lists of mnemonics. Hint: There’s even a mnemonics genera-
tor out there! Write down the addresses of any interesting sites that you encounter
and summarize what you found.
E O | log U Q Our examination of memory has highlighted the
processes of encoding, storage, and retrieval, and
theories about how these processes occur. We also encountered several phenomena
relating to memory, including the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon and flashbulb memo-
ries. Above all, we observed that memory is a constructive process by which interpreta-
tions, expectations, and guesses contribute to the nature of our memories.
Before moving on to the next chapter, return to the prologue on Jill Price's perfect
memory for events in her life. Consider the following questions in light of what you now
know about memory.
1. How might you explain why Price can remember trivial life events from years ago but
keeps forgetting to return a library book?
2. How might Price’s unusual memory be useful to her? How might it be detrimental to
her?
3. What might Price's skills suggest about the nature of memory and forgetting?
4. From a researcher's point of view, what would you do to ascertain that Price's memo-
ries are truly accurate?
239
CHAPTER 8
Cognition and Language
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Key Concepts for Chapter 8
MODULE 23
What is thinking? @ What processes underlie Thinking and Reasoning
: ror x Mental Images: Examining the Mind's Eye
reasoning and decision making?
Concepts: Categorizing the World
Neuroscience in Your Life: How We Learn
to Categorize Our World Using Concepts
Reasoning: Making Up Your Mind
Computers and Problem Solving:
Searching for Artificial Intelligence
MODULE 24
How do people approach and solve problems? Problem Solving
Preparation: Understanding
and Diagnosing Problems
solving? @ What is creativity? Production: Generating Solutions
Judgment: Evaluating Solutions
@ What are the major obstacles to problem
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
The Thoughts Behind Avoiding Danger:
When Hunches Save Lives
Impediments to Solutions: Why Is
Problem Solving Such a Problem?
Creativity and Problem Solving
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Thinking
Critically and Creatively
MODULE 25
How do people use language? @ How does Language
Grammar: Language’s Language
language develop?
Language Development:
Developing a Way with Words
The Influence of Language
on Thinking: Do Eskimos Have More
Words for Snow than Texans Do?
Do Animals Use Language?
Exploring Diversity: Teaching with
Linguistic Variety: Bilingual Education
Neuroscience in Your Life:
Bilingualism and the Brain
241
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Prologue Eureka!
Clifford Matson’s “Eureka!” moment arrived the day the silverfish
invaded his bathroom.
Dr. Matson, tall, white-haired and retired after 50 years of
practicing dentistry in his hometown of Junction City, Oregon,
was fretting about the insects skittering around the bathroom.
Then several seemingly unrelated thoughts collided in his mind.
One was about the pesky silverfish. One concerned a book he
was reading about neem trees, tropical trees grown in India and
Burma that have seeds with their own natural pesticides. The
third thought arrived when Dr. Matson noticed the small cork
squares separating the double-pane windows in the bathroom.
A couple of drops of neem oil on one of those little cork
squares ought to be just the ticket to get rid of silverfish,
Dr. Matson thought.
He tried it, and the silverfish died. Then he tried the neem
oil-soaked cork squares on cockroaches, and they bit the dust as
well.
Two years ago the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office granted
Dr. Matson Patent No. 6,093,413 for Cork-EZ, an adhesive-backed
piece of cork the size of a Scrabble square that delivers a natural
pesticide derived from cedar bark. (Richardson, 2002, p. R7).
Clifford Matson has big plans for his invention. But whether or
not Cork-EZ revolutionizes the extermination field, it is clear that
Matson has that elusive quality that marks successful inventors:
creativity.
Where does Matson’s creativity come from? More generally,
how do people use information to devise innovative solutions to
problems? And how do people think about, understand, and,
through language, describe the world?
Answers to these questions come from cognitive psychology,
the branch of psychology that focuses on the study of higher
mental processes, including thinking, language, memory,
problem solving, knowing, reasoning, judging, and decision
making. Clearly, the realm of cognitive psychology is broad.
242
Cognitive psychology centers on three major topics: thinking
and reasoning, problem solving and creativity, and language. The
first topic we consider in this chapter is thinking and reasoning.
Then we examine different strategies for approaching problems,
means of generating solutions, and ways of making judgments
about the usefulness and accuracy of solutions. Finally, we discuss
how language is developed and acquired, its basic characteristics,
and the relationship between language and thought.
cognitive psychology The branch of psychology that focuses on the
study of higher mental processes, including thinking, language,
memory, problem solving, knowing, reasoning, judging, and decision
making.
Thinking and Reasoning
What are you thinking about at this moment? Key Concepts
The mere ability to pose such a question underscores the distinctive nature of What is thinking?
the human ability to think. No other species contemplates, analyzes, recollects, or
plans the way humans do. Understanding what thinking is, however, goes beyond What processes underlie
knowing that we think. Philosophers, for example, have argued for generations about reasoning and decision
the meaning of thinking, with some placing it at the core of human beings’ under- mns
standing of their own existence. making?
Psychologists define thinking as the manipulation of mental representations of
information. A representation may take the form of a word, a visual image, a sound, thinking The manipulation of mental
or data in any other sensory modality stores in memory. Thinking transforms a par- representations of information.
ticular representation of information into new and different forms, allowing us to
answer questions, solve problems, or reach goals.
Although a clear sense of what specifically occurs when we think remains elu-
sive, our understanding of the nature of the fundamental elements involved in think-
ing is growing. We begin by considering our use of mental images and concepts, the
building blocks of thought.
“What do you think I think about what you think
I think you’ve been thinking about?”
© Michael Maslin/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
243
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244 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
Mental Images:
Examining the Mind's Eye
Think of your best friend.
Chances are that you “see” some kind of visual image when asked to think of
her or him, or any other person or object, for that matter. To some cognitive psy-
chologists, such mental images constitute a major part of thinking.
mental images Representations in the Mental images are representations in the mind of an object or event. They are
mind of an object or event. not just visual representations; our ability to “hear” a tune in our heads also relies
on a mental image. In fact, every sensory modality may produce corresponding men-
tal images (Kosslyn, 2005; De Beni, Pazzaglia, & Gardini, 2007; Gardini et al., 2009).
Research has found that our mental images have many of the properties of the
actual stimuli they represent. For example, it takes the mind longer to scan mental
images of large objects than small ones, just as the eye takes longer to scan an actual
large object than an actual small one. Similarly, we are able to manipulate and rotate
mental images of objects, just as we are able to manipulate and rotate them in the real
world (Mast & Kosslyn, 2002; Iachini & Giusberti, 2004; Zacks, 2008; see Figure 1).
Some experts see the production of mental images as a way to improve various
skills. For instance, many athletes use mental imagery in their training. Basketball
TA
as
FIGURE 1 Try to mentally rotate one of each pair of patterns to see if it is the same as the
other member of that pair. It’s likely that the farther you have to mentally rotate a pattern,
the longer it will take to decide if the patterns match one another. Does this mean that it will
take you longer to visualize a map of the world than a map of the United States? Why or why
not? (Source: From Shepard, R. N., & Metzler, J. (1971). Mental rotation of three-dimensional objects.
Science, 171, no 3972, 701-703 (Figure 1, p. 702). Reprinted with permission from AAAS.)
(a)
(b)
(c)
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Module 23 Thinking and Reasoning 245
players may try to produce vivid and detailed images of the court, the basket, the
ball, and the noisy crowd. They may visualize themselves taking a foul shot, watch-
ing the ball, and hearing the swish as it goes through the net. And it works: The use
of mental imagery can lead to improved performance in sports (Mamassis & Doganis,
2004; Fournier, Deremaux, & Bernier, 2008; Moran, 2009).
Mental imagery may improve other types of skills as well. For example, piano
players who simply mentally rehearse an exercise show brain activity that is virtually
identical to that of the people who actually practice the exercise manually. Appar-
ently, carrying out the task involved the same network of brain cells as the network
used in mentally rehearsing it (Pascual-Leone et al., 1995; Kensinger & Schacter, 2006;
Sanders et al., 2008).
Concepts: Categorizing the World
If someone asks you what is in your kitchen cabinet, you might answer with a
detailed list of items (a jar of peanut butter, three boxes of macaroni and cheese, six
unmatched dinner plates, and so forth). More likely, though, you would respond by
naming some broader categories, such as “food” and “dishes.”
Using such categories reflects the operation of concepts. Concepts are mental
groupings of similar objects, events, or people. Concepts enable us to organize com-
plex phenomena into simpler, and therefore more easily usable, cognitive categories
(Goldstone & Kersten, 2003; Murphy, 2005; Connolly, 2007).
Concepts help us classify newly encountered objects on the basis of our past
experience. For example, we can surmise that someone tapping a handheld screen is
probably using some kind of computer or PDA, even if we have never encountered
that specific model before. Ultimately, concepts influence behavior. We would assume,
for instance, that it might be appropriate to pet an animal after determining that it
is a dog, whereas we would behave differently after classifying the animal as a wolf.
When cognitive psychologists first studied concepts, they focused on those that
were clearly defined by a unique set of properties or features. For example, an equilat-
eral triangle is a closed shape that has three sides of equal length. If an object has these
characteristics, it is an equilateral triangle; if it does not, it is not an equilateral triangle.
Other concepts—often those with the most relevance to our everyday lives—
are more ambiguous and difficult to define. For instance, broader concepts such as
“table” and “bird” have a set of general, relatively loose characteristic features, rather
than unique, clearly defined properties that distinguish an example of the concept
from a nonexample. When we consider these more ambiguous concepts, we usually
think in terms of examples called prototypes. Prototypes are typical, highly repre-
sentative examples of a concept that correspond to our mental image or best example
of the concept. For instance, although a robin and an ostrich are both examples of
How do you view these structures? Whether you categorize them as two houses of worship
(left and middle), as two similar examples of architecture (middle and right) or simply as three
buildings, you are using concepts.
Many athletes use mental imagery to
focus on a task, a process they call
“getting in the zone.’ What are some
other occupations that require the use
of strong mental imagery?
concepts A mental grouping of similar
objects, events, or people.
prototypes Typical, highly representa-
tive examples of a concept.
246
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Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
How We Learn
to Categorize Our World Using Concepts
FIGURE 2 To illustrate how the brain learns to categorize objects using concepts, participants
in a study were trained to identify specific models of a car, such as Toyotas versus Hondas
(labeled “subordinate” categories in the figure). Others were trained to identify them as general
categories, such as SUVs versus sedans (labeled as “basic” categories). Others simply viewed
photos of cars (labeled “exposure”). Measures of electrical activity in the brain differed according
to the level of categorization on which participants had been trained. (Source: Scott et al., 2008)
64
Post-Test
oO — N
Subordinate
Basic
Luli
Exposure
=7
—100 O 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800
N250
Basic Exposure Subordinate
—2.2 uv > 2.2 pv
O D y
birds, the robin is an example that comes to most people’s minds far more readily.
Consequently, robin is a prototype of the concept “bird.” Similarly, when we think
of the concept of a table, we're likely to think of a coffee table before we think of a
drafting table, making a coffee table closer to our prototype of a table. See Figure 2.
Relatively high agreement exists among people in a particular culture about which
examples of a concept are prototypes as well as which examples are not. For instance,
most people in Western cultures consider cars and trucks good examples of vehicles,
whereas elevators and wheelbarrows are not considered very good examples. Conse-
quently, cars and trucks are prototypes of the concept of a vehicle (see Figure 3).
Concepts enable us to think about and understand more readily the complex
world in which we live. For example, the suppositions we make about the reasons
for other people’s behavior are based on the ways in which we classify behavior.
Hence, our conclusion about a person who washes her hands 20 times a day could
vary, depending on whether we place her behavior within the conceptual framework
of a health-care worker or a mental patient. Similarly, physicians make diagnoses by
drawing on concepts and prototypes of symptoms that they learned about in medi-
cal school. Finally, concepts and prototypes facilitate our efforts to draw suitable
conclusions through the cognitive process we turn to next: reasoning.
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Module 23 Thinking and Reasoning 247
4
FIGURE 3 Prototypes are typical, highly representative examples of a concept. For instance,
a highly typical prototype of the concept “furniture” is a chair, whereas a stove is not a good
prototype. High agreement exists within a culture about which examples of a concept are
prototypes. (Source: Adapted from Rosch & Mervis, 1975.)
Reasoning: Making Up Your Mind
Professors deciding when students’ assignments are due.
An employer determining who to hire out of a pool of job applicants.
The president concluding that it is necessary to send troops to a foreign nation.
What do these three situations have in common? Each requires reasoning, the process
by which information is used to draw conclusions and make decisions.
Although philosophers and logicians have considered the foundations of reason-
ing for centuries, it is only relatively recently that cognitive psychologists have begun
to investigate how people reason and make decisions. Their efforts have contributed
to our understanding of formal reasoning processes as well as the cognitive shortcuts
we routinely use—shortcuts that sometimes may lead our reasoning capabilities
astray (Johnson-Laird, 2006).
SYLLOGISTIC REASONING: THE FORMAL RULES OF LOGIC
If you've ever played a card game like poker and tried to figure out what cards your
opponent was holding, you probably used syllogistic reasoning, a kind of formal
reasoning in which a person draws a conclusion from a set of assumptions. In using
syllogistic reasoning, we begin with a general assumption that we believe is true and
then derive specific implications from that assumption. If the assumption is true, the
conclusions must also be true (Fisk & Sharp, 2002; Marrero & Gamez, 2004; Shynkaruk
& Thompson, 2006).
y Alert
Figure 3 will help you
remember that prototypes
represent “best” or most
common examples of a
particular concept. For
example, a Prius might be a
prototype of the concept of
“hybrid car.”
syllogistic reasoning Formal reason-
ing in which people draw a conclusion
from a set of assumptions.
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248 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
A major technique for studying syllogistic reasoning involves asking people to
evaluate a series of statements that present two assumptions, or premises, that are
used to derive a conclusion. For example, consider the following syllogism:
Premise 1 All professors are mortal.
Premise 2 Dr. Rivera is a professor.
Conclusion Therefore, Dr. Rivera is mortal.
Because both premises are true, by applying logic appropriately we come to an
accurate conclusion. More abstractly, we can state the syllogism as the following:
Premise 1 All A’s are B.
Premise 2 Cis an A.
Conclusion Therefore, C is a B.
However, even if the premises are correct, people may apply logic incorrectly.
For example, consider the following syllogism:
Premise 1 All A’s are B.
Premise 2 C isan A.
Conclusion Therefore, all A’s are C.
Although it may not be immediately apparent, the conclusion is illogical—
something we will see more readily if we make the syllogism more concrete:
Premise 1 All professors are mortal.
Premise 2 Professor Rivera is a professor.
Conclusion Therefore, all professors are Dr. Rivera.
In short, syllogistic reasoning is only as accurate as the premises and the validity
of the logic applied to the premises.
ALGORITHMS AND HEURISTICS
When faced with making a decision, we often turn to various kinds of cognitive
algorithm A rule that, if applied shortcuts, known as algorithms and heuristics, to help us. An algorithm is a rule
appropriately, guarantees a solution to that, if applied appropriately, guarantees a solution to a problem. We can use an
a problem. algorithm even if we cannot understand why it works. For example, you may know
that you can find the length of the third side of a right triangle by using the formula
a + b? = œ, although you may not have the foggiest notion of the mathematical
principles behind the formula.
For many problems and decisions, however, no algorithm is available. In those
heuristic A thinking strategy that may instances, we may be able to use heuristics to help us. A heuristic is a thinking strategy
lead us to a solution to a problem or that may lead us to a solution to a problem or decision, but—unlike algorithms—may
decision, but—unlike algorithms— sometimes lead to errors. Heuristics increase the likelihood of success in coming to a
may sometimes lead to errors. solution, but, unlike algorithms, they cannot ensure it. For example, when I play
tic-tac-toe, I follow the heuristic of placing an X in the center square when I start the
game. This tactic doesn’t guarantee that I will win, but experience has taught me that
it will increase my chances of success. Similarly, some students follow the heuristic of
preparing for a test by ignoring the assigned textbook reading and only studying their
lecture notes—a strategy that may or may not pay off.
ly Alert Although heuristics often help people solve problems and make decisions, cer-
tain kinds of heuristics may lead to inaccurate conclusions. For example, we some-
times use the representativeness heuristic, a rule we apply when we judge people by
the degree to which they represent a certain category or group of people. Suppose,
for instance, you are the owner of a fast-food store that has been robbed many times
by teenagers. The representativeness heuristic would lead you to raise your guard
each time someone of this age group enters your store (even though, statistically, it
is unlikely that any given teenager will rob the store) (Fisk, Bury, & Holden, 2006;
Nilsson, Juslin, & Olsson, 2008).
Remember that algorithms
are rules that always provide
a solution, while heuristics
are shortcuts that may
provide a solution.
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Module 23 Thinking and Reasoning 249
The availability heuristic involves judging the probability of an event on the basis
of how easily the event can be recalled from memory. According to this heuristic, we
assume that events we remember easily are likely to have occurred more frequently
in the past—and are more likely to occur in the future—than events that are harder
to remember.
For instance, the availability heuristic makes us more afraid of dying in a plane
crash than in an auto accident, despite statistics clearly showing that airplane travel
is much safer than auto travel. Similarly, although 10 times as many people die from
falling out of bed than from lightning strikes, we’re more afraid of being hit by
lightning. The reason is that plane crashes and lightning strikes receive far more
publicity, and they are therefore more easily remembered (Oppenheimer, 2004; Fox,
2006; Kluger, 2006; Caruso, 2008).
Are algorithms and heuristics confined to human thinking, or can we program
computers to mimic human thinking and problem solving? As we discuss next, sci-
entists are certainly trying.
Computers and Problem
Solving: Searching for
Artificial Intelligence
To the music experts, there was no mistaking who had written the piano piece:
Johann Sebastian Bach, the prolific German composer who was born in the 15th
century.
But the experts were wrong. The piece they all thought was a Bach composition
was actually created by a computer named “EMI” by David Cope of the University
of California. After a variety of actual Bach pieces had been scanned into its memory,
EMI was able to produce music that was so similar to Bach’s actual music that it
fooled knowledgeable listeners (Johnson, 1997; Cope, 2001).
Such computer mimicry is possible because composers have a particular “signa-
ture” that reflects patterns, sequences, and combinations of notes. By employing
those “signatures,” computers can create compositions that have the full scope and
emotional appeal of actual works—and show just as much creativity as those written
by the actual composer (Cope, 2001, 2003).
Computers are making significant inroads in terms of the ability to solve prob-
lems and carry out some forms of intellectual activities. According to experts who
study artificial intelligence, the field that examines how to use technology to imitate
the outcome of human thinking, problem solving, and creative activities, computers
can show rudiments of humanlike thinking because of their knowledge of where to
look—and where not to look—for an answer to a problem. They suggest that the
capacity of computer programs (such as those that play chess) to evaluate potential
moves and to ignore unimportant possibilities gives them thinking ability (Sabater
& Sierra, 2005; Prasad, 2006; Copeland & Proudfoot, 2007).
Many of the questions surrounding the ability of computers to think and behave
creatively have not been answered. Still, it is clear that computers are becoming
increasingly sophisticated, ever more closely approximating human thought
processes.
A computer using artificial intelligence
software was able to mimic compositions
by Johann Sebastian Bach so successfully
it fooled expert musicologists.
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250 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
What is thinking? 1. are representations in the mind of
Cognitive psychology encompasses the higher mental
processes, including the way people know and under-
stand the world, process information, make decisions
and judgments, and describe their knowledge and un-
derstanding to others. (p. 242)
Thinking is the manipulation of mental representations
of information. Thinking transforms such representa-
tions into novel and different forms, permitting people
to answer questions, solve problems, and reach goals.
(p. 243)
Mental images are representations in the mind of an ob-
ject or event. (p. 244)
Concepts are categorizations of objects, events, or people
that share common properties. (p. 245)
Prototypes are representative examples of concepts.
(p. 245)
What processes underlie reasoning and decision making?
In syllogistic reasoning, people derive implications from
a set of assumptions that they know to be true. (p. 247)
Decisions sometimes (but not always) may be improved
through the use of algorithms and heuristics. An algo-
rithm is a rule that, if applied appropriately, guarantees a
solution; a heuristic is a cognitive shortcut that may lead
to a solution but is not guaranteed to do so. (p. 248)
KEY TERMS
cognitive psychology p. 242
thinking p. 243
mental images p. 244
concepts p. 245
prototypes p. 245
syllogistic reasoning p. 247
an object or event.
are categorizations of objects that share com-
mon properties.
. When you think of the concept “chair,” you immediately
think of a comfortable easy chair. A chair of this type
could be thought of as a of the category
“chair.”
. When you ask your friend how best to study for your psy-
chology final, he tells you, “I’ve always found it best to
skim over the notes once, then read the book, then go over
the notes again.” What decision-making tool might this be
an example of?
RETHINK
1. How might the availability heuristic contribute to preju-
dices based on race, age, and gender? Can awareness of
this heuristic prevent this from happening?
2. From the perspective of a human resources specialist: How
might you use the research on mental imagery to improve
employees’ performance?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
oysunəy ‘p ‘adAjojor1d *¢ ‘sydaou09 ‘g ‘saseurt jezuow T
algorithm p. 248
heuristic p. 248
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MODULE 24
According to an old legend, a group of Vietnamese monks guard three towers on
which sit 64 golden rings. The monks believe that if they succeed in moving the rings
from the first tower to the third according to a series of rigid rules, the world as we
know it will come to an end. (Should you prefer that the world remain in its present
state, there’s no need for immediate concern: The puzzle is so complex that it will
take the monks about a trillion years to solve it.)
In the Tower of Hanoi puzzle, a simpler version of the task facing the monks,
three disks are placed on three posts in the order shown in Figure 1. The goal of the
puzzle is to move all three disks to the third post, arranged in the same order, by
using as few moves as possible. There are two restrictions: Only one disk can be
moved at a time, and no disk can ever cover a smaller one during a move.
Why are cognitive psychologists interested in the Tower of Hanoi problem?
Because the way people go about solving such puzzles helps illuminate how people
solve complex, real-life problems. Psychologists have found that problem solving
typically involves the three steps illustrated in Figure 2: preparing to create solutions,
producing solutions, and evaluating the solutions that have been generated.
How do people approach and
solve problems?
What are the major obstacles
to problem solving?
What is creativity?
2 3
Start Finish i
E 1 The goal of the Tower of Hanoi puzzle is to move all three disks from the first post y Alert
to the third and still preserve the original order of the disks, using the fewest number of Use the three steps of prob-
moves possible while following the rules that only one disk at a time can be moved and no lem solving to organize your
disk can cover a smaller one during a move. Try it yourself before you look at the solution, studying: Preparation,
which is listed according to the sequence of moves. Production, and Judgment
(‘€ 0} D pue ‘£ 0} g ‘L O} D ‘E O} Y 'Z O} D ‘Z O} g 'E 0} D AOW :UONIN|OS) (PPJ).
Preparation Production Judgment
i — r
Pinel Snel igi Generating solutions Evaluating solutions
diagnosing problems
FIGURE 2 Steps in problem solving.
251
252
© Michael Maslin/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
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Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
Preparation: Understanding
and Diagnosing Problems
When approaching a problem like the Tower of Hanoi, most people begin by trying
to understand the problem thoroughly. If the problem is a novel one, they probably
will pay particular attention to any restrictions placed on coming up with a solution—
such as the rule for moving only one disk at a time in the Tower of Hanoi problem.
If, by contrast, the problem is a familiar one, they are apt to spend considerably less
time in this preparation stage.
Problems vary from well defined to ill defined. In a well-defined problem—such as
a mathematical equation or the solution to a jigsaw puzzle—both the nature of the
problem itself and the information needed to solve it are available and clear. Thus,
we can make straightforward judgments about whether a potential solution is appro-
priate. With an ill-defined problem, such as how to increase morale on an assembly
line or to bring peace to the Middle East, not only may the specific nature of the
problem be unclear, the information required to solve the problem may be even less
obvious (Evans, 2004; Vartanian, 2009).
KINDS OF PROBLEMS
Typically, a problem falls into one of the three categories shown in Figure 3: arrange-
ment, inducing structure, and transformation. Solving each type requires somewhat
different kinds of psychological skills and knowledge (Spitz, 1987; Chronicle, Mac-
Gregor, & Ormerod, 2004).
Arrangement problems require the problem solver to rearrange or recombine ele-
ments in a way that will satisfy a certain criterion. Usually, several different arrange-
ments can be made, but only one or a few of the arrangements will produce a
solution. Anagram problems and jigsaw puzzles are examples of arrangement prob-
lems (Coventry et al., 2003).
In problems of inducing structure, a person must identify the existing relation-
ships among the elements presented and then construct a new relationship among
them. In such a problem, the problem solver must determine not only the rela-
“I don’t know about hair care, Rapunzel,
but I’m thinking a good cream rinse plus
protein conditioner might just solve
both our problems.”
tionships among the elements but also the structure and size of the
elements involved. In the example shown in Figure 3, a person must
first determine that the solution requires the numbers to be consid-
ered in pairs (14-24-34-44-54-64). Only after identifying that part of
the problem can a person determine the solution rule (the first num-
ber of each pair increases by one, while the second number remains
the same).
The Tower of Hanoi puzzle represents the third kind of problem—
transformation problems—that consist of an initial state, a goal state, and
a method for changing the initial state into the goal state. In the Tower
of Hanoi problem, the initial state is the original configuration, the goal
state is to have the three disks on the third peg, and the method is the
rules for moving the disks (Mataix-Cols & Bartres-Faz, 2002; Emick &
Welsh, 2005; Majeres, 2007).
Whether the problem is one of arrangement, inducing structure, or
transformation, the preparation stage of understanding and diagnosing
is critical in problem solving because it allows us to develop our own
cognitive representation of the problem and to place it within a per-
sonal framework. We may divide the problem into subparts or ignore
some information as we try to simplify the task. Winnowing out nones-
sential information is often a critical step in the preparation stage of
problem solving.
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a. Arrangement problems
|. Anagrams: Rearrange the letters in each set to make an English word:
SCT Ia] Sobur] skorin] SAE Nv] SLV aN]
2. Two strings hang from a ceiling but are too far apart to allow a person to hold one and walk
to the other. On the floor are a book of matches, a screwdriver, and a few pieces of cotton.
How could the strings be tied together?
b. Problems of inducing structure
|. What number comes next in the series?
142434445464
2. Complete these analogies:
baseball is to bat as tennis is to
merchant is to sell as customer is to
c. Transformation problems
|. Water jars:A person has three jars with the following capacities:
Jar B: Jar C:
7 ounces 5 ounces
How can the person measure exactly || ounces of water?
Jar A:
28 ounces
2. Ten coins are arranged in the following way. By moving only two of the coins,
make two rows that each contains six coins.
Module 24 Problem Solving 253
FIGURE 3 The three major categories of
problems: (a) arrangement, (b) inducing
structure, and (c) transformation.
Solutions appear in Figure 4 on p. 254.
(Source: Bourne & Dominowski, Cognitive
Processes, p. 233. Copyright © 1986 Prentice-
Hall, Inc. Reproduced by permission of
Pearson Education, Inc.)
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254 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
FIGURE 4 Solutions to the problems in
Figure 3 on page 253. (Source: Bourne &
Dominowski, Cognitive Processes, p. 268.
Copyright © 1986 Prentice-Hall, Inc.
Reproduced by permission of Pearson
Education, Inc.)
Top
Saturday
Altitude on mountain
Bottom
Sunrise Sunset
Time of day
FIGURE 5 You can solve the mountain-
climbing problem by using a graph. Keep
in mind that the goal is not to determine
the time but just to indicate whether an
exact time exists. Consequently, the
speed at which the traveler is moving is
unimportant. Can you think of other
approaches that might lead to a solution?
(Source: Anderson, 1980.)
a. Arrangement problems
|. FACET, DOUBT, THICK, NAIVE, ANVIL
2. The screwdriver is tied to one of the
strings. This makes a pendulum that can
be swung to reach the other string.
b. Problems of inducing structure
1. 7
2. racket; buy
c. Transformation problems
|. Fill jar A; empty into jar B once and into jar C twice.
What remains in jar A is | | ounces
REPRESENTING AND ORGANIZING THE PROBLEM
A crucial aspect of the initial encounter with a problem is the way in which we represent
it to ourselves and organize the information presented to us (Brown & Walter, 1993;
Davidson, Deuser, & Sternberg, 1994). Consider the following problem:
A man climbs a mountain on Saturday, leaving at daybreak and arriving at the top near
sundown. He spends the night at the top. The next day, Sunday, he leaves at daybreak
and heads down the mountain, following the same path that he climbed the day before.
The question is this: Will there be any time during the second day when he will be at
exactly the same point on the mountain as he was at exactly that time on the first day?
If you try to solve this problem by using algebraic or verbal representations, you
will have a good deal of trouble. However, if you represent the problem with the
kind of simple diagram shown in Figure 5, the solution will become apparent.
Our ability to represent a problem—and the solution we eventually come to—
depends on the way a problem is phrased, or framed. Imagine that you were a cancer
patient having to choose between surgery and radiation and were given the two sets
of treatment options shown in Figure 6 (Iversky & Kahneman, 1987; Chandran &
Menon, 2004). When the options are framed in terms of the likelihood of survival,
only 18% of participants in a study chose radiation over surgery. However, when the
choice was framed in terms of the likelihood of dying, 44% chose radiation over
surgery—even though the outcomes are identical in both sets of framing conditions.
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Module 24 Problem Solving 255
FIGURE 6 A decision often is affected by the way a problem is framed. In this case, most
would choose radiation over surgery, despite similar results.
Production:
Generating Solutions
After preparation, the next stage in problem solving is the production of possible
solutions. If a problem is relatively simple, we may already have a direct solution
stored in long-term memory, and all we need to do is retrieve the appropriate infor-
mation. If we cannot retrieve or do not know the solution, we must generate pos-
sible solutions and compare them with information in long- and short-term memory.
At the most basic level, we can solve problems through trial and error. Thomas
Edison invented the lightbulb only because he tried thousands of different kinds of
materials for a filament before he found one that worked (carbon). The difficulty with
trial and error, of course, is that some problems are so complicated that it would take
a lifetime to try out every possibility. For example, according to some estimates, there
are some 10'”” possible sequences of chess moves (Fine & Fine, 2003).
In place of trial and error, complex problem solving often involves the use of
heuristics, cognitive shortcuts that can generate solutions. Probably the most fre-
quently applied heuristic in problem solving is a means-ends analysis, which means-ends analysis Involves
involves repeated tests for differences between the desired outcome and what repeated tests for differences between
currently exists. Consider this simple example (Newell & Simon, 1972; Huber, Beck- the desired outcome and what
mann, & Herrmann, 2004; Chrysikou, 2006): currently exists.
I want to take my son to preschool. What’s the difference between what I have and
what I want? One of distance. What changes distance? My automobile. My automobile
won't work. What is needed to make it work? A new battery. What has new batteries?
An auto repair shop. ...
In a means-end analysis, each step brings the problem solver closer to a resolution.
Although this approach is often effective, if the problem requires indirect steps that
temporarily increase the discrepancy between a current state and the solution, means-ends
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256 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
analysis can be counterproductive. For example, sometimes the fastest route to the
summit of a mountain requires a mountain climber to backtrack temporarily; a means-
end approach—that implies that the mountain climber should always forge ahead and
upward—will be ineffective in such instances.
For other problems, the best approach is to work backward by focusing on the
goal, rather than the starting point, of the problem. Consider, for example, the water
lily problem:
Water lilies are growing on Blue Lake. The water lilies grow rapidly, so that the amount
of water surface covered by lilies doubles every 24 hours. On the first day of summer,
there was just one water lily. On the 90th day of the summer, the lake was entirely
covered. On what day was the lake half covered? (Reisberg, 1997)
If you start searching for a solution to the problem by thinking about the
initial state on day 1 (one water lily) and move forward from there, you’re facing
a daunting task of trial-and-error estimation. But try taking a different approach:
Start with day 90, when the entire lake was covered with lilies. Given that the
lilies double their coverage daily, on the prior day only half the lake was covered.
The answer, then, is day 89, a solution found by working backward (Bourne et al.,
1986; Hunt, 1994).
FORMING SUBGOALS: DIVIDING PROBLEMS INTO THEIR PARTS
Another heuristic commonly used to generate solutions is to divide a problem into
intermediate steps, or subgoals, and solve each of those steps. For instance, in our
modified Tower of Hanoi problem, we could choose several obvious subgoals, such
as moving the largest disk to the third post.
If solving a subgoal is a step toward the ultimate solution
to a problem, identifying subgoals is an appropriate strategy.
THE FAR SIDE” By GARY LARSON In some cases, however, forming subgoals is not all that help-
ful and may actually increase the time needed to find a solu-
tion. For example, some problems cannot be subdivided.
Others—like some complicated mathematical problems—are
so complex that it takes longer to identify the appropriate
subdivisions than to solve the problem by other means (Reed,
1996; Kaller et al., 2004; Fishbach, Dhar, Zhang, 2006).
INSIGHT: SUDDEN AWARENESS
Some approaches to generating possible solutions focus less
on step-by-step heuristics than on the sudden bursts of
comprehension that one may experience during efforts to
solve a problem. In a classic study the German psychologist
Wolfgang Köhler examined learning and problem-solving
processes in chimpanzees (Kohler, 1927). In his studies,
Kohler exposed chimps to challenging situations in which
the elements of the solution were all present; all the chimps
needed to do was put them together.
In one of Kéhler’s studies, chimps were kept in a
cage in which boxes and sticks were strewn about, and a
bunch of tantalizing bananas hung from the ceiling, out
of reach. Initially, the chimps made trial-and-error
attempts to get to the bananas: They would throw the
sticks at the bananas, jump from one of the boxes, or leap
wildly from the ground. Frequently, they would seem to
give up in frustration, leaving the bananas dangling
ee
N
sa
ml
The Far Side” by Gary Larson © 1981 FarWorks, Inc. All Rights Reserved. The Far Side” and
the Larson” signature are registered trademarks of FarWorks, Inc. Used with permission.
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(b)
FIGURE 7 (a) In an impressive display of insight, Sultan, one of the chimpanzees in Kohler’s
experiments in problem solving, sees a bunch of bananas that is out of reach. (b) He then
carries over several crates, stacks them, and (c) stands on them to reach the bananas.
temptingly overhead. But then, in what seemed like a sudden revelation, they would
stop whatever they were doing and stand on a box to reach the bananas with a stick
(Figure 7). Köhler called the cognitive process underlying the chimps’ new behavior
insight, a sudden awareness of the relationships among various elements that had
previously appeared to be unrelated.
Although Köhler emphasized the apparent suddenness of insightful solutions,
subsequent research has shown that prior experience and trial-and-error practice in
problem solving must precede “insight.” Consequently, the chimps’ behavior may
simply represent the chaining together of previously learned responses, no different
from the way a pigeon learns, by trial and error, to peck a key (Epstein, 1996; Wind-
holz & Lamal, 2002).
Judgment: Evaluating Solutions
The final stage in problem solving is judging the adequacy of a solution. Often this
is a simple matter: If the solution is clear—as in the Tower of Hanoi problem—we
will know immediately whether we have been successful (Varma, 2007).
If the solution is less concrete or if there is no single correct solution, evaluating
solutions becomes more difficult. In such instances, we must decide which alternative
solution is best. Unfortunately, we often quite inaccurately estimate the quality of
our own ideas. For instance, a team of drug researchers working for a particular
company may consider their remedy for an illness to be superior to all others, over-
estimating the likelihood of their success and downplaying the approaches of com-
peting drug companies (Eizenberg & Zaslavsky, 2004).
Theoretically, if we rely on appropriate heuristics and valid information to make
decisions, we can make accurate choices among alternative solutions. However, as
we see next, several kinds of obstacles to and biases in problem solving affect the
quality of the decisions and judgments we make. (Also see Applying Psychology in the
21st Century.)
Module 24 Problem Solving 257
insight A sudden awareness of the
relationships among various elements
that had previously appeared to be
independent of one another.
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in the 21st Century
The Thoughts Behind
Avoiding Danger: When
Hunches Save Lives
The sight was not that unusual, at least
not for Mosul, Iraq: a car parked on the
sidewalk, facing opposite traffic, its
windows rolled up tight. Two young boys
stared out the back window, their faces
leaning together as if to share a whisper.
The soldier patrolling closest to the car
stopped. He had an urge to move back
before he knew why: “My body suddenly
got cooler, you know, that danger
feeling.” (Carey, 2009b)
That “danger feeling” saved the sol-
dier’s life: Moments after he turned to re-
treat, an improvised explosive device—a
home-made bomb—detonated the car,
throwing the soldier to the ground.
United States troops patrolling Iraq
have expensive military equipment to help
them avoid the threat of hidden bombs, but
it turns out that even the best equipment is
not as effective as the soldiers’ own
hunches. Researchers are studying sol-
diers’ thought and decision-making pro-
cesses to determine how exactly they sense
imminent danger, and the initial answers
are surprising.
We might expect that training plays a
part in this ability, and it does: Elite sol-
diers are highly trained in what to look for.
But they also seem to manage their anxiety,
process visual imagery, and interpret their
own emotional reactions in ways that make
them more sensitive to danger (Rachman,
1990; Li et al., 2007).
Keeping their anxiety at bay helps sol-
diers stay focused on the task of spotting
bombs, and some ways they do this are by
thinking of themselves as being on the of-
fensive rather than on the defensive and by
identifying strongly with their units. Stud-
ies also show that well-trained troops tend
to recover more quickly than others from
the cortisol rush produced by a threat
(Haslam et al., 2005).
Heightened visual ability also plays a
part. Highly-trained soldiers seem to be
particularly sensitized to relevant visual
images—they sometimes have an uncanny
knack for picking up on subtle features or
changes in the environment that may be
ETHINK
clues to a threatening situation, and they
tend to process this information faster than
other people do (Carey, 2009b).
In fact, the visual signals can be so sub-
tle and the soldiers can process them so
quickly that they may sense danger with-
out consciously knowing what clues are
telling them it exists. Studies of people
who respond to threats in this manner
show that the brain regions involved in de-
cision making and in interpreting bodily
sensations to produce an emotion are par-
ticularly active. This heightened ability to
process emotions has also been shown in
trained soldiers (Clark et al., 2008).
Consequently, when faced with the task
of detecting stimuli that are nearly unde-
tectable, trained soldiers are able to make
use of information that most of us would
miss, and they do so quickly. The hunches
that result often make the difference
between life and death (Carey, 2009b;
Gigerenzer, 2007).
e How might you train soldiers to better make use of their cognitive processes to
respond effectively to dangerous situations?
e What relevance might the findings about soldiers’ hunches and their ability to
avoid danger have to other areas of life?
Impediments to Solutions:
Why Is Problem Solving
Such a Problem?
Consider the following problem-solving test illustrated in Figure 8 (Duncker, 1945):
You are given a set of tacks, candles, and matches, each in a small box, and told your
goal is to place three candles at eye level on a nearby door so that wax will not drip on
the floor as the candles burn. How would you approach this challenge?
If you have difficulty solving the problem, you are not alone. Most people cannot
solve it when it is presented in the manner illustrated in the figure, in which the
objects are inside the boxes. However, if the objects were presented beside the boxes,
just resting on the table, chances are that you would solve the problem much more
readily—which, in case you are wondering, requires tacking the boxes to the door
and then placing the candles inside them (see Figure 10 on page 260).
The difficulty you probably encountered in solving this problem stems from its
presentation, which misled you at the initial preparation stage. Actually, significant
258
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obstacles to problem solving can exist at each of the three major stages. Although
cognitive approaches to problem solving suggest that thinking proceeds along fairly
rational, logical lines as a person confronts a problem and considers various solu-
tions, several factors can hinder the development of creative, appropriate, and accu-
rate solutions.
FUNCTIONAL FIXEDNESS AND MENTAL SET
The difficulty most people experience with the candle problem is caused by functional
fixedness, the tendency to think of an object only in terms of its typical use. For instance,
functional fixedness probably leads you to think of this book as something to read
instead of its potential use as a doorstop or as kindling for a fire. In the candle problem,
because the objects are first presented inside the boxes, functional fixedness leads most
people to see the boxes simply as containers for the objects they hold rather than as a
potential part of the solution. They cannot envision another function for the boxes.
Functional fixedness is an example of a broader phenomenon known as mental set,
the tendency for old patterns of problem solving to persist. A classic experiment
(Luchins, 1946) demonstrated this phenomenon. As you can see in Figure 9, the
object of the task is to use the jars in each row to measure out the designated
amount of liquid. (Try it yourself to get a sense of the power of mental set before
moving on.)
If you have tried to solve the problem, you know that the first five rows are all
solved in the same way: First fill the largest jar (B) and then from it fill the middle-size
jar (A) once and the smallest jar (C) two times. What is left in B is the designated
amount. (Stated as a formula, the designated amount is B-A-2C.) The demonstration
of mental set comes in the sixth row of the problem, a point at which you probably
encountered some difficulty. If you are like most people, you tried the formula and were
perplexed when it failed. Chances are, in fact, that you missed the simple (but different)
solution to the problem, which involves merely subtracting C from A. Interestingly,
people who were given the problem in row 6 first had no difficulty with it at all.
Given jars with these capacities (in ounces):
Th 21 127 3 100
P 14 163 25 99
8 18 43 10 5
4 9 42 6 2I
5 20 59 31
6 28 76 3 25
Module 24 Problem Solving 259
FIGURE 8 The problem here is to place
three candles at eye level on a nearby
door so that the wax will not drip on
the floor as the candles burn—using
only material in the figure. For a solution
turn to Figure 10 on p. 260.
functional fixedness The tendency to
think of an object only in terms of its
typical use.
mental set The tendency for old
patterns of problem solving to persist.
FIGURE 9 Try this classic demonstration,
which illustrates the importance of
mental set in problem solving. The
object is to use the jars in each row to
measure out the designated amount of
liquid. After you figure out the solution
for the first five rows, you'll probably
have trouble with the sixth row—even
though the solution is actually easier.
In fact, if you had tried to solve the
problem in the sixth row first, you
probably would have had no difficulty
at all.
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260 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
FIGURE 10 A solution to the problem
in Figure 8 involves tacking the boxes to
the door and placing the candles in the
boxes.
confirmation bias The tendency to
seek out and weight more heavily
information that supports one’s
initial hypotheses and to ignore
contradictory information that
supports alternative hypotheses or
solutions.
Mental set can affect perceptions as well as patterns of problem solving. It can
prevent you from seeing beyond the apparent constraints of a problem. For example,
try to draw four straight lines so that they pass through all nine dots in the grid
below—without lifting your pencil from the page.
If you had difficulty with the problem, it was probably because you felt compelled
to keep your lines within the grid. If you had gone outside the boundaries, however,
you would have succeeded by using the solution shown in Figure 11 on page 263.
(The phrase “thinking outside the box”—a term commonly used in business today to
encourage creativity—stems from research on overcoming the constraining effects of
mental set.)
INACCURATE EVALUATION OF SOLUTIONS
When the United States invaded Iraq, it did so because governmental leaders believed
that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction that posed a threat to
the security of the Middle East. The belief proved false, and a bipartisan U.S. Senate
committee later found that the belief was based on a flawed interpretation of intel-
ligence information. According to the Senate committee, government leaders had
made up their minds early on about the presence of weapons of mass destruction,
and they ignored contradictory evidence and focused more on information that sup-
ported their view (U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, 2004).
The mistake made by governmental leaders exemplifies confirmation bias in
which problem solvers favor initial hypotheses and ignore contradictory information
that supports alternative hypotheses or solutions. Even when we find evidence that
contradicts a solution we have chosen, we are apt to stick with our original hypothesis.
Confirmation bias occurs for several reasons. For one thing, because rethinking
a problem that appears to be solved already takes extra cognitive effort, we are apt
to stick with our first solution. For another, we give greater weight to subsequent
information that supports our initial position than to information that is not sup-
portive of it (Evans & Feeney, 2004; Parmley, 2007; Rassin, 2008).
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Creativity and Problem Solving
Despite obstacles to problem solving, many people adeptly discover creative solu-
tions to problems. One enduring question that cognitive psychologists have sought
to answer is what factors underlie creativity, the ability to generate original ideas or
solve problems in novel ways.
Although identifying the stages of problem solving helps us understand how
people approach and solve problems, it does little to explain why some people
come up with better solutions than others do. For instance, even the possible solu-
tions to a simple problem often show wide discrepancies. Consider, for example,
how you might respond to the question “How many uses can you think of for a
newspaper?”
Now compare your solution with this one proposed by a 10-year-old boy:
You can read it, write on it, lay it down and paint a picture on it . . . You could put
it in your door for decoration, put it in the garbage can, put it on a chair if the chair
is messy. If you have a puppy, you put newspaper in its box or put it in your
backyard for the dog to play with. When you build something and you don’t want
anyone to see it, put newspaper around it. Put newspaper on the floor if you have
no mattress, use it to pick up something hot, use it to stop bleeding, or to catch the
drips from drying clothes. You can use a newspaper for curtains, put it in your shoe
to cover what is hurting your foot, make a kite out of it, shade a light that is too
bright. You can wrap fish in it, wipe windows, or wrap money in it . . . You put
washed shoes in newspaper, wipe eyeglasses with it, put it under a dripping sink,
put a plant on it, make a paper bowl out of it, use it for a hat if it is raining, tie it on
your feet for slippers. You can put it on the sand if you had no towel, use it for
bases in baseball, make paper airplanes with it, use it as a dustpan when you sweep,
ball it up for the cat to play with, wrap your hands in it if it is cold. (Ward, Kogan,
& Pankove, 1972)
This list shows extraordinary creativity. Unfortunately, it is much easier to iden-
tify examples of creativity than to determine its causes. Similarly, it’s not clear that
the kind of creativity shown by highly creative people in the arts, such as Pablo
Module 24 Problem Solving 261
creativity The ability to generate
original ideas or solve problems in
novel ways.
“Pll be happy to give you innovative
thinking. What are the guidelines?”
© Leo Cullum/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
Pablo Picasso is considered one of the
greatest artists of the 20th century. Do
you think he relied more on convergent
or divergent thinking in his art?
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262 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
Fallingwater, designed by legendary
architect Frank Lloyd Wright, is known
as a masterpiece of visionary
architecture. What processes might
account for Wright's creativity?
divergent thinking The ability to
generate unusual, yet nonetheless
appropriate, responses to problems or
questions.
convergent thinking The ability to
produce responses that are based
primarily on knowledge and logic.
y Alert
Remember divergent
thinking produces different
and diverse kinds of
responses, while
convergent thinking
produces more commonsense kinds
of responses.
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
of Psychology
Thinking Critically and Creatively
Picasso, is the same kind of creativity shown by highly creative people in the sci-
ences, such as Albert Einstein (Simonton, 2009).
However, we do know that several characteristics are associated with
creativity. For one thing, highly creative individuals show divergent thinking,
the ability to generate unusual, yet appropriate, responses to problems or ques-
tions. This type of thinking contrasts with convergent thinking, which produces
responses that are based primarily on knowledge and logic. For instance, some-
one relying on convergent thinking would answer “You read it” to the query
“What can you do with a newspaper?” In contrast, “You use it as a dustpan” is
a more divergent—and creative—response (Runco, 2006; Cropley, 2006; Schepers,
van den Berg, 2007).
Another aspect of creativity is its cognitive complexity, or preference for elaborate,
intricate, and complex stimuli and thinking patterns. For instance, creative people
often have a wider range of interests and are more independent and more interested
in philosophical or abstract problems than are less creative individuals (Barron, 1990;
Richards, 2006).
One factor that is not closely related to creativity is intelligence. Traditional intel-
ligence tests, which ask focused questions that have only one acceptable answer, tap
convergent thinking skills. Highly creative people may therefore find that such tests
penalize their divergent thinking. This may explain why researchers consistently find
that creativity is only slightly related to school grades and intelligence when intel-
ligence is measured using traditional intelligence tests (Sternberg & O'Hara, 2000;
Heilman, 2005).
Can we learn to be better thinkers?
Cognitive researchers have found that people can learn the
abstract rules of logic and reasoning and that such knowledge can
improve our reasoning about the underlying causes of everyday
events in our lives. Research suggests that critical and creative
thinkers are made, not born. Consider, for instance, the following
suggestions for increasing critical thinking and creativity
(Burbach, Matkin, & Fritz, 2004; Kaufman & Baer, 2006).
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Module 24 Problem Solving 263
Redefine problems. We can modify boundaries and assumptions by rephrasing a
problem at either a more abstract or a more concrete level.
Use subgoals. By developing subgoals, we can divide a problem into intermediate
steps. This process, known as fractionation, allows us to examine each part for
new possibilities and approaches, leading to a novel solution for the problem as a
whole.
Adopt a critical perspective. Rather than passively accepting assumptions or
arguments, we can evaluate material critically, consider its implications, and
think about possible exceptions and contradictions.
Consider the opposite. By considering the opposite of a concept we’re seeking to
understand, we can sometimes make progress. For example, to define “good
mental health,” it may be useful to consider what “bad mental health” means.
Use analogies. Analogies provide alternative frameworks for the interpretation of
facts and help us uncover new understanding. One particularly effective means
of coming up with analogies is to look for examples in the animal world. For
instance, architects discovered how to construct the earliest skyscrapers by
noting how lily pads on a pond could support the weight of a person (Getner &
Holyoak, 1997; Bearman, Ball, & Omerod, 2007; Cho, Holyoak, & Cannon, 2007).
Think divergently. Instead of the most logical or common use for an object,
consider how you might use the object if you were forbidden to use it in the
usual way.
Use heuristics. Heuristics are cognitive shortcuts that can help bring about a
solution to a problem. If the problem has a single correct answer and you can
use or construct a heuristic, you can often find the solution more rapidly and
effectively.
Experiment with various solutions. Don’t be afraid to use different routes to find
solutions for problems (verbal, mathematical, graphic, even dramatic). For
instance, try to come up with every conceivable idea you can, no matter how
wild or bizarre it may seem at first. After you’ve come up with a list of solutions,
review each one and try to think of ways to make what at first appeared imprac-
tical seem more feasible.
FIGURE 11 A solution to the nine-dot
problem requires the use of lines drawn
beyond the boundaries of the figure—
something that our mental set may
prevent us from seeing easily.
264
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Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
How do people approach and solve problems?
Problem solving typically involves three major stages:
preparation, production of solutions, and evaluation of
solutions that have been generated. (p. 251)
Preparation involves placing the problem in one of three
categories. In arrangement problems, a group of
elements must be rearranged or recombined in a way
that will satisfy a certain criterion. In problems of
inducing structure, a person first must identify the
existing relationships among the elements presented and
then construct a new relationship among them. Finally,
transformation problems consist of an initial state, a goal
state, and a method for changing the initial state into the
goal state. (p. 252)
A crucial aspect of the preparation stage is the represen-
tation and organization of the problem. (p. 254)
In the production stage, people try to generate solutions.
They may find solutions to some problems in long-term
memory. Alternatively, they may solve some problems
through simple trial and error and use algorithms and
heuristics to solve more complex problems. (p. 255)
Using the heuristic of a means-ends analysis, a person
will repeatedly test for differences between the desired
outcome and what currently exists, trying each time to
come closer to the goal. (p. 255)
Kohler’s research with chimpanzees illustrates insight, a
sudden awareness of the relationships among elements
that had previously seemed unrelated. (p. 256)
What are the major obstacles to problem solving?
Several factors hinder effective problem solving. Mental
set, of which functional fixedness is an example, is the
tendency for old patterns of problem solving to persist.
Inappropriate use of algorithms and heuristics can also
act as an obstacle to the production of solutions.
Confirmation bias, in which initial hypotheses are
favored, can hinder the accurate evaluation of solutions
to problems. (p. 258)
KEY TERMS
means-ends analysis p.255 functional fixedness p. 259
insight p. 257 mental set p. 259
What is creativity?
e Creativity is the ability to combine responses or ideas in
novel ways. Creativity is related to divergent thinking
(the ability to generate unusual, but still appropriate,
responses to problems or questions) and cognitive
complexity. (p. 261)
EVALUATE
1. Solving a problem by trying to reduce the difference
between the current state and the goal state is known as a
2, _______ is the term used to describe the sudden
“flash” of revelation that often accompanies the solution
to a problem.
3. Thinking of an object only in terms of its typical use is
known as . A broader, related
tendency for old problem-solving patterns to persist is
known as a .
4. describes the phenomenon of
favoring an initial hypothesis and ignoring subsequent
competing hypotheses.
5. Generating unusual but appropriate approaches to a ques-
tion is known as
RETHINK
1. Is the reasoning in the following syllogism correct or
incorrect? Why?
Creative people often have trouble with traditional intelli-
gence tests.
I have trouble with traditional intelligence tests. Therefore,
I am a creative person.
2. From the perspective of a manufacturer: How might you
encourage your employees to develop creative ways to
improve the products that you produce?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
SUTYUTYY JUƏBIƏA1p 'G ‘serq UonewIyuo ‘h
14əS Jez}uəw ‘ssəupəxy jeuompuny 'g 4UsIsut*z UOewIozsueLI ‘T
confirmation bias p. 260 divergent thinking p. 262
creativity p. 261 convergent thinking p. 262
=~ _www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
‘Twas brillig, and the slithy toves
Did gyre and gimble in the wabe:
All mimsy were the borogoves,
And the mome raths outgrabe.
Although few of us have ever come face to face with a tove, we have little difficulty
in discerning that in Lewis Carroll’s (1872) poem “Jabberwocky,” the expression slithy
toves contains an adjective, slithy, and the noun it modifies, toves.
Our ability to make sense out of nonsense, if the nonsense follows typical rules
of language, illustrates the complexity of both human language and the cognitive
processes that underlie its development and use. The use of language—the com-
munication of information through symbols arranged according to systematic
rules—is a central cognitive ability, one that is indispensable for us to communicate
with one another. Not only is language central to communication, it is also closely
tied to the very way in which we think about and understand the world. Without
language, our ability to transmit information, acquire knowledge, and cooperate
with others would be tremendously hindered. No wonder psychologists have
devoted considerable attention to studying language (Stapel & Semin, 2007; Hoff,
2008; Reisberg, 2009).
Grammar: Language's Language
To understand how language develops and relates to thought, we first need to review
some of the formal elements of language. The basic structure of language rests on
grammar, the system of rules that determine how our thoughts can be expressed.
Grammar deals with three major components of language: phonology, syntax,
and semantics. Phonology is the study of phonemes, the smallest basic units of
speech that affect meaning, and of the way we use those sounds to form words and
produce meaning. For instance, the a sound in fat and the a sound in fate represent
two different phonemes in English (Hardison, 2006).
Linguists have identified more than 800 different phonemes among all the
world’s languages. Although English speakers use just 52 phonemes to produce
words, other languages use as few as 15 to as many as 141. Differences in phonemes
are one reason people have difficulty learning other languages. For example, to a
Japanese speaker, whose native language does not have an r phoneme, pronouncing
such English words as roar presents some difficulty (Gibbs, 2002; Iverson et al., 2003).
Syntax refers to the rules that indicate how words and phrases can be combined
to form sentences. Every language has intricate rules that guide the order in which
words may be strung together to communicate meaning. English speakers have no
difficulty recognizing that “TV down the turn” is not a meaningful sequence,
whereas “Turn down the TV” is. To understand the effect of syntax in English,
consider the changes in meaning caused by the different word orders in the follow-
ing three utterances: “John kidnapped the boy,” “John, the kidnapped boy,” and
“The boy kidnapped John” (Eberhard, Cutting, & Bock, 2005; Robert, 2006).
How do people use language?
How does language develop?
The communication of
information through symbols arranged
according to systematic rules.
The system of rules that
determine how our thoughts can be
expressed.
The study of the smallest
units of speech, called phonemes.
The smallest units of speech.
Ways in which words and
phrases can be combined to form
sentences.
265
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266 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
semantics The rules governing the The third major component of language is semantics, the meanings of words
meaning of words and sentences. and sentences. Semantic rules allow us to use words to convey the subtle nuances
in meaning. For instance, we are able to make the distinction between “The truck hit
Laura” (which we might say if we had just seen a truck crashing into Laura) versus
“Laura was hit by a truck” (which we might say to explain why Laura didn’t show
up for a party) (Richgels, 2004; Pietarinen, 2006).
Despite the complexities of language, most of us acquire the basics of grammar
without even being aware that we have learned its rules. Moreover, even though we
may have difficulty explicitly stating the rules of grammar, our linguistic abilities are
so sophisticated that we can utter an infinite number of different statements. How
do we acquire such abilities?
Language Development:
Developing a Way with Words
To parents, the sounds of their infant babbling and cooing are music to their ears
(except, perhaps, at three o’clock in the morning). These sounds also serve an
important function. They mark the first step on the road to the development of
language.
BABBLING
babble Meaningless speechlike Children babble—make speech-like but meaningless sounds—from around the age
sounds made by children from around of 3 months through 1 year. While babbling, they may produce, at one time or
the age of 3 months through 1 year. another, any of the sounds found in all languages, not just the one to which they are
exposed. Even deaf children display their own form of babbling, for infants who are
unable to hear yet who are exposed to sign language from birth “babble” with their
hands (Pettito, 1993; Locke, 2006).
An infant’s babbling increasingly reflects the specific language being spoken in
the infant’s environment, initially in terms of pitch and tone and eventually in terms
of specific sounds. Young infants can distinguish among all 869 phonemes that have
been identified across the world’s languages. However, after the age of 6 to 8 months,
that ability begins to decline. Infants begin to “specialize” in the language to which
they are exposed as neurons in their brains reorganize to respond to the particular
phonemes infants routinely hear.
Some theorists argue that a critical period exists for language development early
in life in which a child is particularly sensitive to language cues and most easily
acquires language. In fact, if children are not exposed to language during this critical
period, later they will have great difficulty overcoming this deficit (Bates, 2005; Shafer
& Garrido-Nag, 2007).
Cases in which abused children have been isolated from contact with others
support the theory of such critical periods. In one case, for example, a girl named
Genie was exposed to virtually no language from the age of 20 months until she was
rescued at age 13. She was unable to speak at all. Despite intensive instruction, she
learned only some words and was never able to master the complexities of language
(Rymer, 1994; Veltman & Browne, 2001).
PRODUCTION OF LANGUAGE
A syllable in signed language, similar to
the ones seen in the manual babbling of By the time children are approximately 1 year old, they stop producing sounds that
deaf infants and in the spoken babbling are not in the language to which they have been exposed. It is then a short step to
of hearing infants. The similarities in the production of actual words. In English, these are typically short words that start
language structure suggest that with a consonant sound such as b, d, m, p, and t—this helps explain why mama and
language has biological roots. dada are so often among babies’ first words. Of course, even before they produce
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their first words, children can understand a fair amount of the language they hear.
Language comprehension precedes language production.
After the age of 1 year, children begin to learn more complicated forms of lan-
guage. They produce two-word combinations, the building blocks of sentences, and
sharply increase the number of different words they are able to use. By age 2, the
average child has a vocabulary of more than 50 words. Just six months later, that
vocabulary has grown to several hundred words. At that time, children can produce
short sentences, although they use telegraphic speech—sentences that sound as if
they were part of a telegram, in which words not critical to the message are left out.
Rather than saying, “I showed you the book,” a child using telegraphic speech may
say, “I show book,” and “I am drawing a dog” may become “Drawing dog.” As
children get older, of course, they use less telegraphic speech and produce increas-
ingly complex sentences (Volterra et al., 2003).
By age 3, children learn to make plurals by adding s to nouns and to form the
past tense by adding -ed to verbs. This skill also leads to errors, since children tend
to apply rules inflexibly. In such overgeneralization, children employ rules even
when doing so results in an error. Thus, although it is correct to say “he walked” for
the past tense of walk, the -ed rule doesn’t work quite so well when children say “he
runned” for the past tense of run (Howe, 2002; Rice et al., 2004; Gershkoff-Stowe,
Connell, & Smith, 2006; Kidd & Lum, 2008).
By age 5, children have acquired the basic rules of language. However, they do
not attain a full vocabulary and the ability to comprehend and use subtle gram-
matical rules until later. For example, a 5-year-old boy who sees a blindfolded doll
and is asked, “Is the doll easy or hard to see?” would have great trouble answering
the question. In fact, if he were asked to make the doll easier to see, he would prob-
ably try to remove the doll’s blindfold. By the time they are 8 years old, however,
children have little difficulty understanding this question because they realize that
the doll’s blindfold has nothing to do with an observer’s ability to see the doll
(Chomsky, 1968; Hoff, 2003).
UNDERSTANDING LANGUAGE ACQUISITION:
IDENTIFYING THE ROOTS OF LANGUAGE
Anyone who spends even a little time with children will notice the enormous strides
that they make in language development throughout childhood. However, the rea-
sons for this rapid growth are far from obvious. Psychologists have offered two major
explanations: one based on learning theory and the other based on innate processes.
Learning Theory Approaches: Language as a Learned Skill. The learning-theory
approach suggests that language acquisition follows the principles of reinforcement
and conditioning discovered by psychologists who study learning. For example, a
child who says “mama” receives hugs and praise from her mother, which reinforce
the behavior of saying “mama” and make its repetition more likely. This view suggests
that children first learn to speak by being rewarded for making sounds that approxi-
mate speech. Ultimately, through a process of shaping, language becomes more and
more like adult speech (Skinner, 1957; Ornat & Gallo, 2004).
In support of the learning-theory approach to language acquisition, the more that
parents speak to their young children, the more proficient the children become in
language use. In addition, by the time they are 3 years old, children who hear higher
levels of linguistic sophistication in their parents’ speech show a greater rate of
vocabulary growth, vocabulary use, and even general intellectual achievement than
do children whose parents’ speech is more simple (Hart & Risley, 1997).
The learning-theory approach is less successful in explaining how children
acquire language rules. Children are reinforced not only when they use language
correctly, but also when they use it incorrectly. For example, parents answer a child’s
query of “Why the dog won't eat?” as readily as they do the correctly phrased question,
Module 25 Language 267
telegraphic speech Sentences in
which words not critical to the
message are left out.
overgeneralization The phenomenon
by which children apply language
rules even when the application results
in an error.
learning-theory approach (to
language development) The theory
that language acquisition follows the
principles of reinforcement and
conditioning.
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268 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
nativist approach (to language
development) The theory that a
genetically determined, innate mecha-
nism directs language development.
universal grammar Noam Chomsky’s
theory that all the world’s languages
share a common underlying structure.
language-acquisition device A neural
system of the brain hypothesized by
Noam Chomsky to permit under-
standing of language.
Noam Chomsky argues that all languages share a universal grammar.
“Why won't the dog eat?” Listeners understand both sentences equally well. Learn-
ing theory, then, has difficulty fully explaining language acquisition.
Nativist Approaches: Language as an Innate Skill. Pointing to such problems with
learning-theory approaches to language acquisition, linguist Noam Chomsky (1968,
1978, 1991) provided a groundbreaking alternative. Chomsky argued that humans
are born with an innate linguistic capability that emerges primarily as a function of
maturation. According to his nativist approach to language, all the world’s languages
share a common underlying structure called a universal grammar. Chomsky sug-
gested that the human brain has a neural system, the language-acquisition device
that not only lets us understand the structure language provides, but also gives us
strategies and techniques for learning the unique characteristics of our native lan-
guage (McGilvray, 2004; Lidz & Gleitman, 2004; White, 2007).
Chomsky used the concept of the language-acquisition device as a metaphor,
and he did not identify a specific area of the brain in which it resides. However,
evidence collected by neuroscientists suggests that the ability to use language, which
was a significant evolutionary advance in human beings, is tied to specific neuro-
logical developments (Sakai, 2005; Sahin, Pinker, & Halgren, 2006; Willems &
Hagoort, 2007).
For example, scientists have discovered a gene related to the development of
language abilities that may have emerged as recently—in evolutionary terms—as
100,000 years ago. Furthermore, it is clear that there are specific sites within the brain
that are closely tied to language and that the shape of the human mouth and throat
are tailored to the production of speech. And there is evidence that features of specific
types of languages are tied to particular genes, such as in “tonal” languages in which
pitch is used to convey meaning (Hauser, Chomsky, & Fitch, 2002; Chandra, 2007;
Dediu & Ladd, 2007; Gontier, 2008; Grigorenko, 2009).
Still, Chomsky’s view has its critics. For instance, learning theorists contend that
the apparent ability of certain animals, such as chimpanzees, to learn the fundamen-
tals of human language (as we discuss later in this module) contradicts the innate
linguistic capability view.
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Interactionist Approaches. To reconcile the differing views, many theorists take
an interactionist approach to language development. The interactionist approach
suggests that language development is produced through a combination of genet-
ically determined predispositions and environmental circumstances that help
teach language.
Specifically, proponents of the interactionist approach suggest that the brain’s
hardwired language-acquisition device that Chomsky and geneticists point to pro-
vides the hardware for our acquisition of language, whereas the exposure to lan-
guage in our environment that learning theorists observe allows us to develop the
appropriate software. But the issue of how language is acquired remains hotly con-
tested (Pinker & Jackendoff, 2005; Hoff, 2008; Waxman, 2009).
The Influence of Language
on Thinking: Do Eskimos
Have More Words for Snow
than Texans Do?
Do Eskimos living in the frigid Arctic have a more expansive vocabulary for discuss-
ing snow than people living in warmer climates?
It makes sense, and arguments that the Eskimo language has many more words
than English for snow have been made since the early 1900s. At that time, linguist
Benjamin Lee Whorf contended that because snow is so relevant to Eskimos’ lives,
their language provides a particularly rich vocabulary to describe it—considerably
larger than what we find in other languages, such as English (Martin & Pullum, 1991;
Pinker, 1994).
The contention that the Eskimo language is especially abundant in snow-related
terms led to the linguistic-relativity hypothesis, the notion that language shapes
and, in fact, may determine the way people in a specific culture perceive and under-
stand the world. According to this view, language provides us with categories that
we use to construct our view of people and events in the world around us. Conse-
quently, language shapes and produces thought (Whorf, 1956; Casasanto, 2008; Tan
et al., 2008).
Let’s consider another possibility, however. Suppose that instead of language
being the cause of certain ways of thinking, thought produces language. The only
reason to expect that Eskimo language might have more words for snow than English
does is that snow is considerably more relevant to Eskimos than it is to people in
other cultures.
Which view is correct? Most recent research refutes the linguistic-relativity
hypothesis and suggests, instead, that thinking produces language. In fact, new anal-
yses of the Eskimo language suggest that Eskimos have no more words for snow
than English speakers. If one examines the English language closely, one sees that it
is hardly impoverished when it comes to describing snow (consider, for example,
sleet, slush, blizzard, dusting, and avalanche).
Still, the linguistic-relativity hypothesis has not been entirely discarded. A newer
version of the hypothesis suggests that speech patterns may influence certain aspects
of thinking. For example, in some languages, such as English, speakers distinguish
between nouns that can be counted (such as “five chairs”) and nouns that require a
measurement unit to be quantified (such as “a liter of water”). In some other lan-
guages, such as the Mayan language called Yucatec, however, all nouns require a
measurement unit. In such cultures, people appear to think more closely about what
things are made of than do people in cultures in which languages such as English
Module 25 Language 269
interactionist approach (to language
development) The view that language
development is produced through a
combination of genetically determined
predispositions and environmental
circumstances that help teach language.
y Alert
It’s important to be able to
compare and contrast the
major approaches to
language development:
learning theory, nativist,
and interactionist approaches.
linguistic-relativity hypothesis
The notion that language shapes and
may determine the way people in a
particular culture perceive and
understand the world.
270
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Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
y Alert
The linguistic-relativity hypo-
thesis suggests language
leads to thought.
© James Stevenson/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“He’s pretty good at rote categorization and single-object relational tasks
but he’s not so hot at differentiating between representational and
associational signs, and he’s very weak on syntax.”
are spoken. In contrast, English speakers focus more on the shape of objects (Gentner,
Goldin, & Goldin-Meadow, 2003; Tsukasaki & Ishii, 2004).
In short, although research does not support the linguistic-relativity hypothesis that
language causes thought, it is clear that language influences how we think. And, of
course, it certainly is the case that thought influences language, suggesting that lan-
guage and thinking interact in complex ways (Ross, 2004; Thorkildsen, 2006; Proud-
foot, 2009).
Do Animals Use Language?
One question that has long puzzled psychologists is whether language is uniquely
human or if other animals are able to acquire it as well. Many animals communicate
with one another in rudimentary forms. For instance, fiddler crabs wave their claws
to signal, bees dance to indicate the direction in which food will be found, and certain
birds call “zick, zick” during courtship and “kia” when they are about to fly away.
However, researchers have yet to demonstrate conclusively that these animals use true
language, which is characterized in part by the ability to produce and communicate
new and unique meanings by following a formal grammar.
Psychologists, however, have been able to teach chimps to communicate at sur-
prisingly high levels. For instance, after four years of training, a chimp named Washoe
learned to make signs for 132 words and combine those signs into simple sentences.
Even more impressively, Kanzi, a pygmy chimpanzee, has linguistic skills that some
psychologists claim are close to those of a 2-year-old human being. Kanzi’s trainers
suggest that he can create grammatically sophisticated sentences and can even invent
new rules of syntax (Raffaele, 2006; Savage-Rumbaugh, Toth, & Schick, 2007).
Despite the skills primates such as Kanzi display, critics contend that the lan-
guage such animals use still lacks the grammar and the complex and novel construc-
tions of human language. Instead, they maintain that the chimps are displaying a
skill no different from that of a dog that learns to lie down on command to get a
reward. Furthermore, we lack firm evidence that animals can recognize and respond
to the mental states of others of their species, an important aspect of human
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Module 25 Language 271
Sue Savage-Rumbaugh with a primate friend, Panbanisha. Does the use of sign language by
primates indicate true mastery of language?
communication. Consequently, the issue of whether other animals can use language
in a way that humans do remains controversial (Aboitiz, Garcia, & Brunetti, 2006;
Hillix, 2007; Liszkowski et al., 2009).
enrolled in some form of bilingual or English as a Second
Language instruction. And New York City is far from the only
school district with a significant population of nonnative
English speakers. From the biggest cities to the most rural areas,
the face—and voice—of education in the United States is
changing. More and more schoolchildren today have last names
like Kim, Valdez, and Karachnicoff. In seven states, including Texas and Colorado,
more than one-quarter of the students are not native English speakers. For some
47 million Americans, English is their second language (Holloway, 2000; see Figure 1).
How to appropriately and effectively teach the increasing number of children who
do not speak English is not always clear. Many educators maintain that bilingual
education is best. With a bilingual approach, students learn some subjects in their native
language while simultaneously learning English. Proponents of bilingualism believe
that students must develop a sound footing in basic subject areas and that, initially at
least, teaching those subjects in their native language is the only way to provide them
with that foundation. During the same period, they learn English, with the eventual
goal of shifting all instruction into English.
In contrast, other educators insist that all instruction ought to be in English from the
moment students, including those who speak no English at all, enroll in school. In
immersion programs, students are immediately plunged into English instruction in all
subjects. The reasoning—endorsed by voters in California in a referendum designed to
end bilingual education—is that teaching students in a language other than English
simply hinders nonnative English speakers’ integration into society and ultimately
does them a disservice. Proponents of English immersion programs point as evidence
to improvements in standardized test scores that followed the end of bilingual
education programs (Wildavsky, 2000).
In New York City, 1 in 6 of the city’s 1.1 million students is Explori ng PEPPER g ;
Teaching with Linguistic Variety: S
Bilingual Education
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272 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
WASHINGTON
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i ane J feat poe Number of
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CALIFORNIA E E "u n EuS UE AB 4 Aena Ho
a 1 ma LAB EC EE I-99
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LOUISIANA i — ]500-999
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HAWAII ®
FIGURE 1 The language of diversity. Some 22% of the people in the United States speak
a language other than English at home. Most of them speak Spanish; the rest speak an
astounding variety of different languages. Where are the largest clusters of non-English
speakers in the United States, and what do you think explains these concentrations?
(Source: MLA Language Map, 2005, based on 2000 Census.)
Although the controversial issue of bilingual education versus immersion has
strong political undercurrents, evidence shows that the ability to speak two languages
provides significant cognitive benefits over speaking only one language. For example,
bilingual speakers show more cognitive flexibility and may understand concepts more
easily than those who speak only one language. They have more linguistic tools for
thinking because of their multiple-language abilities. In turn, this makes them more
creative and flexible in solving problems (Heyman & Diesendruck, 2002; Bialystok &
Martin, 2004; Kuo, 2007).
Furthermore, speaking several languages changes the organization of the brain.
For example, bilingual speakers who learn their second language as adults show
different areas of brain activation compared with those who learn their second
language in childhood. In addition, brain scans show that people who speak multiple
languages have distinct patterns of brain activity according to the language that they
are using (see Figure 2) (Kim et al., 1997; Kovelman, Baker, & Petitto, 2008; Kovacs &
Mehler, 2009).
Related to questions about bilingual education is the matter of biculturalism, that is,
being a member of two cultures and its psychological impact. Some psychologists
argue that society should promote an alternation model of bicultural competence. Such
a model supports members of a culture in their efforts to maintain their original
cultural identity as well as in their integration into the adopted culture. In this view, a
person can belong to two cultures and have two cultural identities without having to
choose between them. Whether society will adopt the alternation model remains to be
seen (Carter, 2003; Benet-Martinez, Lee, & Leu, 2006; Tadmor, 2007).
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Module 25 Language 273
Bilingualism and the Brain
FIGURE 2 Researchers studying bilinguals (individuals fluent in two languages) and
monolinguals (individuals fluent in one language) found differences in the way in which
language was processed between the two groups. For example, this fMRI scan shows that
bilinguals process information differently according to whether they are speaking in only one
language or are switching between languages. The results show that there may be distinct
patterns of activity for each language used. (Source: Kovelman et al., 2008.)
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP The interactionist approach argues that language
development is produced through a combination of
genetically determined predispositions and environ-
mental circumstances that help teach language.
(p. 267)
e The linguistic-relativity hypothesis suggests that
language shapes and may determine the way people
think about the world. Most evidence suggests that
although language does not determine thought, it does
How does language develop? affect the way people store information in memory and
e Language production, which follows language compre- how well they can retrieve it. (p. 269)
hension, develops out of babbling, which then leads to e The degree to which language is a uniquely human skill
the production of actual words. After 1 year of age, remains an open question. Some psychologists contend
How do people use language?
e Language is the communication of information through
symbols arranged according to systematic rules. All
languages have a grammar—a system of rules that
determines how thoughts can be expressed—that
encompasses the three major components of language:
phonology, syntax, and semantics. (p. 265)
children use two-word combinations, increase their
vocabulary, and use telegraphic speech, which drops
words not critical to the message. By age 5, acquisition
of language rules is relatively complete. (p. 266)
Learning theorists suggest that language is acquired
through reinforcement and conditioning. In contrast,
the nativist approach suggests that an innate language-
acquisition device guides the development of language.
that even though certain primates communicate at a
high level, those animals do not use language. Other
psychologists suggest that those primates truly
understand and produce language in much the same
way as humans. (p. 270)
People who speak more than one language may have a
cognitive advantage over those who speak only one.
(p. 271)
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274 Chapter 8 Cognition and Language
EVALUATE 6. In his theory of language acquisition, Chomsky argues
that language acquisition is an innate ability tied to the
1. Match the component of grammar with its definition: ead Ine Dinin E E
1. Syntax a. Rules showing how words can
2. Phonology be combined into sentences.
3. Semantics b. Rules governing the meaning of
words and sentences.
c. The study of the sound units
that affect speech.
. Language production and language comprehension
develop in infants about the same time. True or false?
refers to the phenomenon in
which young children omit nonessential portions of
sentences.
RETHINK
1.
Do people who use two languages, one at home and one
at school, automatically have two cultures? Why might
people who speak two languages have cognitive advan-
tages over those who speak only one?
. From the perspective of a childcare provider: How would you
encourage children’s language abilities at the different
stages of development?
4, Achild knows that adding -ed to certain words puts them
in the past tense. As a result, instead of saying “He came,”
the child says “He comed.” This is an example of
Answers to Evaluate Questions
an} °9
i ‘Zuue g ‘uoyezyerouasIso ‘p ‘ydaeds oryder8əja; g tuoyonpord
5, theory assumes that language acquisition is əZen3ZueĽg sapadaid uorsuəyərdwoo a8ensury ‘aspey 7 /q-¢ ‘0-7 ‘e-L “LE
based on principles of operant conditioning and shaping.
KEY TERMS
language p. 265
grammar p. 265
phonology p. 265
phonemes p. 265
syntax p. 265
semantics p. 266
babble p. 266
telegraphic speech p. 267
overgeneralization p. 267
learning-theory approach
(to language
development) p. 267
nativist approach (to
language development)
p. 268
universal grammar p. 268
language-acquisition
device p. 268
interactionist approach
(to language
development) p. 269
linguistic-relativity
hypothesis p. 269
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Psychology on the Web
1. In addition to mental images of sights and sounds, are there mental representations
that correspond to the other senses? See whether you can answer this question by
searching the web. Summarize your findings in writing.
2. Do animals think? What evidence is there on either side of this question? Search the
web for at least one example of research and/or argument on each side of this
question. Summarize your findings and use your knowledge of cognitive psychology
to state your own position on this question.
E © | | OQ U eC The study of cognition occupies a central place in the
field of psychology and encompasses a variety of
areas—including thinking, problem solving, decision-making, creativity, language,
memory, and intelligence. Specialists in cognitive psychology have made significant
advances in the last decade that have influenced the entire field of psychology.
Before proceeding, turn back to the prologue about Clifford Matson’s “Eureka!”
moment. Answer the following questions in light of what you have learned about
reasoning, problem solving, and creativity:
1. What factors led up to Matson’s invention of Cork-EZ?
2. How do the concepts of functional fixedness and mental set relate to Matson’s
inventiveness? Are they related to the notion of prototypes?
3. How do you think insight is involved in Matson’s inventiveness?
4. In what ways do you think divergent and convergent thinking are involved in the pro-
cesses of invention? Do they play different roles in the various stages of the act of
invention, including identifying the need for an invention, devising possible solutions,
and creating a practical invention?
275
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Key Concepts for Chapter 9
MODULE 26
What are the different definitions and What Is Intelligence?
Theories of Intelligence: Are There
conceptions of intelligence? @ What are the Different Kinds of intelligence?
major approaches to measuring intelligence, The Biological Basis of Intelligence
Neuroscience in Your Life:
and what do intelligence tests measure? Your Intelligent Brain
Practical and Emotional Intelligence:
Toward a More Intelligent
View of Intelligence
Applying Psychology
in the 21st Century:
Artificial Intelligence:
Building a Smarter Robot
Assessing Intelligence
Contemporary IQ Tests:
Gauging Intelligence
Reliability and Validity:
Taking the Measure of Tests
Adaptive Testing: Using Computers
to Assess Performance
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Scoring Better
on Standardized Tests
MODULE 27
How can the extremes of intelligence be Variations in Intellectual Ability
Mental Retardation
(Intellectual Disabilities)
their full potential? PsychWore Director
of Special Education
The Intellectually Gifted
characterized? @ How can we help people reach
MODULE 28
Are traditional IQ tests culturally biased? Group Differences in Intelligence:
Genetic and Environmental
@ Are there racial differences in intelligence? Dēterminants
Exploring Diversity: The Relative
Influence of Genetics and Environment:
Nature, Nurture, and IQ
@ To what degree is intelligence influenced
by the environment and to what degree by
heredity?
277
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Prologue Chris Burke and Sho Yano
When Chris Burke was born, physicians suggested
to his parents that he immediately be institu-
tionalized. He had Down syndrome, a common
genetic defect that produces mental retarda-
tion, and the physicians predicted that the
chances of his leading anything like a normal
life were slim. Chris's parents ignored the
advice and raised Chris like their other
children.
~~~ It was a decision that led to an extraordi-
nary life in which Chris has made significant
contributions to society. He speaks regularly on
behalf of people with developmental.disabilities, has coau-
thored book chapters, and has appeared regularly in a variety
of television shows. (Hassold & Patterson,\1999; Burke &
McDaniel, 2001)
Writing at age 2. Reading at age 3. Playing classical music on
the piano at age 4, and composing music at age 5.
But that's just the start of Sho Yano’s resume. With an IQ
measured at 200, he entered Loyola University at
the age of 9 and graduated summa cum
laude at the age of 12. Then it was off to
a joint graduate program in molecular
genetics and medicine. He received a
PhD at the age of 18, and he’s now in
medical school. Along the way, he
received a black belt in tae kwon do
and played piano on a national radio
program. He's also prone to under-
statement, saying, “It’s just fun learning.’
(People Weekly, 2003, p. 125; Breslin, 2004;
University of Chicago, 2009)
Two very different people with widely different intellectual capabi-
lities and strengths—and yet, at their core, Chris Burke and Sho
Yano share basic aspects of humanity and even, one could argue,
intelligence that ultimately make them more similar than different.
In the following modules, we consider intelligence in all its
many varieties. Intelligence represents a focal point for psycholo-
gists intent on understanding how people are able to adapt their
behavior to the environment in which they live. It also represents
a key aspect of how individuals differ from one another in the
way in which they learn about and understand the world.
We begin by considering the challenges involved in defining
and measuring intelligence. If you are like most people, you
278
have probably wondered how smart you are compared with
others. Psychologists, too, have pondered the nature of intelli-
gence. We examine some of their conceptions of intelligence as
well as efforts to develop and use standardized tests as a means
of measuring intelligence. We also consider the two extremes of
individual differences in intelligence: mental retardation and
giftedness. Finally, we explore what are probably the two most
controversial issues surrounding intelligence: the degree to
which intelligence is influenced by heredity and by the environ-
ment and whether traditional tests of intelligence are biased
toward the dominant cultural groups in society—difficult issues
that have both psychological and social significance.
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MODULE 26
Members of the Trukese tribe in the South Pacific often sail a hundred miles in open
ocean waters. Although their destination may be just a small dot of land less than a mile
What are the different defini-
tions and conceptions of
intelligence?
wide, the Trukese are able to navigate precisely toward it without the aid of a compass,
chronometer, sextant, or any of the other sailing tools that are used by Western naviga-
tors. They are able to sail accurately even when the winds do not allow a direct approach
to the island and they must take a zigzag course. (Gladwin, 1964; Mytinger, 2001) :
What are the major approaches
to measuring intelligence, and
what do intelligence tests
measure?
How are the Trukese able to navigate so effectively? If you asked them, they could
not explain it. They might tell you that they use a process that takes into account the
rising and setting of the stars and the appearance, sound, and feel of the waves
against the side of the boat. But at any given moment as they are sailing along, they
could not identify their position or say why they are doing what they are doing. Nor
could they explain the navigational theory underlying their sailing technique.
Some people might say that the inability of the Trukese to explain in Western
terms how their sailing technique works is a sign of primitive or even unintelligent
behavior. In fact, if we gave Trukese sailors a Western standardized test of naviga-
tional knowledge and theory or, for that matter, a traditional test of intelligence, they
might do poorly on it. Yet, as a practical matter, it is not possible to accuse the Trukese
of being unintelligent: Despite their inability to explain how they do it, they are able
to navigate successfully through the open ocean waters.
Trukese navigation points out the difficulty in coming to grips with what is
meant by intelligence. To a Westerner, traveling in a straight line along the most
direct and quickest route by using a sextant and other navigational tools is likely to
represent the most “intelligent” kind of behavior; in contrast, a zigzag course, based
on the “feel” of the waves, would not seem very reasonable. To the Trukese, who
are used to their own system of navigation, however, the
use of complicated navigational tools might seem so overly
complex and unnecessary that they might think of Western
navigators as lacking in intelligence.
It is clear from this example that the term intelligence can
take on many different meanings. If, for instance, you lived
in a remote part of the Australian outback, the way you
would differentiate between more intelligent and less intel-
ligent people might have to do with successfully mastering
hunting skills, whereas to someone living in the heart of
urban Miami, intelligence might be exemplified by being
“streetwise” or by achieving success in business.
Each of these conceptions of intelligence is reasonable.
Each represents an instance in which more intelligent people
are better able to use the resources of their environment than
are less intelligent people, a distinction that is presumably
basic to any definition of intelligence. Yet it is also clear that
these conceptions represent very different views of intelligence.
That two such different sets of behavior can exemplify
the same psychological concept has long posed a challenge
What does the Trukese people's method of navigation—which is done
without maps or instruments—tell us about the nature of intelligence?
279
280 Chapter 9 Intelligence
intelligence The capacity to under-
stand the world, think rationally, and
use resources effectively when faced
with challenges.
g or g-factor The single, general factor
for mental ability assumed to underlie
intelligence in some early theories of
intelligence.
fluid intelligence Intelligence that
reflects information-processing
capabilities, reasoning, and memory.
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to psychologists. For years they have grappled with the issue of devising a general
definition of intelligence. Ironically, laypersons have fairly clear ideas of what intel-
ligence is, although the nature of their ideas is related to their culture. Westerners
view intelligence as the ability to establish categories and debate rationally. In con-
trast, people in Eastern cultures and some African communities view intelligence
more in terms of understanding and relating to one another (Nisbett, 2003; Brislin,
Worthley, & MacNab, 2006; Sternberg, 2005, 2007).
The definition of intelligence that psychologists employ contains some of the
same elements found in the layperson’s conception. To psychologists, intelligence is
the capacity to understand the world, think rationally, and use resources effectively
when faced with challenges.
This definition does not lay to rest a key question asked by psychologists: Is
intelligence a unitary attribute, or are there different kinds of intelligence? We turn
now to various theories of intelligence that address the issue.
Theories of Intelligence:
Are There Different Kinds
of Intelligence?
Perhaps you see yourself as a good writer but as someone who lacks ability in math.
Or maybe you view yourself as a “science” person who easily masters physics but
has few strengths in interpreting literature. Perhaps you view yourself as generally
fairly smart with intelligence that permits you to excel across domains.
The different ways in which people view their own talents mirror a question that
psychologists have grappled with. Is intelligence a single, general ability, or is it
multifaceted and related to specific abilities? Early psychologists interested in intel-
ligence assumed that there was a single, general factor for mental ability, which they
called g, or the g-factor. This assumption was based on the fact that different types
of measures of intelligence, whether they focused on, say, mathematical expertise,
verbal competency, or spatial visualization skills, all ranked test-takers in roughly
the same order. People who were good on one test generally were good on others;
those who did poorly on one test tended to do poorly on others.
Given that there was a correlation between performance on the different types of
tests, the assumption was that there was a general, global intellectual ability underly-
ing performance on the various measures—the g-factor. This
general intelligence factor was thought to underlie performance
in every aspect of intelligence, and it was the g-factor that was
presumably being measured on tests of intelligence (Spearman,
1927; Colom, Jung, & Haier, 2006; Haier et al., 2009).
More recent theories explain intelligence in a different
light. Rather than viewing intelligence as a unitary entity,
some psychologists consider it to be a multidimensional con-
cept that includes different types of intelligence (Tenopyr,
2002; Stankov, 2003; Sternberg & Pretz, 2005).
FLUID AND CRYSTALLIZED INTELLIGENCE
Some psychologists suggest that there are two different kinds
of intelligence: fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence.
Fluid intelligence reflects information-processing capabili-
Piloting a helicopter requires the use of both fluid intelligence and ties, reasoning, and memory. Fluid intelligence encompasses
crystallized intelligence. Which of the two kinds of intelligence do the ability to reason abstractly. If we were asked to solve an
you believe is more important for such a task? analogy, group a series of letters according to some criterion,
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Module 26 What Is Intelligence? 281
or remember a set of numbers, we would be using fluid
intelligence. We use fluid intelligence when we're trying
to rapidly solve a puzzle (Kane & Engle, 2002; Saggino
Perfetti, & Spitoni, 2006; Di Fabio & Palazzeschi, 2009).
In contrast, crystallized intelligence is the accumula- PE G A
tion of information, skills, and strategies that people have |
learned through experience and that they can apply in go /
problem-solving situations. It reflects our ability to call up ‘ f |
information from long-term memory. We would be likely i i
to rely on crystallized intelligence, for instance, if we were / eS
asked to participate in a discussion about the solution to 2 es oo
the causes of poverty, a task that allows us to draw on our d I< \
own past experiences and knowledge of the world. In NO Can
contrast to fluid intelligence, which reflects a more general
kind of intelligence, crystallized intelligence is more a
reflection of the culture in which a person is raised. The
differences between fluid intelligence and crystallized
intelligence become especially evident in late adulthood, when people show declines
in fluid, but not crystallized, intelligence (Aartsen, Martin, & Zimprich, 2002; Bueh-
ner, Krumm, & Ziegler, 2006; Tranter & Koutstaal, 2008).
GARDNER’S MULTIPLE INTELLIGENCES:
THE MANY WAYS OF SHOWING INTELLIGENCE
Psychologist Howard Gardner has taken an approach very different from traditional
thinking about intelligence. Gardner argues that rather than asking “How smart are
you?” we should be asking a different question: “How are you smart?” In answering
the latter question, Gardner has developed a theory of multiple intelligences that
has become quite influential (Gardner, 2000).
Gardner argues that we have a minimum eight different forms of intelligence,
each relatively independent of the others: musical, bodily kinesthetic, logical-
mathematical, linguistic, spatial, interpersonal, intrapersonal, and naturalist. (Figure 1
describes the eight types of intelligence, with some of Gardner’s examples of people
who excel in each type.) In Gardner’s view, each of the multiple intelligences is linked
to an independent system in the brain. Furthermore, he suggests that there may be
even more types of intelligence, such as existential intelligence, which involves identify-
ing and thinking about the fundamental questions of human existence. For example,
the Dalai Lama might exemplify this type of intelligence (Gardner, 1999, 2000).
Although Gardner illustrates his conception of the specific types of intelligence
with descriptions of well-known people, each person has the same eight kinds of
intelligence—in different degrees. Moreover, although the eight basic types of intel-
ligence are presented individually, Gardner suggests that these separate intelligences
do not operate in isolation. Normally, any activity encompasses several kinds of
intelligence working together.
The concept of multiple intelligences has led to the development of intelligence
tests that include questions in which more than one answer can be correct; these
provide an opportunity for test takers to demonstrate creative thinking. In addition,
many educators, embracing the concept of multiple intelligences, have designed
classroom curricula that are meant to draw on different aspects of intelligence (Kelly
& Tangney, 2006; Douglas, Burton, & Reese-Durham, 2008; Tirri & Nokelainen, 2008).
IS INFORMATION PROCESSING INTELLIGENCE?
One of the newer contributions to understanding intelligence comes from the work
of cognitive psychologists who take an information-processing approach. They assert
that the way people store information in memory and use that information to solve
n S) a g W Ste”
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—
© WB. Park/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“To be perfectly frank, I’m not nearly as smart
as you seem to think I am.”
crystallized intelligence The
accumulation of information, skills,
and strategies that are learned through
experience and can be applied in
problem-solving situations.
theory of multiple intelligences
Gardner’s intelligence theory that
proposes that there are eight distinct
spheres of intelligence.
y Alert
Remember, Gardner's
theory suggests that each
individual has every kind
of intelligence but in
different degrees.
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282 Chapter 9 Intelligence
- Musical intelligence (skills in tasks involving music).
Case example:
When he was 3, Yehudi Menuhin was smuggled
into San Francisco Orchestra concerts by his
parents. By the time he was |0 years old,
Menuhin was an international
performer.
2 . Bodily k meer Pelee (skills in using the mee iai or
various portions of it in the solution of problems or in the
construction of products or displays, exemplified by dancers, athletes,
actors, and surgeons). Case example:
Fifteen-year-old Babe Ruth played third
base. During one game, his team’s
pitcher was doing very poorly and Babe
loudly criticized him from third base.
Brother Matthias, the coach, called out,
"Ruth, if you know so much about it, you
pitch!” Ruth said later that at the very
moment he took the pitcher's mound,
he knew he was supposed to be a
pitcher
- Logical-mathematical intelligence
(skills in problem solving and
scientific thinking). Case example:
Barbara McClintock, who won the
Nobel Prize in medicine, describes
one of her breakthroughs, which
came after thinking about a problem
for half an hour ...:"‘Suddenly |
jumped and ran back to the (corn)
field. At the top of the field (the
others were still at the bottom) |
shouted, ‘Eureka, | have it!”
e Linguistic intelligence (skills
involved in the production and use
of language). Case example:
At the age of 10,T. S. Eliot created a
magazine called Fireside, to which
he was the sole contributor.
5. Spatial intelligence (skills involving -
spatial configurations, such as those used
by artists and architects). Case example:
Natives of the Truk Islands navigate at sea
without instruments. During the actual
trip, the navigator must envision mentally a
reference island as it passes under a
particular star and from that he computes
the number of segments completed, the
proportion of the trip remaining, and any
corrections in heading.
6. Interpersonal we
-
(skills in interacting with others,
such as sensitivity to the moods,
temperaments, motivations, and
intentions of others). Case example:
When Anne Sullivan began instructing
the deaf and blind Helen Keller, her task
was one that had eluded others for
years. Yet, just two weeks after
beginning her work with Keller, Sullivan
achieved great success.
. Intrapersonal intelligence (knowledge of the internal aspects o
oneself; access to one’s own feelings and emotions). Case example:
In her essay “A Sketch of the Past,’ Virginia Woolf displays deep insight
into her own inner life through these lines,
describing her reaction to several specific
memories from her childhood that still, in
adulthood, shock her: “Though | still have
the peculiarity that | receive these sudden
shocks, they are now always welcome;
after the first surprise, | always feel instantly
that they are particularly valuable. And so |
go on to suppose that the shock-receiving
capacity is what makes me a writer”
a
patterns in nature). Case example:
During prehistoric times, hunter/
gatherers would rely on naturalist
intelligence to identify what flora and
fauna were edible. People who are
adept at distinguishing nuances
between large numbers of similar
objects may be expressing naturalist
intelligence abilities.
FIGURE 1 Howard Gardner believes that there are eight major kinds of intelligences,
corresponding to abilities in different domains. In what area does your greatest intelligence
reside, and why do you think you have particular strengths in that area? (Source: Adapted from
Gardner, 2000.)
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intellectual tasks provides the most accurate measure of intelligence. Consequently,
rather than focusing on the structure of intelligence or its underlying content or
dimensions, information-processing approaches examine the processes involved in
producing intelligent behavior (Hunt, 2005; Neubauer & Fink, 2005; Pressley &
Harris, 2006).
For example, research shows that people with high scores on tests of intelligence
spend more time on the initial encoding stages of problems, identifying the parts of
a problem and retrieving relevant information from long-term memory, than do
people with lower scores. This initial emphasis on recalling relevant information pays
off in the end; those who use this approach are more successful in finding solutions
than are those who spend relatively less time on the initial stages (Sternberg, 1990;
Deary & Der, 2005; Hunt, 2005).
Other information-processing approaches examine the sheer speed of processing.
For example, research shows that the speed with which people are able to receive
information from memory is related to verbal intelligence. In general, people with
high scores on measures of intelligence react more quickly on a variety of information-
processing tasks ranging from reactions to flashing lights to distinguishing between
letters. The speed of information processing, then, may underlie differences in intel-
ligence (Jensen, 2005; Gontkovsky & Beatty, 2006; Helmbold, Troche, & Rammsayer,
2007; Sheppard & Vernon, 2008).
The Biological Basis
of Intelligence
Using brain-scanning methods, researchers have identified several areas of the brain
that relate to intelligence. For example, the brains of people completing intelligence
test questions in both verbal and spatial domains show activation in a similar loca-
tion: the lateral prefrontal cortex. That area is above the outer edge of the eyebrow
about where people rest their heads in the palms of their hands if they are thinking
hard about a problem. This area of the brain is critical to juggling many pieces of
information simultaneously and solving new problems. In addition, higher intelli-
gence is related to the thickness of the cerebral cortex (Schaer & Eliez, 2007; Karama
et al., 2009; Luders et al., 2009).
Similarly, tasks requiring different types of intelligence involve different areas of
the brain. For instance, as can be seen in Figure 2, when tasks require more general
global intelligence, more areas of the brain are involved than tasks requiring more spe-
cific sorts of intelligence (such as fluid and crystallized intelligence) (Colom et al., 2009).
These findings suggest that there is a global “workspace” in the brain that orga-
nizes and coordinates information, helping to transfer material to other parts of the
brain. In this view, the activity in the workspace represents general intelligence (Gray,
Chabris, & Braver, 2003).
Research using nonhumans has also begun to help us better understand the
biological underpinnings of intelligence. For example, rats raised in enriched envi-
ronments (meaning an environment containing more toys, tunnels, and so on)
develop more complex connections between neurons along with more rapid learning
and better memory. Other studies show differences in metabolism (the rate at which
food is converted to energy and expended by the body) that seem to be related to
intelligence (Rampon et al., 2000; Haier, 2003; Yang et al., 2007).
Ultimately, the search for the biological underpinnings of intelligence will not
lead in a single direction. Rather, the most plausible scenario is that multiple areas
of the brain, as well as multiple kinds of functioning, are related to intelligent
behavior.
Module 26 What Is Intelligence?
283
284 Chapter 9 Intelligence
practical intelligence According to
Sternberg, intelligence related to
overall success in living.
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Your Intelligent Brain
FIGURE 2 Neuroscientists are finding that separate brain areas are involved in different kinds
of intelligence. For example, the images in (a) show areas of brain activation associated with
tasks that specifically tap general intelligence. In comparison, the images in (b) show areas of
brain activation associated with tasks that tap more crystallized intelligence. You can see that
some of the areas are similar. (Source: Colom et al., 2009, adapted by Kevin Head.)
(a)
(b)
Practical and Emotional
Intelligence: Toward a More
Intelligent View of Intelligence
Consider the following situation:
An employee who reports to one of your subordinates has asked to talk with you about
waste, poor management practices, and possible violations of both company policy and the
law on the part of your subordinate. You have been in your present position only a year,
but in that time you have had no indications of trouble about the subordinate in question.
Neither you nor your company has an “open door” policy, so it is expected that employees
should take their concerns to their immediate supervisors before bringing a matter to the
attention of anyone else. The employee who wishes to meet with you has not discussed
this matter with her supervisors because of its delicate nature. (Sternberg, 1998, p. 17)
Your response to this situation has a lot to do with your future success in a business
career, according to psychologist Robert Sternberg. The question is one of a series
designed to help give an indication of your intelligence. However, it is not traditional
intelligence that the question is designed to tap but rather intelligence of a specific kind:
practical intelligence. Practical intelligence is intelligence related to overall success in
living (Sternberg, 2000, 2002; Sternberg & Hedlund, 2002; Wagner, 2002; Muammar, 2007).
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You are given a map of an entertainment
park. You walk from the lemonade stand
to the computer games arcade. Your
friend walks from the shooting gallery to
the roller coaster. Which of these are
you BOTH most likely to pass? (a) the
merry-go-round, (b) the music hall,
(c) the pizza stand, or (d) the dog show.
eS 8
Noting that traditional tests were designed to relate to academic success, Stern-
berg points to evidence showing that most traditional measures of intelligence do
not relate especially well to career success (McClelland, 1993). Specifically, although
successful business executives usually score at least moderately well on intelligence
tests, the rate at which they advance and their ultimate business achievements are
only minimally associated with traditional measures of their intelligence.
Sternberg argues that career success requires a very different type of intelligence
from that required for academic success. Whereas academic success is based on
knowledge of a specific information base obtained from reading and listening, practi-
cal intelligence is learned mainly through observation of others’ behavior. People who
are high in practical intelligence are able to learn general norms and principles and
apply them appropriately. Consequently, practical intelligence tests, like the one
shown in Figure 3, measure the ability to employ broad principles in solving everyday
problems (Sternberg & Pretz, 2005; Stemler & Sternberg, 2006; Stemler et al., 2009).
In addition to practical intelligence, Sternberg argues there are two other basic, inter-
related types of intelligence related to life success: analytical and creative. Analytical
intelligence focuses on abstract but traditional types of problems measured on IQ tests,
while creative intelligence involves the generation of novel ideas and products (Benderly,
2004; Sternberg, Kaufman, & Pretz, 2004; Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005).
Some psychologists broaden the concept of intelligence even further beyond the
intellectual realm to include emotions. Emotional intelligence is the set of skills that
underlie the accurate assessment, evaluation, expression, and regulation of emotions
(Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso, 2004; Humphrey, Curran, & Morris, 2007; Mayer, Salovey,
& Caruso, 2008).
Emotional intelligence is the basis of empathy for others, self-awareness, and
social skills. It encompasses the ability to get along well with others. It provides us
Module 26 What Is Intelligence? 285
FIGURE 3 Most standard tests of
intelligence primarily measure analytical
skills; more comprehensive tests
measure creative and practical abilities
as well. (Source: Sternberg, 2000, p. 389.)
emotional intelligence The set of
skills that underlie the accurate
assessment, evaluation, expression,
and regulation of emotions.
n
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the 21st Century
Artificial Intelligence:
Building a Smarter Robot
A robot that can open doors and find
electrical outlets to recharge itself.
Computer viruses that no one can
stop. Predator drones, which, though
still controlled remotely by humans,
come close to a machine that can kill
on its own (Markoff, 2009).
Are computers on the verge of outsmarting
humans? That’s the concern of specialists
in artificial intelligence, a field of science that
studies whether computers and other ma-
chines can learn to perceive their environ-
ment and respond in a way that mimics
human intelligence.
As artificial intelligence technology rap-
idly advances, increasingly sophisticated
machines that can simulate a host of human
functions are now available or are on the ho-
rizon. The military uses intelligent guidance
systems that help bombs find their targets
and remote-operated drones that perform
dangerous combat missions. Department
stores even sell robotic vacuum cleaners
that independently roam across floors and
carpets to track down and sweep up dirt
and then park themselves to recharge for
the next day (Aguilar et al., 2009).
Most of us see these advances as benefi-
cial to society, allowing machines to per-
form tasks that are tedious or even
dangerous for people to handle. But some
are concerned that the use of artificial intel-
ligence systems may be going too far, to the
y Alert
Traditional intelligence
relates to academic
performance; practical
intelligence relates to
success in life; emotional
intelligence relates to
emotional skills.
286
The vacuum cleaner is just one of many kinds
of robots that are becoming increasingly
sophisticated.
point where people are handing over im-
portant decisions to cold, unfeeling ma-
chines. The prospect of automated systems
that make medical decisions or robots that
hunt down and kill people may be a bit far-
fetched, but scientists are nevertheless
echoing laypeople’s concerns that we may
be handing over too much control to tech-
nology (Foster & Stiffman, 2009).
Artificial intelligence and robotics re-
searchers have pointed to a number of con-
cerns. For example, some potential problems
include possible criminal uses of artificial
intelligence systems, such as the develop-
ment of insidious computer viruses or the
use of technology to steal sensitive personal
data. Other less dramatic concerns include
the possibility of automated systems dis-
placing human jobs as machines become
sophisticated enough to take over functions
that currently only humans can perform,
such as operating cars or taking telephone
calls (Association for the Advancement of
Artificial Intelligence, 2009; Mobasher &
Tuzhilin, 2009).
The overriding concern is that artificial
intelligence technology is progressing
faster than society is prepared to deal
with it. We still have a number of social,
ethical, and legal questions to grapple
with, even as machines become increas-
ingly suited to perform human functions.
Scientists want to be sure that such ma-
chines continue to benefit society into the
future rather than replace old problems
with new ones (Markoff, 2009).
ETHINK
e What kinds of human intelligence might machines be unable to mimic?
e Do you believe society should place limitations on just how smart machines can
become?
with an understanding of what other people are feeling and experiencing, which
permits us to respond appropriately to others’ needs. These abilities may help explain
why people with only modest scores on traditional intelligence tests can be quite
successful: the basis of their success may be a high emotional intelligence, which
allows them to respond appropriately and quickly to others’ feelings.
Although the notion of emotional intelligence makes sense, it has yet to be quan-
tified in a rigorous manner. Furthermore, the view that emotional intelligence is so
important that skills related to it should be taught in school has raised concerns
among some educators. They suggest that the nurturance of emotional intelligence
is best left to students’ families, especially because there is no well-specified set of
criteria for what constitutes emotional intelligence (Sleek, 1997; Becker, 2003).
Still, the notion of emotional intelligence reminds us that there are many ways
to demonstrate intelligent behavior—just as there are multiple views of the nature of
intelligence (Fox & Spector, 2000; Barrett & Salovey, 2002). Figure 4 presents a sum-
mary of the different approaches used by psychologists, and Applying Psychology in
the 21st Century discusses advances in artificial intelligence.
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Major Approaches to Intelligence
Approach Characteristics
Fluid and crystallized Fluid intelligence relates to reasoning, memory,
intelligence and information-processing capabilities; crystallized
intelligence relates to information, skills, and
strategies learned through experience
Gardner's multiple intelligences Eight independent forms of intelligence
Information-processing Intelligence is reflected in the ways people store
approaches and use material to solve intellectual tasks
Practical intelligence Intelligence in terms of nonacademic, career, and
personal success
Emotional intelligence Intelligence that provides an understanding of what
other people are feeling and experiencing and permits
us to respond appropriately to others’ needs
Assessing Intelligence
Given the variety of approaches to the components of intelligence, it is not surprising
that measuring intelligence has proved challenging. Psychologists who study intel-
ligence have focused much of their attention on the development of intelligence tests
and have relied on such tests to quantify a person’s level of intelligence. These tests
have proved to be of great benefit in identifying students in need of special attention
in school, diagnosing cognitive difficulties, and helping people make optimal educa-
tional and vocational choices. At the same time, their use has proved controversial,
raising important social and educational issues.
Historically, the first effort at intelligence testing was based on an uncomplicated
but completely wrong assumption: that the size and shape of a person’s head could
be used as an objective measure of intelligence. The idea was put forward by Sir
Francis Galton (1822-1911), an eminent English scientist whose ideas in other domains
proved to be considerably better than his notions about intelligence.
Galton’s motivation to identify people of high intelligence stemmed from per-
sonal prejudices. He sought to demonstrate the natural superiority of people of high
social class (including himself) by showing that intelligence is inherited. He hypoth-
esized that head configuration, which is genetically determined, is related to brain
size and therefore is related to intelligence.
Galton’s theories were proved wrong on virtually every count. Head size and
shape are not related to intellectual performance, and subsequent research has found
little relationship between brain size and intelligence. However, Galton’s work did
have at least one desirable result: He was the first person to suggest that intelligence
could be quantified and measured in an objective manner (Jensen, 2002).
BINET AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF IQ TESTS
The first real intelligence tests were developed by the French psychologist Alfred
Binet (1857-1911). His tests followed from a simple premise: If performance on cer-
tain tasks or test items improved with chronological, or physical, age, performance
could be used to distinguish more intelligent people from less intelligent ones within
a particular age group. On the basis of this principle, Binet devised the first formal
intelligence test, which was designed to identify the “dullest” students in the Paris
school system in order to provide them with remedial aid.
Binet began by presenting tasks to same-age students who had been labeled
“bright” or “dull” by their teachers. If a task could be completed by the bright students
but not by the dull ones, he retained that task as a proper test item; otherwise it was
discarded. In the end he came up with a test that distinguished between the bright and
Module 26 What Is Intelligence? 287
FIGURE 4 Just as there are many views
of the nature of intelligence, there are
also numerous ways to demonstrate
intelligent behavior. This summary
provides an overview of the various
approaches used by psychologists.
intelligence tests Tests devised
to quantify a person’s level of
intelligence.
Alfred Binet
288 Chapter 9 Intelligence
Now in its fifth edition, the Stanford-Binet
test consists of a series of items that vary
in nature according to the age of the
person being tested. What can we learn
about a person from a test of this type?
mental age The age for which a given
level of performance is average or
typical.
intelligence quotient (IQ) A score
that takes into account an individual’s
mental and chronological ages.
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dull groups, and—with further work—one that distinguished among children in differ-
ent age groups (Binet & Simon, 1916; Sternberg & Jarvin, 2003).
On the basis of the Binet test, children were assigned a score relating to their
mental age, the age for which a given level of performance is average or typical. For
example, if the average 8-year-old answered, say, 45 items correctly on a test, anyone
who answered 45 items correctly would be assigned a mental age of 8 years. Conse-
quently, whether the person taking the test was 20 years old or 5 years old, he or
she would have the same mental age of 8 years (Cornell, 2006).
Assigning a mental age to students provided an indication of their general level of
performance. However, it did not allow for adequate comparisons among people of
different chronological ages. By using mental age alone, for instance, we might assume
that an 18-year-old responding at a 20-year-old’s level would be demonstrating the same
degree of intelligence as a 5-year-old answering at a 7-year-old’s level, when actually
the 5-year-old would be displaying a much greater relative degree of intelligence.
A solution to the problem came in the form of the intelligence quotient, (IQ),
a score that takes into account an individual’s mental and chronological ages. His-
torically, the first IQ scores employed the following formula in which MA stands for
mental age and CA for chronological age:
=- MA
IQ score = CA x 100
Using this formula, we can return to the earlier example of an 18-year-old per-
forming at a mental age of 20 and calculate an IQ score of (20/18) x 100 = 111. In
contrast, the 5-year-old performing at a mental age of 7 comes out with a consider-
ably higher IQ score: (7/5) xX 100 = 140.
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The average IQ score is
100, and 68% of people
score between 85 and I 15.
Number of scores —~>
95%
14% 34%
34% | 14%
115
55 70 85 100 130 145 160
Intelligence test score
FIGURE 5 The average and most common IQ score is 100, and 68% of all people are within a
30-point range centered on 100. Some 95% of the population have scores that are within 30
points above or below 100, and 99.8% have scores that are between 55 and 145.
As a bit of trial and error with the formula will show you, anyone who has a
mental age equal to his or her chronological age will have an IQ equal to 100. More-
over, people with a mental age that is lower than their chronological age will have
IQs that exceed 100.
Although the basic principles behind the calculation of an IQ score still hold,
today IQ scores are determined in a different manner and are known as deviation IQ
scores. First, the average test score for everyone of the same age who takes the test
is determined, and that average score is assigned an IQ of 100. Then, with the aid of
statistical techniques that calculate the differences (or “deviations”) between each
score and the average, IQ scores are assigned.
As you can see in Figure 5, when IQ scores from large numbers of people are
plotted on a graph, they form a bell-shaped distribution (called “bell-shaped” because
it looks like a bell when plotted). Approximately two-thirds of all individuals fall
within 15 IQ points of the average score of 100. As scores increase or fall beyond that
range, the percentage of people in a category falls considerably.
CONTEMPORARY IQ TESTS: GAUGING INTELLIGENCE
Remnants of Binet’s original intelligence test are still with us, although the test has
been revised in significant ways. Now in its fifth edition and called the Stanford-Binet
Intelligence Scale, the test consists of a series of items that vary according to the age
of the person being tested (Roid, Nellis, & McClellan, 2003). For example, young
children are asked to copy figures or answer questions about everyday activities.
Older people are asked to solve analogies, explain proverbs, and describe simi-
larities that underlie sets of words.
The test is administered orally and includes both verbal and nonverbal assess-
ments. An examiner begins by finding a mental age level at which a person is able
to answer all the questions correctly and then moves on to successively more
difficult problems. When a mental age level is reached at which no items can be
answered, the test is over. By studying the pattern of correct and incorrect responses,
the examiner is able to compute an IQ score for the person being tested. In addi-
tion, the Stanford-Binet test yields separate subscores that provide clues to a test-
taker’s particular strengths and weaknesses.
The IQ tests most frequently used in the United States were devised by psy-
Module 26 What Is Intelligence? 289
y Alert
It’s important to know the
traditional formula for IQ
scores in which IQ is the ra-
tio of mental age divided
by chronological age, mul-
tiplied by 100. Remember, though,
that today, the actual calculator of IQ
scores is done in a more sophisti-
cated manner.
© John O'Brien/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
chologist David Wechsler and are known as the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-IV,
290 Chapter 9 Intelligence
Name
Information
Comprehension
Arithmetic
Similarities
Figure weights
Matrix reasoning
Block design item
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Types of Items on WAIS-IV
Goal of Item Example
Assess general information Who wrote Tom Sawyer?
Assess understanding and evaluation Why is copper often used for electrical wires?
of social norms and past experience
Assess math reasoning through verbal Three women divided 18 golf balls equally among themselves.
problems How many golf balls did each person receive?
Test understanding of how objects or In what way are a circle and a triangle alike?
concepts are alike, tapping abstract
reasoning
Test Perceptual Reasoning Problems require test-taker to determine which possibility
balances the final scale.
af RA
x x o oa
Qa Qe O
l 2 3 4 5
Test spatial reasoning Test-taker must decide which of the five possibilities replaces
the question mark and completes the sequence.
w | ?
Wel | & Lye] *
l 2 3 4 5
Test understanding of relationship of Problems require test-takers to reproduce a design in fixed
parts to whole
amount of time.
FIGURE 6 Typical kinds of items found on the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scales (WAIS-IV).
(Simulated items similar to those in the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale, Fourth Edition (WAIS-IV). Copyright
© 2003 NCS Pearson, Inc. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. “Wechsler Adult Intelligence
Scale” “WAIS” and “Weschler” are trademarks, in the US and/or other countries, of Pearson Education, Inc.
or its affiliates.)
or, more commonly, the WAIS-IV (for adults) and a children’s version, the Wechsler
Intelligence Scale for Children-IV, or WISC-IV. Both the WAIS-IV and the WISC-IV
measure verbal comprehension, perceptual reasoning, working memory, and process-
ing speed (see sample WAIS-IV items in Figure 6).
Because the Stanford-Binet, WAIS-IV, and WISC-IV all require individualized,
one-on-one administration, they are relatively difficult to administer and score on a
large-scale basis. Consequently, there are now a number of IQ tests that allow group
administration. Rather than having one examiner ask one person at a time to respond
to individual items, group IQ tests are strictly paper-and-pencil tests. The primary
advantage of group tests is their ease of administration (Anastasi & Urbina, 1997).
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However, sacrifices are made in group testing that in some cases may outweigh
the benefits. For instance, group tests generally offer fewer kinds of questions than
do tests administered individually. Furthermore, people may be more motivated to
perform at their highest ability level when working on a one-to-one basis with a test
administrator than they are in a group. Finally, in some cases, it is simply impossible
to employ group tests, particularly with young children or people with unusually
low IQs (Aiken, 1996).
RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY: TAKING THE MEASURE OF TESTS
When we use a ruler, we expect to find that it measures an inch in the same way it did
the last time we used it. When we weigh ourselves on the bathroom scale, we hope
that the variations we see on the scale are due to changes in our weight and not to
errors on the part of the scale (unless the change in weight is in an unwanted direction!).
In the same way, we hope that psychological tests have reliability—that they
measure consistently what they are trying to measure. We need to be sure that each
time we administer the test, a test-taker will achieve the same results—assuming that
nothing about the person has changed relevant to what is being measured.
Suppose, for instance, that when you first took the SAT exams, you scored 400
on the verbal section of the test. Then, after taking the test again a few months later,
you scored 700. Upon receiving your new score, you might well stop celebrating for
a moment to question whether the test is reliable for it is unlikely that your abilities
could have changed enough to raise your score by 300 points (T. R. Coyle, 2006).
But suppose your score changed hardly at all, and both times you received a
score of about 400. You couldn’t complain about a lack of reliability. However, if you
knew your verbal skills were above average, you might be concerned that the test
did not adequately measure what it was supposed to measure. In sum, the question
has now become one of validity rather than reliability. A test has validity when it
actually measures what it is supposed to measure.
Knowing that a test is reliable is no guarantee that it is also valid. For instance,
Sir Francis Galton assumed that skull size is related to intelligence, and he was able
to measure skull size with great reliability. However, the measure of skull size was
not valid—it had nothing to do with intelligence. In this case, then, we have reli-
ability without validity.
However, if a test is unreliable, it cannot be valid. Assuming that all other factors—
motivation to score well, knowledge of the material, health, and so forth—are similar,
if a person scores high the first time he or she takes a specific test and low the second
time, the test cannot be measuring what it is supposed to measure. Therefore, the test
is both unreliable and not valid.
Test validity and reliability are prerequisites for accurate assessment of
intelligence—as well as for any other measurement task carried out by psychologists.
Consequently, the measures of personality carried out by personality psychologists,
clinical psychologists’ assessments of psychological disorders, and social psycholo-
gists’ measures of attitudes must meet the tests of validity and reliability for the
results to be meaningful (Feldt, 2005; Phelps, 2005; Yao, Zhour, & Jiang, 2006).
Assuming that a test is both valid and reliable, one further step is necessary in
order to interpret the meaning of a particular test-taker’s score: the establishment of
norms. Norms are standards of test performance that permit the comparison of one
person’s score on a test to the scores of others who have taken the same test. For
example, a norm permits test-takers to know that they have scored, say, in the top
15% of those who have taken the test previously. Tests for which norms have been
developed are known as standardized tests.
Test designers develop norms by calculating the average score achieved by a
specific group of people for whom the test has been designed. Then the test design-
ers can determine the extent to which each person’s score differs from the scores of
Module 26 What Is Intelligence? 291
reliability The property by which
tests measure consistently what they
are trying to measure.
validity The property by which tests
actually measure what they are
supposed to measure.
norms Standards of test performance
that permit the comparison of one
person’s score on a test with the scores
of other individuals who have taken
the same test.
292
Chapter 9 Intelligence
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the other individuals who have taken the test in the past and provide future test-
takers with a qualitative sense of their performance.
Obviously, the samples of test-takers who are employed in the establishment of
norms are critical to the norming process. The people used to determine norms must
be representative of the individuals to whom the test is directed.
Adaptive Testing: Using
Computers to Assess Performance
Ensuring that tests are reliable, valid, and based on appropriate norms has become
more critical with computer-administered testing. In computerized versions of tests
such as the Graduate Record Exam, a test used to determine entrance to graduate
===» Wrong answer; move
to easier question
> Right answer; move to
more difficult question
A>X>Z PE ‘pT E X-0p'qE ‘SI'LE OS AZ ‘069$ FZ ‘9'i ‘SdeMsuYy
FIGURE 7 Adaptive testing. In the Graduate Record Examination, the computer randomly
selects a first question of medium difficulty. If the test-taker answers the question correctly,
the computer poses a more difficult question. Once the test-taker gives an incorrect answer,
he or she is given a question at the next easiest level, as illustrated in this example. Test-
takers are graded based on the level of difficulty of the questions they answer correctly,
meaning that two test-takers who answer the same number of questions correctly can end
up with very different scores. What do you think are the drawbacks of adaptive testing of this
sort? Do you think such tests may discriminate against test-takers who are less familiar with
computers compared with those who have easy access to them? (Source: New York Times Graphics.)
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school, not only are test questions viewed and answered on a computer, but the test
itself is individualized. With adaptive testing, every test-taker does not receive identi-
cal sets of test questions. Instead, the computer first presents a randomly selected
question of moderate difficulty. If the test-taker answers it correctly, the computer
then presents a randomly chosen item of slightly greater difficulty. If the test-taker
answers it incorrectly, the computer presents a slightly easier item. Each question
becomes slightly harder or easier than the question preceding it, depending on
whether the previous response is correct. Ultimately, the greater the number of dif-
ficult questions answered correctly, the higher the score (Chang & Ansley, 2003;
Marszalek, 2007; Belov & Armstrong, 2009; see Figure 7).
Because computerized adaptive testing pinpoints a test-taker’s level of profi-
ciency fairly quickly, the total time spent taking the exam is shorter than it is with a
traditional exam. Test-takers are not forced to spend a great deal of time answering
questions that are either much easier or much harder than they can handle.
Critics of adaptive testing suggest that it may discriminate against test-takers who
have less access to computers and thus may have less practice with them or may be
more intimidated by the testing medium. In other cases, high-ability test-takers who
make an early mistake and find the items getting easier may begin to feel such anxi-
ety that their performance suffers, leading to a downward spiral in their performance.
Still, most research suggests that adaptive testing provides scores equivalent to those
of traditional paper-and-pencil measures for most types of testing (Tonidandel, Qui-
nones, & Adams, 2002; Passos, Berger, & Tan, 2007; Rulison & Loken, 2009).
Even though psychologists disagree about the nature of BECOMING
Module 26 What Is Intelligence?
intelligence, intelligence tests—as well as many other kinds of AN INFORMED CONSUMER
tests—are widely used in a variety of situations. For example, if
you are thinking about becoming a physician, a lawyer, or of Psyc ho | ogy
almost any other kind of professional in a field that requires
advanced training, you will have to take a formal exam in order
to be accepted for post-graduate training.
If you do have to take such an exam, you can do several
things to maximize your score, including the following (Lurie, Robinson, & Pecsenye,
2005; Feldman, 2010):
e Learn as much as you can about the test before you take it. Know what sections will be
on the test and how much each section is worth.
e Practice. Try as many practice tests as you can find. The more practice you have,
the easier it will be when you actually take the test.
e Ifthe test is administered on a computer, as it probably will be, take practice tests on a
computer. The more familiar you are with computers, the more at ease you will
feel when you sit down to take the test.
e Time yourself carefully. Don’t spend too much time on early items at the expense
of later ones. Your goal should be not perfection but maximization of the number
of correct responses you get.
e Be aware of the scoring policy. If you are not penalized for wrong answers, guess. If
there are penalties, be more conservative about guessing.
e [fit is a paper-and-pencil test, complete answer sheets accurately. Check and check
again. If the test is on a computer, check your answer thoroughly before going on
to the next question, because you won't be able to go back and change your
answer once you've submitted it.
Scoring Better on Standardized Tests
293
294
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Chapter 9 Intelligence
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the different definitions and conceptions of
intelligence?
Because intelligence can take many forms, defining it is
challenging. One commonly accepted view is that intelli-
gence is the capacity to understand the world, think
rationally, and use resources effectively when faced with
challenges. (p. 279)
The earliest psychologists assumed that there is a general
factor for mental ability called g. However, later psychol-
ogists disputed the view that intelligence is uni-
dimensional. (p. 280)
Some researchers suggest that intelligence can be broken
down into fluid intelligence and crystallized intelligence.
Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences proposes that
there are eight spheres of intelligence. (p. 280)
Information-processing approaches examine the
processes underlying intelligent behavior rather than
focusing on the structure of intelligence. (p. 281)
Practical intelligence is intelligence related to overall
success in living; emotional intelligence is the set of skills
that underlie the accurate assessment, evaluation,
expression, and regulation of emotions. (p. 284)
What are the major approaches to measuring intelligence, and
what do intelligence tests measure?
Intelligence tests have traditionally compared a person’s
mental age and chronological age to yield an IQ, or intel-
ligence quotient, score. (p. 287)
Specific tests of intelligence include the Stanford-Binet
test, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-IV (WAIS-IV),
and the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-IV
(WISC-IV). (p. 289)
Tests are expected to be both reliable and valid. Reliability
refers to the consistency with which a test measures what
it is trying to measure. A test has validity when it actually
measures what it is supposed to measure. (p. 291)
KEY TERMS
intelligence p. 280 theory of multiple
g or g-factor p. 280 intelligences p. 281
fluid intelligence p. 280 practical intelligence p. 284
crystallized emotional
intelligence p. 281 intelligence p. 285
e Norms are standards of test performance that permit the
comparison of one person’s score on a test to the scores
of others who have taken the same test. (p. 291)
EVALUATE
1. ______is a measure of intelligence that takes into
account a person’s chronological and mental ages.
2. Some psychologists make the distinction between
intelligence, which reflects reasoning,
memory, and information-processing capabilities, and
intelligence, which is the information, skills,
and strategies that people have learned through
experience.
3. Psychologists using an approach
to intelligence focus on the way people store information
in memory and use that information to solve intellectual
tasks.
RETHINK
1. What is the role of emotional intelligence in the
classroom? How might emotional intelligence be tested?
Should emotional intelligence be a factor in determining
academic promotion to the next grade?
2. From the human resource specialist’s perspective: Job
interviews are really a kind of test, but they rely on
interviewers’ judgments and have no formal validity or
reliability. Do you think job interviews can be made to
have greater validity and reliability?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Zurssovord-uoyewozur ‘g ‘pozeso “pmp ‘z OL
Ta
intelligence reliability p. 291
tests p. 287 validity p. 291
mental age p. 288 norms p. 291
intelligence quotient
(IQ) p. 288
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MODULE 27
“Hey, hey, hey, Fact Track!” The 11-year-old speaker chose one of his favorite programs. . . .
“What is your name?” appeared on the monitor.
“Daniel Skandera,” he typed. A menu scrolled up listing the program’s possibilities.
Daniel chose multiplication facts, Level 1... .
Randomly generated multiplication facts flashed on the screen: “4 X 6,” “2 X 9,”
“3 X 3,” "7 X 6.” Daniel responded, deftly punching in his answers on the computer’s
numeric key-pad ....
The computer tallied the results. “You completed 20 problems in 66 seconds. You beat
your goal. Problems correct = 20. Congratulations Daniel!” And with that the 11-year-
old retreated hastily to the TV room. The Lakers and 76ers were about to tip off for an
NBA championship game. (Heward & Orlansky, 1988, p. 100)
If you consider people with mental retardation as inept and dull, it is time to revise
your view. As in the case of Daniel Skandera, individuals with deficits of intellectual
abilities can lead full, rounded lives and in some cases perform well in certain kinds
of academic endeavors.
More than 7 million people in the United States, including around 11 per 1,000
children, have been identified as far enough below average in intelligence that they
can be regarded as having a serious deficit. Individuals with low IQs (people with
mental retardation or intellectual disabilities) as well as those with unusually high
IQs (the intellectually gifted) require special attention if they are to reach their full
potential.
Mental Retardation
(Intellectual Disabilities)
Although sometimes thought of as a rare phenomenon, mental retardation (or, as it
is increasingly being called, intellectual disabilities) occurs in 1%-3% of the popula-
tion. There is wide variation among those labeled mentally retarded, in large part
because of the inclusiveness of the definition developed by the American Association
on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities. The association suggests that mental
retardation (or intellectual disability) is a disability characterized by significant
limitations both in intellectual functioning and in conceptual, social, and practical
adaptive skills (AAMR, 2002). (Although experts are increasingly using the term
intellectual disability instead of mental retardation, our discussion will use the original
term because it continues to be more widespread.)
Although below-average intellectual functioning can be measured in a rela-
tively straightforward manner—using standard IQ tests—it is more difficult to
determine how to gauge limitations in adaptive behavior. Consequently, there is a
lack of uniformity in how experts apply the labels mental retardation and intellectual
disabilities. People labeled mentally retarded vary from those who can be taught to
How are the extremes of
intelligence characterized?
How can we help people
reach their full potential?
A condition characterized
by significant limitations both in
intellectual functioning and in
conceptual, social, and practical
adaptive skills.
295
296 Chapter 9 Intelligence
fetal alcohol syndrome The most
common cause of mental retardation in
newborns, occurring when the mother
uses alcohol during pregnancy.
familial retardation Mental retarda-
tion in which no apparent biological
defect exists but there is a history of
retardation in the family.
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work and function with little special attention to those who cannot be trained and
are institutionalized throughout their lives (Detterman, Gabriel, & Ruthsatz, 2000;
Greenspan, 2006).
Most people with mental retardation have relatively minor deficits and are clas-
sified as having mild retardation. These individuals, who have IQ scores ranging from
55 to 69, constitute some 90% of all people with mental retardation. Although their
development is typically slower than that of their peers, they can function quite
independently by adulthood and are able to hold jobs and have families of their own
(Bates et al., 2001; Smith, 2006).
With greater degrees of intellectual deficit—moderate retardation (IQs of 40 to 54),
severe retardation (IQs of 25 to 39), and profound retardation (IQs below 25)—the dif-
ficulties are more pronounced. For people with moderate retardation, deficits are
obvious early, with language and motor skills lagging behind those of peers. Although
these individuals can hold simple jobs, they need to have a moderate degree of
supervision throughout their lives. Individuals with severe and profound mental
retardation are generally unable to function independently and typically require care
for their entire lives (Garwick, 2007).
IDENTIFYING THE ROOTS OF MENTAL RETARDATION
What produces mental retardation? In nearly one-third of the cases there is an iden-
tifiable cause related to biological or environmental factors. The most common pre-
ventable cause of retardation is fetal alcohol syndrome, produced by a mother’s use
of alcohol while pregnant. Increasing evidence shows that even small amounts of
alcohol intake can produce intellectual deficits. One in every 750 infants is born with
fetal alcohol syndrome in the United States (West & Blake, 2005; Manning & Hoyme,
2007; Murthy et al., 2009).
Down syndrome, the type of mental retardation experienced by actor Chris
Burke (discussed at the start of the chapter), represents another major cause of
mental retardation. Down syndrome results when a person is born with 47 chromo-
somes instead of the usual 46. In most cases, there is an extra copy of the 21st
chromosome, which leads to problems in how the brain and body develop (Sher-
man et al., 2007).
In other cases of mental retardation, an abnormality occurs in the structure of
particular chromosomes. Birth complications, such as a temporary lack of oxygen,
may also cause retardation. In some cases, mental retardation occurs after birth fol-
lowing a head injury, a stroke, or infections such as meningitis (Plomin, 2005; Bittles,
Bower, & Hussain, 2007).
However, the majority of cases of mental retardation are classified as familial
retardation, in which no apparent biological defect exists but there is a history of
retardation in the family. Whether the family background of retardation is caused by
environmental factors, such as extreme continuous poverty leading to malnutrition,
or by some underlying genetic factor is usually impossible to determine (Zigler et
al., 2002).
INTEGRATING INDIVIDUALS WITH MENTAL RETARDATION
Important advances in the care and treatment of those with retardation have been
made since the Education for All Handicapped Children Act (Public Law 94-142)
was passed by Congress in the mid-1970s. In this federal law, Congress stipulated
that people with retardation are entitled to a full education and that they must be
educated and trained in the least restrictive environment. The law increased the
educational opportunities for individuals with mental retardation, facilitating their
integration into regular classrooms as much as possible—a process known as main-
streaming (Katsiyannis, Zhang, & Woodruff, 2005; Aussilloux & Bagdadli, 2006;
Gibb et al., 2007).
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Module 27 Variations in Intellectual Ability 297
The philosophy behind mainstreaming suggests that the interaction of students with
and without mental retardation in regular classrooms will improve educational oppor-
tunities for those with retardation, increase their social acceptance, and facilitate their
integration into society as a whole. Of course, special education classes still exist; some
individuals with retardation function at too low of a level to benefit from placement in
regular classrooms. Moreover, children with mental retardation who are mainstreamed
into regular classes typically attend special classes for at least part of the day (Hastings
& Oakford, 2003; Williamson, McLeskey, & Hoppey, 2006; also see PsychWork).
For Shannon Lynch, Director of Special Education at The Wil-
low Creek Charter School in Prescott, Arizona, being a special Psyc h Wo r k
DIRECTOR OF SPECIAL
education teacher means providing ways for every student to
achieve success. Each child presents different needs, and
Lynch approaches her teaching accordingly. EDUCATION
“For children with specific learning disabilities, I have
found it is helpful to utilize repetition, hands-on activities, Bite Suaalein Lich
music, movements with information, and rhymes to get the Position: Director of Special Education
information to stick,” she explained. Education: BA, Liberal Studies, Northern Arizona
“Children on the autism spectrum have challenges with University, Flagstaff, Arizona; MA, Special
social skills. Great programs exist that provide models and Education, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff,
scripts of appropriate social interactions,” Lynch said. Emotional Arizona; State of Arizona Teaching Certificate in
disabilities require a very different approach and involve provid- Elementary and Special Education
ing counseling to cope with the difficult emotions students face.
“The biggest factor for students with special needs is providing ways for them
to achieve success. They have spent much of their academic career feeling incapable
and inadequate, so just giving them small opportunities for success can make a huge
difference in their confidence,” Lynch noted.
Some educators argue that an alternative to mainstreaming, called full inclusion,
might be more effective. Full inclusion is the integration of all students, even those
with the most severe educational disabilities, into regular classes and an avoidance
of segregated special education classes. Teacher aides are assigned to help the
children with special needs progress. Schools with full inclusion have no separate
special education classes. However, full inclusion is a controversial practice, and it
is not widely applied (Praisner, 2003; Spence-Cochran & Pearl, 2006; Begeny &
Martens, 2007).
The Intellectually Gifted
Another group of people—the intellectually gifted—differ from those with average
intelligence as much as individuals with mental retardation although in a different
manner. Accounting for 2%—4% of the population, the intellectually gifted have IQ
scores greater than 130. Sho Yano, the individual described in the chapter prologue
who graduated from college at the age of 12, exemplifies a case of someone who is
particularly intellectually gifted.
Although the stereotype associated with the gifted suggests that they are awk-
ward, shy social misfits who are unable to get along well with peers, most research
indicates that just the opposite is true. The intellectually gifted are most often outgo-
ing, well-adjusted, healthy, popular people who are able to do most things better than
the average person can (Lubinski et al., 2006; Guldemond et al., 2007; Mueller, 2009).
For example, in a famous study by psychologist Lewis Terman that started in
the early 1920s, 1,500 children who had IQ scores above 140 were followed for the
y Alert
Remember that in most cases
of mental retardation, there
is no apparent biological
deficiency, but a history of
mental retardation exists in
the family.
intellectually gifted The 2% 4%
segment of the population who have
IQ scores greater than 130.
298
Chapter 9 Intelligence
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rest of their lives. From the start, the members of this group were more physically,
academically, and socially capable than their nongifted peers. In addition to doing
better in school, they also showed better social adjustment than average. All these
advantages paid off in terms of career success: As a group, the gifted received more
awards and distinctions, earned higher incomes, and made more contributions in art
and literature than typical individuals. Perhaps most important, they reported greater
satisfaction in life than the nongifted (Hegarty, 2007).
Of course, not every member of the group Terman studied was successful. Fur-
thermore, high intelligence is not a homogeneous quality; a person with a high over-
all IQ is not necessarily gifted in every academic subject but may excel in just one
or two. A high IQ is not a universal guarantee of success (Shurkin, 1992; Winner,
2003; Clemons, 2006).
Although special programs attempting to overcome the deficits of people with
mental retardation abound, programs targeted at the intellectually gifted are more
rare. One reason for this lack of attention is that although there are as many gifted
individuals as there are those with mental retardation, the definition of gifted is
vague, especially compared with definitions of mental retardation. Furthermore,
there is a persistent view that the gifted ought to be able to “make it on their own”;
if they can’t, they really weren't gifted in the first place (Robinson, 2003; Parke, 2003;
Sparks, 2007).
More enlightened approaches, however, have acknowledged that without
some form of special attention, the gifted become bored and frustrated with the
pace of their schooling and may never reach their potential. Consequently, pro-
grams for the gifted are designed to provide enrichment that allows participants’
talents to flourish (Adams-Byers, Squilkr, & Moon, 2004; Delcourt, Cornell, &
Goldberg, 2007).
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RECAP
How are extremes of intelligence characterized?
e The levels of mental retardation (or intellectual disability)
include mild, moderate, severe, and profound retardation.
(p. 295)
e About one-third of the cases of retardation have a known
biological cause; fetal alcohol syndrome is the most
common. Most cases, however, are classified as familial
retardation, for which there is no known biological
cause. (p. 296)
e The intellectually gifted are people with IQ scores greater
than 130. Intellectually gifted people tend to be healthier
and more successful than the nongifted. (p. 297)
How can we help people reach their full potential?
e Advances in the treatment of people with mental
retardation include mainstreaming, the integration of
individuals with mental retardation into regular education
Module 27 Variations in Intellectual Ability 299
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
3.
is the process by which students with mental
retardation are placed in normal classrooms to facilitate
learning and reduce isolation.
. Most forms of retardation have no identifiable biological
cause. True or false?
. People with high intelligence are generally shy and so-
cially withdrawn. True or false?
RETHINK
1.
Why do you think negative stereotypes of gifted individu-
als and people with intellectual disabilities persist, even in
the face of contrary evidence? How can these stereotypes
be changed?
. From a school administrator’s perspective: What advantages
and disadvantages do you think full inclusion programs
would present for students with mental retardation? For
students without mental retardation?
classrooms as much as possible (along with some partici-
pation in segregated special education classes); and full in-
clusion, in which all students, even those with the most
severe educational disabilities, are fully integrated into
regular classes (and separate classes are avoided). (p. 296)
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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EVALUATE
1. The term mental retardation is applied specifically to people
with an IQ below 60. True or false?
2, ________is a disorder caused by an extra chromosome
that is responsible for some cases of mental retardation.
KEY TERMS
mental retardation (or intellectual disability) p. 295
fetal alcohol syndrome p. 296
familial retardation p. 296
intellectually gifted p. 297
Are traditional IQ tests cultur-
ally biased?
Are there racial differences in
intelligence?
To what degree is intelligence
influenced by the environ-
ment and to what degree by
heredity?
300
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Kwang is often washed with a pleck tied to a:
(a) rundel
(b) flink
(c) pove
(d) quirj
If you found this kind of item on an intelligence test, you would probably complain
that the test was totally absurd and had nothing to do with your intelligence or
anyone else’s—and rightly so. How could anyone be expected to respond to items
presented in a language that was so unfamiliar?
Yet to some people, even more reasonable questions may appear just as nonsen-
sical. Consider the example of a child raised in a city who is asked about procedures
for milking cows, or someone raised in a rural area who is asked about subway
ticketing procedures. Obviously, the previous experience of the test-takers would
affect their ability to answer correctly. And if such types of questions were included
on an IQ test, a critic could rightly contend that the test had more to do with prior
experience than with intelligence.
Although IQ tests do not include questions that are so clearly dependent on prior
knowledge as questions about cows and subways, the background and experiences
of test-takers do have the potential to affect results. In fact, the issue of devising fair
intelligence tests that measure knowledge unrelated to culture and family background
and experience is central to explaining an important and persistent finding: Members
of certain racial and cultural groups consistently score lower on traditional intelligence
tests than do members of other groups. For example, as a group, blacks tend to aver-
age 10 to 15 IQ points lower than whites. Does this variation reflect a true difference
in intelligence, or are the questions biased with regard to the kinds of knowledge
they test? Clearly, if whites perform better because of their greater familiarity with
the kind of information that is being tested, their higher IQ scores are not an indica-
tion that they are more intelligent than members of other groups (Templer & Arikawa,
2006; Fagan & Holland, 2007; Morgan, Marsiske, & Whitfield, 2008).
There is good reason to believe that some standardized IQ tests contain elements
that discriminate against minority-group members whose experiences differ from
those of the white majority. Consider the question “What should you do if another
child grabbed your hat and ran off with it?” Most white middle-class children answer
that they would tell an adult, and this response is scored as correct. However, a
reasonable response might be to chase the person and fight to get the hat back, the
answer that is chosen by many urban black children—but one that is scored as incor-
rect (Miller-Jones, 1991; Aiken, 1997; Reynolds & Ramsay, 2003).
Furthermore, tests may include even subtler forms of bias against minority
groups. For example, assessments of cognitive ability developed in the United States
may favor responses that implicitly reflect North American or European values, cus-
toms, or traditions. At the same time, such tests are biased against African and other
cultural value systems (Helms, 1992; Byrne & Watkins, 2003).
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Module 28 Group Differences in Intelligence: Genetic and Environmental Determinants 301
For example, the traditional Western value of “rugged individualism” means that
correct answers to test items may require a test-taker to reason independently of a
particular social context. In contrast, the African cultural value of communalism, in
which one’s group is valued more than individuals, may leave test-takers from that
tradition unable to answer a question that provides no information about the social
context (Greenfield, 1997; Kwate, 2001).
In an attempt to produce a culture-fair IQ test, one that does Ex p | O ri nN g estes
not discriminate against the members of any minority group,
psychologists have tried to devise test items that assess
experiences common to all cultures or emphasize questions
that do not require language usage. However, test makers
have found this difficult to do because past experiences,
attitudes, and values almost always have an impact on
respondents’ answers (Fagan & Holland, 2009).
For example, children raised in Western cultures group things on the basis of what culture-fair IO test A test that does
they are (such as putting dog and fish into the category of animal). In contrast, members not discriminate against the members
of the Kpelle tribe in Africa see intelligence demonstrated by grouping things according of any minority group.
to what they do (grouping fish with swim). Similarly, children in the United States asked
to memorize the position of objects on a chessboard perform better than African
children living in remote villages if household objects familiar to the U.S. children are
used. But if rocks are used instead of household objects, the African children do better.
In short, it is difficult to produce a truly culture-fair test (Sandoval et al., 1998; Serpell,
2000; Valencia & Suzuki, 2003).
The efforts of psychologists to produce culture-fair measures of intelligence relate to
a lingering controversy over differences in intelligence between members of different
racial and ethnic groups. In attempting to identify whether there are differences
between such groups, psychologists have had to confront the broader issue of
determining the relative contribution to intelligence of genetic factors (heredity) and
experience (environment)—the nature-nurture issue that is one of the basic issues of
psychology.
Richard Herrnstein, a psychologist, and Charles Murray, a sociologist, fanned the
flames of the debate with the publication of their book The Bell Curve in the mid-1990s
(Herrnstein & Murray, 1994). They argued that an analysis of IQ differences between
whites and blacks demonstrated that although environmental factors played a role,
there were also basic genetic differences between the two races. They based their
argument on a number of findings. For instance, on average, whites score 15 points
higher than blacks on traditional IQ tests even when socioeconomic status (SES) is
taken into account. According to Herrnstein and Murray, middle- and upper-SES
blacks score lower than middle- and upper-SES whites, just as lower-SES blacks score
lower on average than lower-SES whites. Intelligence differences between blacks and
whites, they concluded, could not be attributed to environmental differences alone.
The Relative Influence of Genetics and
Environment: Nature, Nurture, and IQ
IQ AND HERITABILITY
It is clear that intelligence in general shows a high degree of heritability, a measure heritability A measure of the degree
of the degree to which a characteristic can be attributed to genetic, inherited factors. to which a characteristic is related to
(e.g., Petrill, 2005; Miller & Penke, 2007; Plomin, 2009). As can be seen in Figure 1, genetic, inherited factors.
the closer the genetic link between two related people, the greater the correspondence
of IQ scores. Using data such as these, Herrnstein and Murray argued that differences y Alert
between races in IQ scores were largely caused by genetically based differences in Remember that the differ-
intelligence. ences in IQ scores are much
However, many psychologists reacted strongly to the arguments laid out in The greater when comparing
Bell Curve, refuting several of the book’s basic arguments. One criticism is that even individuals than when
when attempts are made to hold socioeconomic conditions constant, wide variations comparing groups.
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302 Chapter 9 Intelligence
Relationship Genetic overlap Rearing Correlation
Monozygotic (identical) twins 100% Together 86
. $ i 3 The difference between these
Dizygotic (fraternal) twins 50% Together 62 +worcortaladons:shows:the
Siblings 50% Together impact of the environment
Siblings 50% Apart
Parent-child 50% Together BS
Parent-child 50% Apart Jl
The relatively low correlation
Adoptive parent-child 0% ‘Together 16 for unrelated children raised
Unrelated children 0% Together (2) together shows the .
importance of genetic factors
Spouses 0% Apart 29
FIGURE 1 The relationship between IQ and closeness of genetic relationship. In general, the
more similar the genetic and environmental background of two people, the greater the
correlation. Note, for example, that the correlation for spouses, who are genetically unrelated
and have been reared apart, is relatively low, whereas the correlation for identical twins
reared together is substantial. (Source: Adapted from Henderson, 1982.)
remain among individual households. Furthermore, no one can convincingly assert
that the living conditions of blacks and whites are identical even when their socio-
economic status is similar. In addition, as we discussed earlier, there is reason to
believe that traditional IO tests may discriminate against lower-SES urban blacks by
asking for information pertaining to experience they are unlikely to have had (Amer-
ican Psychological Association Task Force on Intelligence, 1996; Hall, 2002; Horn,
2002; Nisbett, 2007).
Moreover, blacks who are raised in economically enriched environments have
IQ scores similar to whites in comparable environments. For example, in a study of
black children who had been adopted at an early age by white middle-class families
of above-average intelligence, the IQ scores of those children averaged 106—about
15 points above the average IQ scores of unadopted black children in the study. Other
research shows that the racial gap in IQ narrows considerably after a college educa-
tion, and cross-cultural data demonstrate that when racial gaps exist in other cul-
tures, the economically disadvantaged groups typically have lower scores. In short,
the evidence that genetic factors play the major role in determining racial differences
in IQ is not compelling (Scarr & Weinberg, 1976; Sternberg, Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005;
Fagan & Holland, 2007; Nisbett, 2009).
Furthermore, drawing comparisons between different races on any dimension,
including IQ scores, is an imprecise, potentially misleading, and often fruitless ven-
ture. By far, the greatest discrepancies in IQ scores occur when comparing individuals,
not when comparing mean IQ scores of different groups. There are blacks who score
high on IQ tests and whites who score low, just are there are whites who score high
and blacks who score low. For the concept of intelligence to aid in the betterment of
society, we must examine how individuals perform and not the groups to which they
belong (Angoff, 1988; Fagan & Holland, 2002, 2007).
THE FLEXIBILITY OF INTELLIGENCE: THE FLYNN EFFECT
Intelligence is also more flexible and modifiable than originally envisioned. For
instance, researchers have been puzzled by data showing a long-term increase in IQ
scores that has occurred since the early 1900s. Because the average person today gets
more items correct on IQ tests than the average person several generations ago,
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Module 28 Group Differences in Intelligence: Genetic and Environmental Determinants 303
scores have risen significantly—a phenomenon named the Flynn effect after its dis-
coverer, psychologist James Flynn. The Flynn effect is not trivial, with the perfor-
mance of the average 20-year-old today measuring some 15 points higher than the
performance of the average 20-year-old in 1940 (Flynn, 2000, 2007).
The cause of the Flynn effect is not clear. Flynn and a colleague, economist Wil-
liam Dickens, argue that the higher scores have resulted as people have matched
their genetic gifts with their environment. Because society is increasingly complex
and driven by technology, it is increasingly making demands that people with high
intelligence are particularly adept at meeting. Consequently, society provides greater
opportunities for people with high IQs to excel, and that environment pushes them
even more intellectually, creating an increase overall in IQ scores (Dickens & Flynn,
2001; Flynn, 2007).
Other explanations for the Flynn effect suggest that it may due to better nutri-
tion, better parenting, or improvements in the general social environment, including
education. Whatever the cause, the change in IQ scores over the century is not due
to evolutionary changes in human genetics: The period over which the Flynn effect
has occurred is far too short for people to have evolved into a more intelligent spe-
cies (Loehlin, 2002; Sunder Borren, & Tambs, 2008; Lynn, 2009).
PLACING THE HEREDITY-ENVIRONMENT QUESTION i DP ;
IN PERSPECTIVE Social and economic inequality, as well
as heredity and other environmental
Ultimately, there is no final answer to the question of the degree to which intelligence factors, are associated with differences
is influenced by heredity and by the environment. We are dealing with an issue for in intelligence. People who have greater
which experiments to unambiguously determine cause and effect cannot be devised. educational opportunities and who
The more critical question to ask, then, is not whether hereditary or environmen- suffer fewer economic constraints are
tal factors primarily underlie intelligence, but whether there is anything we can do able to maximize their intelligence.
to maximize the intellectual development of each individual. If we can find ways to
do this, we will be able to make changes in the environment—which may take the
form of enriched home and school environments—that can lead each person to reach
his or her potential.
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304 Chapter 9 Intelligence
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 2. A(n) _______ test tries to use only questions appropri-
ate to all the people taking the test.
3. IQ tests can accurately determine the intelligence of entire
groups of people. True or false?
. Intelligence can be seen as a combination of
Are traditional IQ tests culturally biased?
e Traditional intelligence tests have frequently been criti-
cized for being biased in favor of the white middle-class
population. This controversy has led to attempts to de-
A
vise culture-fair tests, IQ measures that avoid questions and acre
that depend on a particular cultural background. (p. 300)
Are there racial differences in intelligence? EEE
e Issues of racial differences in intelligence are very contro- 1. There’s been a steady rise in average IQ scores in the
versial in part because of the difficulty of defining the United States over the last several decades. Why might
concept of race scientifically and disagreement over this be the case? Do you think it represents an actual in-
what constitutes an unbiased measure of race. (p. 301) crease in intelligence?
2. From a college admissions officer's perspective: Imagine you
notice that students who are members of minority groups
systematically receive lower scores on standardized col-
lege entrance exams. What suggestions do you have for
helping these students improve their scores? What advice
about their college applications would you give these stu-
dents to help them be competitive applicants?
To what degree is intelligence influenced by the environment
and to what degree by heredity?
e Attempting to distinguish environmental from heredi-
tary factors in intelligence is probably futile and certainly
misguided. Because individual IQ scores vary far more
than group IQ scores, it is more critical to ask what can
be done to maximize the intellectual development of
each individual. (p. 301)
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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EVALUATE TENprAarput Ur SUOLLA IpIM are areyy dnors Aue uyy ‘aouast[ayut
JENPTIAIPuUI ainseoul o} pasn are $}sa} ÖJ ‘AsTey E eJ- MYND F ‘andy I
1. Intelligence tests may be biased toward the prevailing cul-
ture in such a way that minorities are put at a disadvan-
tage when taking these tests. True or false?
KEY TERMS
culture-fair IQ test p. 301
heritability p. 301
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Psychology on the Web
1. Many sites on the web permit you to assess your IQ. Take at least two such tests and
(a) compare your results, (b) indicate what mental qualities seemed to be tested on
the tests, and (c) discuss your impression of the reliability and validity of the tests.
Write up your conclusions.
2. Find a way to assess at least one other of your multiple intelligences (that is, one not
tested by the IQ tests you took) on the web. What sort of intelligence was the test
supposed to be testing? What sorts of items were included? How valid and reliable do
you think it was, both in and of itself and compared with the IQ tests you took?
È D | | OQ U e We've just examined one of the most controversial areas
of psychology— intelligence. Some of the most heated
discussions in all of psychology focus on this topic, engaging educators, policymakers,
politicians, and psychologists. The issues include the very meaning of intelligence, its
measurement, individual extremes of intelligence, and, finally, the heredity-environment
question. We saw that the quest to partition intelligence into hereditary factors versus
environmental factors is generally pointless. In the area of intelligence, the focus of our
efforts should be on making sure that every individual has the opportunity to achieve
his or her potential.
Before we leave the topic of intelligence, return to the stories of the two persons of
widely different intellectual capabilities discussed in the Prologue, Chris Burke and Sho
Yano. Consider the following questions on the basis of what you have learned about
intelligence.
1. Chris Burke's physicians concluded in his infancy that he would never be able to
function effectively in society and should be immediately institutionalized. How do
you think the physicians came to their conclusions, and why do you think they were
proven wrong?
2. In what ways would placing Burke in a separate educational program have helped or
hurt his chances of reaching his full potential?
3. How might the educational acceleration of Sho Yano help and hinder his later
development? Do you think slowing down his educational progress might be
beneficial? How?
4. Based on research relating to individuals who have unusually high IQ scores, what do
you think Sho's emotional intelligence is like?
305
CHAPTER 10
Motivation and Emotion
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Key Concepts for Chapter 10
MODULE 29
How does motivation direct and energize Explaining Motivation
nstinct Approaches:
ior?
behavior? Born to Be Motivated
Drive-Reduction Approaches:
Satisfying Our Needs
Arousal Approaches:
Beyond Drive Reduction
ncentive Approaches: Motivation’s Pull
Cognitive Approaches:
The Thoughts Behind Motivation
Maslow's Hierarchy: Ordering
Motivational Needs
Applying the Different
Approaches to Motivation
MODULE 30
What biological and social factors underlie Human Needs and Motivation:
Eat, Drink, and Be Daring
The Motivation Behind
Hunger and Eating
hunger? @ How are needs relating to
achievement, affiliation, and power
Social Factors in Eating
motivation exhibited? PsychWork: Nutritionist
Eating Disorders
Neuroscience in Your Life: Cognitive
Processing in Anorexic Patients
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Dieting and Losing
Weight Successfully
The Need for Achievement:
Striving for Success
The Need for Affiliation:
Striving for Friendship
The Need for Power: Striving
for Impact on Others
MODULE 31
What are emotions, and how do we Understanding Emotional
Experiences
experience them? @ What are the functions 7 l l
he Functions of Emotions
Determining the Range of Emotions:
Labeling Our Feelings
of emotions? @ What are explanations for
emotions? ® How does nonverbal behavior
The Roots of Emotions
relate to the expression of emotions? Exploring Diversity: Do People in All
Cultures Express Emotion Similarly?
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Smiling Athletes—Do Their Facial
Expressions Come Naturally?
307
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Prologue Falling Off the Diet Wagon
When Kirstie Alley stepped on the scale for the first time in
15 months, she had a hunch that it wouldn't be pretty. “Il thought
| weighed 190, but | got on the scale and started screaming,”
recalls Alley. “It said 228 Ibs., which is my. highest weight ever.”
But looking back, Alley, 58, is hardly shocked that her body...
had ballooned beyond 200 Ibs. yet again. . À She had not worked
out and even banished her gym equipment to the garage. As for
her diet, her small, low-calorie portions gave way to Chinese
takeout and pasta drenched in butter.
“| fell off the horse,” says the 5'8” star... | just sort of went wild.”
(Leonard, 2009, p. 50)
Actress Kirstie Alley’s notorious up-and-down battle with
obesity—at one point she dieted down to 145 pounds, only to
gain back the weight—is just one very public example of the
struggles that hundreds of millions of people have maintaining
an appropriate weight. But why is it so difficult to maintain an
appropriate weight? Why do the natural mechanisms that regulate
our other bodily functions often fail when it comes to regulat-
ing our eating behavior? These questions and many others are
addressed by psychologists who study the topics of motivation
and emotion. Psychologists who study motivation seek to discover
the particular desired goals—the motives—that underlie behavior.
Behaviors as basic as drinking to satisfy thirst and as inconsequential
as taking a stroll to get exercise exemplify motives. Psychologists
specializing in the study of motivation assume that such underlying
motives steer our choices of activities.
While motivation concerns the forces that direct future
behavior, emotion pertains to the feelings we experience
308
throughout our lives. The study of emotions focuses on our
internal experiences at any given moment. All of us feel a variety
of emotions: happiness at succeeding at a difficult task, sadness
over the death of a loved one, anger at being treated unfairly.
Because emotions not only play a role in motivating our behavior
but also act as a reflection of our underlying motivation, they
play an important role in our lives.
We begin this set of modules by focusing on the major concep-
tions of motivation, discussing how different motives and needs
jointly affect behavior. We consider motives that are biologically
based and universal in the animal kingdom, such as hunger, as
well as motives that are unique to humans, such as the need for
achievement.
We then turn to emotions. We consider the roles and functions
that emotions play in people's lives and discuss several approaches
that explain how people understand their emotions. Finally, we
look at how nonverbal behavior communicates emotions.
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MODULE 29
In just a moment, 27-year-old Aron Ralston’s life changed. An 800-pound boulder dis-
lodged in a narrow canyon where Ralston was hiking in an isolated Utah canyon, pinning
his lower arm to the ground.
For the next five days, Ralston lay in the dense, lonely forest, unable to escape. An
experienced climber who had search-and-rescue training, he had ample time to consider
his options. He tried unsuccessfully to chip away at the rock, and he rigged up ropes
and pulleys around the boulder in a vain effort to move it.
Finally, out of water and nearly dehydrated, Ralston reasoned there was only one
option left short of dying. In acts of incredible bravery, Ralston broke two bones in his
wrist, applied a tourniquet, and used a dull pen knife to amputate his arm beneath
the elbow.
Freed from his entrapment, Ralston climbed down from where he had been pinned
and then hiked five miles to safety (Cox, 2003; Lofholm, 2003).
What motivation lay behind Ralston’s resolve?
To answer this question, psychologists employ the concept of motivation, the
factors that direct and energize the behavior of humans and other organisms. Moti-
vation has biological, cognitive, and social aspects, and the complexity of the concept
has led psychologists to develop a variety of approaches. All seek to explain the
energy that guides people’s behavior in specific directions.
Instinct Approaches:
Born to Be Motivated
When psychologists first tried to explain motivation, they turned to instincts, inborn
patterns of behavior that are biologically determined rather than learned. According
to instinct approaches to motivation, people and animals are born preprogrammed
with sets of behaviors essential to their survival. Those instincts provide the energy
that channels behavior in appropriate directions. Hence, sexual behavior may be a
response to an instinct to reproduce, and exploratory behavior may be motivated by
an instinct to examine one’s territory.
This conception presents several difficulties, however. For one thing, psycholo-
gists do not agree on what, or even how many, primary instincts exist. One early
psychologist, William McDougall (1908), suggested that there are 18 instincts. Other
theorists came up with even more—with one sociologist (Bernard, 1924) claiming
that there are exactly 5,759 distinct instincts!
Furthermore, explanations based on the concept of instincts do not go very far
toward explaining why one specific pattern of behavior, and not others, has appeared
in a given species. In addition, although it is clear that much animal behavior is based
on instincts, much of the variety and complexity of human behavior is learned and
thus cannot be seen as instinctual.
As a result of these shortcomings, newer explanations have replaced conceptions
of motivation based on instincts. However, instinct approaches still play a role in
How does motivation direct
and energize behavior?
L S
Aron Ralston
The factors that direct and
energize the behavior of humans and
other organisms.
Inborn patterns of behavior
that are biologically determined rather
than learned.
309
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310 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
drive-reduction approaches to
motivation Theories suggesting that a
lack of a basic biological requirement
such as water produces a drive to
obtain that requirement (in this case,
the thirst drive).
drive Motivational tension, or arousal,
that energizes behavior to fulfill a
need.
homeostasis The body’s tendency to
maintain a steady internal state.
ly Alert
To remember the concept of
homeostasis, keep in mind
the analogy of a thermo-
stat that regulates the
temperature in a house.
certain theories, especially those based on evolutionary approaches that focus on our
genetic inheritance. Furthermore, Freud’s work suggests that instinctual drives of sex
and aggression motivate behavior (Katz, 2001).
Drive-Reduction Approaches:
Satisfying Our Needs
After rejecting instinct theory, psychologists first proposed simple drive-reduction
theories of motivation to take its place (Hull, 1943). Drive-reduction approaches to
motivation suggest that a lack of some basic biological requirement such as water
produces a drive to obtain that requirement (in this case, the thirst drive).
To understand this approach, we begin with the concept of drive. A drive is
motivational tension, or arousal, that energizes behavior to fulfill a need. Many basic
drives, such as hunger, thirst, sleep, and sex, are related to biological needs of the
body or of the species as a whole. These are called primary drives. Primary drives
contrast with secondary drives in which behavior fulfills no obvious biological need.
In secondary drives, prior experience and learning bring about needs. For instance,
some people have strong needs to achieve academically and professionally. We can
say that their achievement need is reflected in a secondary drive that motivates their
behavior (McKinley et al., 2004; Seli, 2007).
We usually try to satisfy a primary drive by reducing the need underlying it. For
example, we become hungry after not eating for a few hours and may raid the
refrigerator, especially if the next scheduled meal is not imminent. If the weather
turns cold, we put on extra clothing or raise the setting on the thermostat to keep
warm. If our bodies need liquids to function properly, we experience thirst and seek
out water.
HOMEOSTASIS
Homeostasis, the body’s tendency to maintain a steady internal state, underlies pri-
mary drives. Using feedback loops, homeostasis brings deviations in body function-
ing back to an optimal state, similar to the way a thermostat and a furnace work in
a home heating system to maintain a steady temperature (see Figure 1). Receptor
cells throughout the body constantly monitor factors such as temperature and nutri-
ent levels. When deviations from the ideal state occur, the body adjusts in an effort
to return to an optimal state. Many fundamental needs, including the needs for food,
water, stable body temperature, and sleep, operate via homeostasis (Black, 2006; Shin,
Zheng, & Berthoud, 2009; Vassalli & Dijk, 2009).
Although drive-reduction theories provide a good explanation of how primary
drives motivate behavior, they cannot fully explain a behavior in which the goal is
not to reduce a drive but rather to maintain or even increase the level of excitement
or arousal. For instance, some behaviors seem to be motivated by nothing more
than curiosity, such as rushing to check e-mail messages. Similarly, many people
pursue thrilling activities such as riding a roller coaster or steering a raft down the
rapids of a river. Such behaviors certainly don’t suggest that people seek to reduce
all drives as drive-reduction approaches would indicate (Begg & Langley, 2001;
Rosenbloom & Wolf, 2002).
Both curiosity and thrill-seeking behavior, then, shed doubt on drive-reduction
approaches as a complete explanation for motivation. In both cases, rather than
seeking to reduce an underlying drive, people and animals appear to be moti-
vated to increase their overall level of stimulation and activity. To explain this
phenomenon, psychologists have devised an alternative: arousal approaches to
motivation.
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Module 29 Explaining Motivation 311
Set point for heating
When the room cools to
this point, the regulatory
system signals the furnace
for heat.
Set point for cooling
When the room heats to
this point, the regulatory
system signals the air
conditioner to cool.
The sensor measures
room temperature,
providing feedback to
the regulatory system.
oS Se
Air
conditioner
Controlled systems
Arousal Approaches:
Beyond Drive Reduction
Arousal approaches seek to explain behavior in which the goal is to maintain or
increase excitement. According to arousal approaches to motivation, each person
tries to maintain a certain level of stimulation and activity. As with the drive-
reduction model, this model suggests that if our stimulation and activity levels
become too high, we try to reduce them. But, in contrast to the drive-reduction
model, the arousal model also suggests that if levels of stimulation and activity are
too low, we will try to increase them by seeking stimulation.
People vary widely in the optimal level of arousal they seek out, with some people
looking for especially high levels of arousal. For example, people who participate in
daredevil sports, high-stakes gamblers, and criminals who pull off high-risk robberies
may be exhibiting a particularly high need for arousal (see Figure 2 on page 312;
Zuckerman & Kuhlman, 2000; Zuckerman, 2002; Cavenett & Nixon, 2006).
Incentive Approaches:
Motivation’s Pull
When a luscious dessert appears on the table after a filling meal, its appeal has little
or nothing to do with internal drives or the maintenance of arousal. Rather, if we
choose to eat the dessert, such behavior is motivated by the external stimulus of the
FIGURE 1 With homeostasis, a series of
feedback loops is used to regulate body
functions, similar to the way a thermostat
turns on the furnace when a room's air
temperature becomes too cool and turns
it off when the air temperature becomes
too warm. Similarly, when body tempera-
ture becomes too low, the blood vessels
constrict, and we shiver and seek warmth.
When body temperature becomes too
high, the blood vessels expand, and
we sweat as our bodies try to lower the
temperature. Can you think of other
internal systems that operate via
homeostasis?
arousal approaches to motivation
The belief that we try to maintain
certain levels of stimulation and
activity increasing or reducing them
as necessary.
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312 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
FIGURE 2 Some people seek high
levels of arousal, while others are more K
easygoing. You can get a sense of your
own preferred level of stimulation by
completing this questionnaire. (Source:
“Do You Seek Out Sensation?” questionnaire
from Marvin Zuckerman, “The Search for
High Sensation,” Psychology Today, February
1978, pp. 30-46. Reprinted with permission
from Psychology Today magazine, (Copyright
© 1978 Sussex Publishers, LLC.)
Do You Seek Out Sensation?
How much stimulation do you crave in your everyday life? You will have an idea after you
complete the following questionnaire, which lists some items from a scale designed to
assess your sensation-seeking tendencies. Circle either A or B in each pair or statements.
1. A I would like a job that requires a lot of travelling.
| would prefer a job in one location.
| am invigorated by a brisk, cold day.
| can't wait to get indoors on a cold day.
| get bored seeing the same old faces.
| like the comfortable familiarity of everyday friends.
| would prefer living in an ideal society in which everyone was safe, secure,
and happy.
| would have preferred living in the unsettled days of our history.
| sometimes like to do things that are a little frightening.
A sensible person avoids activities that are dangerous.
| would not like to be hypnotized.
| would like to have the experience of being hypnotized.
The most important goal of life is to live it to the fullest and to experience as much
as possible.
The most important goal of life is to find peace and happiness.
| would like to try parachute jumping.
| would never want to try jumping out of a plane, with or without a parachute.
| enter cold water gradually, giving myself time to get used to it.
| like to dive or jump right into the ocean or a cold pool.
When | go on a vacation, | prefer the comfort of a good room and bed.
When | go on a vacation, | prefer the change of camping out.
| prefer people who are emotionally expressive, even if they are a bit unstable.
| prefer people who are calm and even-tempered.
A good painting should shock or jolt the senses.
A good painting should give one a feeling of peace and security.
13. A People who ride motorcycles must have some kind of unconscious need to
hurt themselves.
B | would like to drive or ride a motorcycle.
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Scoring: Give yourself one point for each of the following responses: 1A, 2A, 3A, 4B, 5A, 6B, 7A, 8A,
9B, 10B, 11A, 12A, 13B. Find your total score by adding up the number of points and then use the
following scoring key.
0-3 very low sensation seeking
4-5 low
6-9 average
10-11 high
12-13 very high
Keep in mind, of course, that this short questionnaire, for which the scoring is based on the results
of college students who have taken it, provides only a rough estimate of your sensation-seeking
tendencies. Moreover, as people get older, their sensation-seeking scores tend to decrease. Still,
the questionnaire will at least give you an indication of how your sensation-seeking tendencies
compare with those of others.
dessert itself, which acts as an anticipated reward. This reward, in motivational
terms, is an incentive.
incentive approaches to motivation
Incentive approaches to motivation suggest that motivation stems from the
Theories suggesting that motivation desire to obtain valued external goals, or incentives. In this view, the desirable prop-
stems from the desire to obtain valued erties of external stimuli—whether grades, money, affection, food, or sex—account
external goals, or incentives. for a person’s motivation (Festinger et al., 2009).
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Module 29 Explaining Motivation 313
Although the theory explains why we may succumb to an incentive (such as a
mouth-watering dessert) even though we lack internal cues (such as hunger), it does
not provide a complete explanation of motivation because organisms sometimes seek
to fulfill needs even when incentives are not apparent. Consequently, many psy-
chologists believe that the internal drives proposed by drive-reduction theory work
in tandem with the external incentives of incentive theory to “push” and “pull”
behavior, respectively. Thus, at the same time that we seek to satisfy our underlying
hunger needs (the push of drive-reduction theory), we are drawn to food that appears
very appetizing (the pull of incentive theory). Rather than contradicting each other,
then, drives and incentives may work together in motivating behavior (Pinel,
Assanand, & Lehman, 2000; Lowery, Fillingim, & Wright, 2003; Berridge, 2004).
Cognitive Approaches: The
Thoughts Behind Motivation
Cognitive approaches to motivation suggest that motivation is a product of people’s
thoughts, expectations, and goals—their cognitions. For instance, the degree to which
people are motivated to study for a test is based on their expectation of how well
studying will pay off in terms of a good grade.
Cognitive theories of motivation draw a key distinction between intrinsic and
extrinsic motivation. Intrinsic motivation causes us to participate in an activity for our
own enjoyment rather than for any concrete, tangible reward that it will bring us. In
contrast, extrinsic motivation causes us to do something for money, a grade, or some
other concrete, tangible reward. For example, when a physician works long hours
because she loves medicine, intrinsic motivation is prompting her; if she works hard
to make a lot of money, extrinsic motivation underlies her efforts (Lepper, Corpus,
& lyengar, 2005; Shaikholeslami & Khayyer, 2006; Finkelstein, 2009).
We are more apt to persevere, work harder, and produce work of higher quality
when motivation for a task is intrinsic rather than extrinsic. In fact, in some cases
providing rewards for desirable behavior (thereby increasing extrinsic motivation)
actually may decrease intrinsic motivation (Henderlong & Lepper, 2002; James, 2005;
Grant, 2008).
Maslow's Hierarchy: Ordering
Motivational Needs
What do Eleanor Roosevelt, Abraham Lincoln, and Albert Einstein have in common?
The common thread, according to a model of motivation devised by psychologist
Abraham Maslow, is that each of them fulfilled the highest levels of motivational
needs underlying human behavior.
Maslow’s model places motivational needs in a hierarchy and suggests that
before more sophisticated, higher-order needs can be met, certain primary needs
must be satisfied (Maslow, 1970, 1987). A pyramid can represent the model with the
more basic needs at the bottom and the higher-level needs at the top (see Figure 3).
To activate a specific higher-order need, thereby guiding behavior, a person must first
fulfill the more basic needs in the hierarchy.
The basic needs are primary drives: needs for water, food, sleep, sex, and the
like. To move up the hierarchy, a person must first meet these basic physiological
needs. Safety needs come next in the hierarchy; Maslow suggests that people need
a safe, secure environment in order to function effectively. Physiological and safety
needs compose the lower-order needs.
cognitive approaches to motivation
Theories suggesting that motivation
is a product of people’s thoughts, ex-
pectations, and goals—their cognitions.
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314 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
FIGURE 3 Maslow's hierarchy shows
how our motivation progresses up the
pyramid from the broadest, most
fundamental biological needs to
higher-order ones. Do you agree that
lower-order needs must be satisfied
before higher-order needs? Do hermits
and monks who attempt to fulfill
spiritual needs while denying basic
physical needs contradict Maslow’s
hierarchy? (After Maslow, 1970.)
self-actualization A state of self-
fulfillment in which people realize
their highest potential in their own
unique way.
Only after meeting the basic lower-order needs can a person consider fulfilling
higher-order needs, such as the needs for love and a sense of belonging, esteem, and
self-actualization. Love and belongingness needs include the needs to obtain and give
affection and to be a contributing member of some group or society. After fulfilling
these needs, a person strives for esteem. In Maslow’s thinking, esteem relates to the
need to develop a sense of self-worth by recognizing that others know and value
one’s competence.
Once these four sets of needs are fulfilled—no easy task—a person is able to
strive for the highest-level need, self-actualization. Self-actualization is a state of
self-fulfillment in which people realize their highest potentials in their own unique
way. Although Maslow first suggested that self-actualization occurred in only a few
famous individuals, he later expanded the concept to encompass everyday people.
For example, a parent with excellent nurturing skills who raises a family, a teacher
who year after year creates an environment that maximizes students’ opportunities
for success, and an artist who realizes his creative potential all may be self-actualized.
The important thing is that people feel at ease with themselves and satisfied that
they are using their talents to the fullest. In a sense, achieving self-actualization
reduces the striving and yearning for greater fulfillment that mark most people’s
lives and instead provides a sense of satisfaction with the current state of affairs
(Piechowski, 2003; Reiss & Havercamp, 2005; Laas, 2006).
Although research has been unable to validate the specific ordering of Maslow’s
stages, and it is difficult to measure self-actualization objectively, Maslow’s hierarchy
of needs is important for two reasons: It highlights the complexity of human needs,
and it emphasizes the idea that until more basic biological needs are met, people will
be relatively unconcerned with higher-order needs. For example, if people are hun-
gry, their first interest will be in obtaining food; they will not be concerned with
needs such as love and self-esteem (Hanley & Abell, 2002; Samantaray, Srivastava,
& Mishra, 2002; Ojha & Pramanick, 2009).
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Module 29 Explaining Motivation 315
Maslow’s hierarchy of needs has also spawned other approaches to motivation.
For example, Edward Deci and Richard Ryan (2008) have considered human needs
in terms of psychological well-being. They suggest in their self-determination theory
that people have the three basic needs of competence, autonomy, and relatedness.
Competence is the need to produce desired outcomes, while autonomy is the percep-
tion that we have control over our own lives. Finally, relatedness is the need to be
involved in close, warm relationships with others. In the view of self-determination
theory, these three psychological needs are innate and universal across cultures, and
they are essential as basic biological needs (Jang et al., 2009).
Applying the Different
Approaches to Motivation
The various theories of motivation (summarized in Figure 4) give several different
perspectives on it. Which provides the fullest account of motivation? Actually, many
of the approaches are complementary rather than contradictory. In fact, employing
more than one approach can help us understand motivation in a particular instance.
Consider, for example, Aron Ralston’s accident while hiking (described earlier).
His interest in climbing in an isolated and potentially dangerous area may be
explained by arousal approaches to motivation. From the perspective of instinct
approaches, we realize that Aron had an overwhelming instinct to preserve his life
FIGURE 4 The major approaches to motivation.
Use Figure 4 to learn the
distinctions among the
different explanations for
motivation (instinct, drive
reduction, arousal, incen-
tive, cognitive, and Maslow’s
hierarchy of needs).
Cognitive
Thoughts,
expectations, and
understanding of
the world direct
motivation.
316
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Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
at all costs. From a cognitive perspective, we see his careful consideration of various
strategies to extricate himself from the boulder.
In short, applying multiple approaches to motivation in a given situation pro-
vides a broader understanding than we might obtain by employing only a single
approach. We'll see this again when we consider specific motives—such as the needs
for food, achievement, affiliation, and power—and draw on several of the theories
for the fullest account of what motivates our behavior.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
How does motivation direct and energize behavior?
Motivation relates to the factors that direct and energize
behavior. (p. 309)
Drive is the motivational tension that energizes behavior
to fulfill a need. (p. 310)
Homeostasis, the maintenance of a steady internal state,
often underlies motivational drives. (p. 310)
Arousal approaches suggest that we try to maintain a
particular level of stimulation and activity. (p. 311)
Incentive approaches focus on the positive aspects
of the environment that direct and energize behavior.
(p. 311)
Cognitive approaches focus on the role of thoughts,
expectations, and understanding of the world in
producing motivation. (p. 313)
Maslow’s hierarchy suggests that there are five basic
needs: physiological, safety, love and belongingness,
esteem, and self-actualization. Only after the more basic
needs are fulfilled can a person move toward meeting
higher-order needs. (p. 314)
EVALUATE
1.
27
are forces that guide a person’s behavior in a
certain direction.
Biologically determined, inborn patterns of behavior are
known as
KEY TERMS
motivation p. 309
instincts p. 309
drive-reduction approaches to motivation p. 310
drive p. 310
homeostasis p. 310
3.
Your psychology professor tells you, “Explaining behavior
is easy! When we lack something, we are motivated to get
it.” Which approach to motivation does your professor
subscribe to?
4. By drinking water after running a marathon, a runner
tries to keep his or her body at an optimal level of
functioning. This process is called
. [help an elderly person cross the street because doing a
good deed makes me feel good. What type of motivation
is at work here? What type of motivation would be at
work if I were to help an elderly man across the street
because he paid me $20?
. According to Maslow, a person with no job, no home, and
no friends can become self-actualized. True or false?
RETHINK
Al
Which approaches to motivation are more commonly
used in the workplace? How might each approach be used
to design employment policies that can sustain or increase
motivation?
From the perspective of an educator: Do you think that giving
students grades serves as an external reward that would
decrease intrinsic motivation for the subject matter? Why
or why not?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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arousal approaches to motivation p. 311
incentive approaches to motivation p. 312
cognitive approaches to motivation p. 313
self-actualization p. 314
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MODULE 30
As a sophomore at the University of California, Santa Cruz, Lisa Arndt followed a
menu of her own making: For breakfast she ate cereal or fruit with 10 diet pills and
50 chocolate-flavored laxatives. Lunch was a salad or sandwich; dinner: chicken and
rice. But it was the feast that followed that Arndt relished most. Almost every night at
about 9 p.m., she would retreat to her room and eat an entire small pizza and a whole
batch of cookies. Then she’d wait for the day’s laxatives to take effect. “It was extremely
painful,” says Arndt of those days. . . . “But I was that desperate to make up for my
binging. I was terrified of fat the way other people are afraid of lions or guns.”
(Hubbard, O’Neill, & Cheakalos, 1999, p. 59)
Lisa was one of the 10 million women (and 1 million men) who are estimated to
suffer from an eating disorder. These disorders, which usually appear during ado-
lescence, can bring about extraordinary weight loss and other forms of physical dete-
rioration. Extremely dangerous, they sometimes result in death.
Why are Lisa and others like her subject to such disordered eating, which
revolves around the motivation to avoid weight gain at all costs? And why do so
many other people engage in overeating, which leads to obesity?
To answer these questions, we must consider some of the specific needs that
underlie behavior. In this module, we examine several of the most important human
needs. We begin with hunger, the primary drive that has received the most attention
from researchers, and then we turn to secondary drives—those uniquely human
endeavors based on learned needs and past experience that help explain why people
strive to achieve, to affiliate with others, and to seek power over others.
The Motivation Behind
Hunger and Eating
Two hundred million people in the United States—some two-thirds of the population—
are overweight. Almost a quarter are so heavy that they have obesity, body weight
that is more than 20 percent above the average weight for a person of a particular
height. And the rest of the world is not far behind: A billion people around the globe
are overweight or obese. The World Health Organization has said that worldwide
obesity has reached epidemic proportions, producing increases in heart disease, dia-
betes, cancer, and premature deaths (Hill, Catenacci, & Wyatt, 2005; Stephenson &
Banet-Weiser, 2007).
The most widely used measure of obesity is body mass index (BMI), which is based
on a ratio of weight to height. People with a BMI greater than 30 are considered
obese, whereas those with a BMI between 25 and 30 are overweight. (Use the for-
mulas in Figure 1 to determine your own BMI.)
Although the definition of obesity is clear from a scientific point of view, people’s
perceptions of what an ideal body looks like vary significantly across different cultures
and, within Western cultures, from one time period to another. For instance, many
contemporary Western cultures stress the importance of slimness in women—a
What biological and social
factors underlie hunger?
How are needs relating to
achievement, affiliation, and
power motivation exhibited?
Body weight that is more than
20% above the average weight for a
person of a particular height.
317
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318 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
FIGURE 1 Use this procedure to find
your body mass index. ~
To calculate your body mass index, follow these steps:
1. Indicate your weight in pounds: —— pounds
2. Indicate your height in inches: ___________ inches
3. Divide your weight (item 1) by your height (item 2), and write the outcome here:
4. Divide the result above (item 3) by your height (item 2), and write the outcome here:
5. Multiply the number above by 703, and write the product here: . This
is your body mass index.
Example:
For a person who weights 210 pounds and who is 6 feet tall, divide 210 pounds by 72
inches, which equals 2.917. Then divide 2.917 by 72 inches (item 3), which yields .041.
Multiplying .041 (from item 4) by 703 yields a BMI of 28.5.
Interpretation:
Underweight = less than 18.5
Normal weight = 18.5-24.9
Overweight = 25-29.9
Obesity = BMI of 30 or greater
Keep in mind that a BMI greater than 25 may or may not be due to excess body fat. For
example, professional athletes may have little fat but weigh more than the average
person because they have greater muscle mass.
relatively recent view. In 19th century Hawaii, the most attractive women were those
who were the heaviest. Furthermore, for most of the 20th century—except for periods
in the 1920s and the most recent decades—the ideal female figure was relatively full.
Even today, weight standards differ among different cultural groups. For instance, in
some traditional Arab cultures, obese women are so prized as wives that parents
force-feed their female children to make them more desirable (Naik, 2004; Blixen,
Singh, & Xu, 2006; Marsh, Hau, & Sung, 2007).
Regardless of cultural standards for appearance and weight, no one doubts that
being overweight represents a major health risk. However, controlling weight is com-
plicated because eating behavior involves a variety of mechanisms. In our discussion
of what motivates people to eat, we'll start with the biological aspects of eating.
BIOLOGICAL FACTORS IN
THE REGULATION OF HUNGER
In contrast to human beings, other species are unlikely to
become obese. Internal mechanisms regulate not only the quan-
tity of food they take in, but also the kind of food they desire.
For example, rats that have been deprived of particular foods
seek out alternatives that contain the specific nutrients their diet
is lacking, and many species, given the choice of a wide variety
w i i @ ea
p4 = of foods, select a well-balanced diet (Bouchard & Bray, 1996;
A / Woods et al., 2000; Jones & Corp, 2003).
PM — 7 Complex biological mechanisms tell organisms whether they
dA Ee S É| require food or should stop eating. It’s not just a matter of an
—— E a K AA empty stomach causing hunger pangs and a full one alleviating
f o paataan those pangs. (Even individuals who have had their stomachs
© Michael Maslin/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“Gee, I had no idea you were married to a supermodel.” removed still experience the sensation of hunger.) One important
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Module 30 Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 319
Hypothalamus
Pituitary gland
FIGURE 2 The hypothalamus acts as the brain's “feeding center” and is primarily responsible
for monitoring food intake.
factor is changes in the chemical composition of the blood. For instance, changes in
levels of glucose, a kind of sugar, regulate feelings of hunger. In addition, the hormone
insulin leads the body to store excess sugar in the blood as fats and carbohydrates.
Finally, the hormone ghrelin communicates to the brain feelings of hunger. The produc-
tion of ghrelin increases according to meal schedules as well as the sight or smell of
food, producing the feeling that tells us we’re hungry and should eat (Teff, 2007; Wren
& Bloom, 2007; Kojima & Kangawa, 2008).
The brain’s hypothalamus monitors glucose levels (see Figure 2). Increasing evi-
dence suggests that the hypothalamus carries the primary responsibility for monitor-
ing food intake. Injury to the hypothalamus has radical consequences for eating
behavior, depending on the site of the injury. For example, rats whose lateral hypo-
thalamus is damaged may literally starve to death. They refuse food when it is offered;
unless they are force-fed, they eventually die. Rats with an injury to the ventromedial
hypothalamus display the opposite problem: extreme overeating. Rats with this injury
can increase in weight by as much as 400%. Similar phenomena occur in humans
who have tumors of the hypothalamus (Woods & Seeley, 2002; Seymour, 2006; Fedeli
et al., 2009).
Although the important role the hypothalamus plays in regulating food intake
is clear, the exact way this organ operates is still unclear. One hypothesis suggests
that injury to the hypothalamus affects the weight set point, or the particular level
of weight that the body strives to maintain, which in turn regulates food intake.
Acting as a kind of internal weight thermostat, the hypothalamus calls for either
greater or less food intake (Capaldi, 1996; Woods et al., 2000; Berthoud, 2002).
In most cases, the hypothalamus does a good job. Even people who are not
deliberately monitoring their weight show only minor weight fluctuations in spite of
substantial day-to-day variations in how much they eat and exercise. However, injury
to the hypothalamus can alter the weight set point, and a person then struggles to
meet the internal goal by increasing or decreasing food consumption. Even tempo-
rary exposure to certain drugs can alter the weight set point (Cabanac & Frankham,
2002; Hallschmid et al., 2004; Khazaal et al., 2008).
Genetic factors determine the weight set point, at least in part. People seem
destined, through heredity, to have a particular metabolism, the rate at which food
is converted to energy and expended by the body. People with a high metabolic rate
can eat virtually as much as they want without gaining weight, whereas others with
low metabolism may eat literally half as much yet gain weight readily (Jequier, 2002;
Westerterp, 2006).
weight set point The particular level
of weight that the body strives to
maintain.
metabolism The rate at which food is
converted to energy and expended by
the body.
320
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Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
y Alert
Akey point: Eating and
hunger are influenced both
by biological and social
factors.
NUTRITIONIST
Name: Gail K. Rupert
Position: Nutritionist
Education: University of Pennsylvania, West
Chester, Pennsylvania; BS in Nutrition and Dietetics
Social Factors in Eating
You’ve just finished a full meal and feel completely stuffed. Suddenly your host
announced with great fanfare that he will be serving his “house specialty” dessert,
bananas flambé, and that he has spent the better part of the afternoon preparing it.
Even though you are full and don’t even like bananas, you accept a serving of his
dessert and eat it all.
Clearly, internal biological factors do not fully explain our eating behavior. Exter-
nal social factors, based on societal rules and on what we have learned about appro-
priate eating behavior, also play an important role. Take, for example, the simple fact
that people customarily eat breakfast, lunch, and dinner at approximately the same
times every day. Because we tend to eat on schedule everyday, we feel hungry as the
usual hour approaches, sometimes quite independently of what our internal cues are
telling us.
Similarly, we put roughly the same amount of food on our plates everyday,
even though the amount of exercise we may have had (and consequently our need
for energy replenishment) varies from day to day. We also tend to prefer particular
foods over others. Rats and dogs may be a delicacy in certain Asian cultures, but
few people in Western cultures find them appealing despite their potentially high
nutritional value. Even the amount of food we eat varies according to cultural
norms. For instance, people in the United States eat bigger portions than people in
France. In sum, cultural influences and our individual habits play important roles
in determining when, what, and how much we eat (Miller & Pumariega, 2001;
Rozin et al., 2003).
Other social factors relate to our eating behavior as well. Some of us head toward
the refrigerator after a difficult day seeking solace in a pint of Heath Bar Crunch ice
cream. Why? Perhaps when we were children, our parents gave us food when we
were upset. Eventually, we may have learned through the basic mechanisms of clas-
sical and operant conditioning to associate food with comfort and consolation. Sim-
ilarly, we may learn that eating, which focuses our attention on immediate pleasures,
provides an escape from unpleasant thoughts. Consequently, we may eat when we
feel distressed (Bulik et al., 2003; O’Connor & O’Connor, 2004; Elfhag, Tynelius, &
Rasmussen, 2007; also see the PsychWork box).
h k Obesity has become a serious health issue for many Ameri-
Psyc Wo r cans, who struggle to maintain a healthy diet and weight.
For Gail Rupert, a nutritionist with The Weight Loss Clinic
in Harrisburg, PA, motivation is a key ingredient in losing
weight.
In her approach to getting people motivated, Rupert says,
“It’s important to empathize with the patient so they don’t feel
like they are on their own with no support. I tell them I under-
stand that the weight-loss process can be frustrating and emo-
tional, and it may take a lot of persistence and consistency before seeing any
reduction in weight.
“Each client is different. Some patients have absolutely no knowledge of nutrition,
while others have at least some familiarity,” she explained. “For those with little
knowledge, I have to break down more difficult concepts to help them better under-
stand the procedure.
“For all patients, I make sure to give a reason why I’m suggesting a change. Most
patients wouldn’t change eating or exercise habits if I didn’t explain the positive
consequences of their actions. For example, exercising three times per week will
improve their metabolism and increase their weight loss,” she added.
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Module 30 Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 321
THE ROOTS OF OBESITY
Given that both biological and social factors influence eating behavior, determining
the causes of obesity has proved to be a challenging task. Researchers have followed
several paths.
Some psychologists suggest that oversensitivity to external eating cues based on
social factors, coupled with insensitivity to internal hunger cues, produce obesity.
Others argue that overweight people have higher weight set points than other people
do. Because their set points are unusually high, their attempts to lose weight by eat-
ing less may make them especially sensitive to external, food-related cues and there-
fore more apt to overeat and perpetuate their obesity (Tremblay, 2004; West,
Harvey-Berino, & Raczynski, 2004).
But why may some people’s weight set points be higher than those of others?
One biological explanation is that obese individuals have a higher level of the
hormone leptin, which appears to be designed, from an evolutionary standpoint, to
“protect” the body against weight loss. The body’s weight-regulation system thus
appears to be designed more to protect against losing weight than to protect against
gaining it. Therefore, it’s easier to gain weight than to lose it (Ahiima & Osei, 2004;
Zhang et al., 2005; Levin, 2006).
Another biologically based explanation for obesity relates to fat cells in the body.
Starting at birth, the body stores fat either by increasing the number of fat cells or
by increasing the size of existing fat cells. Furthermore, any loss of weight past infancy
does not decrease the number of fat cells; it only affects their size. Consequently,
people are stuck with the number of fat cells they inherit from an early age, and the
rate of weight gain during the first 4 months of life is related to being overweight
during later childhood (Stettler et al, 2005.
According to the weight-set-point hypothesis, the presence of too many fat cells
from earlier weight gain may result in the set point’s becoming “stuck” at a higher
level than desirable. In such circumstances, losing weight becomes a difficult propo-
sition because one is constantly at odds with one’s own internal set point when
dieting (Freedman, 1995; Leibel, Rosenbaum & Hirsch, 1995).
Although obesity is reaching epidemic proportions in the United States, its exact causes
remain unclear.
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322 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
anorexia nervosa A severe eating
disorder in which people may refuse to
eat while denying that their behavior
and appearance—which can become
skeleton-like—are unusual.
bulimia A disorder in which a person
binges on large quantities of food,
followed by efforts to purge the food
through vomiting or other means.
Despite looking skeleton-like to others,
people with the weight disorder
anorexia nervosa see themselves as
overweight.
Not everyone agrees with the set-point explanation for obesity. Pointing to the
rapid rise in obesity over the last several decades in the United States, some research-
ers suggest that the body does not try to maintain a fixed weight set point. Instead,
they suggest, the body has a settling point, determined by a combination of our
genetic heritage and the nature of the environment in which we live. If high-fat foods
are prevalent in our environment and we are genetically predisposed to obesity, we
settle into an equilibrium that maintains relatively high weight. In contrast, if our
environment is nutritionally healthier, a genetic predisposition to obesity will not be
triggered, and we will settle into an equilibrium in which our weight is lower
(Comuzzie & Allison, 1998; Pi-Sunyer, 2003).
Eating Disorders
Eating disorders are among the 10 most frequent causes of disability in young
women. One devastating weight-related disorder is anorexia nervosa. In this severe
eating disorder, people may refuse to eat while denying that their behavior and
appearance—which can become skeleton-like—are unusual. Some 10% of people
with anorexia literally starve themselves to death (Striegel-Moore & Bulik, 2007).
Anorexia nervosa mainly afflicts females between the ages of 12 and 40, although
both men and women of any age may develop it. People with the disorder are often
successful, attractive, and relatively affluent. The disorder often begins after serious
dieting, which somehow gets out of control. Life begins to revolve around food:
Although people with the disorder eat little, they may cook for others, go shopping
for food frequently, or collect cookbooks (Polivy, Herman, & Boivin, 2005; Myers,
2007; Jacobs et al., 2009).
A related problem, bulimia, from which Lisa Arndt (described earlier) suffered,
is a disorder in which people binge on large quantities of food. For instance, they
may consume an entire gallon of ice cream and a whole pie in a single sitting. After
such a binge, sufferers feel guilt and depression and often induce vomiting or take
laxatives to rid themselves of the food—behavior known as purging. Constant
binging-and-purging cycles and the use of drugs to induce vomiting or diarrhea
can lead to heart failure. Often, though, the weight of a person with bulimia remains
normal (Mora-Giral et al., 2004; Couturier & Lock, 2006).
Eating disorders represent a growing problem: Estimates show that between 1%
and 4% of high school-age and college-age women have either anorexia nervosa or
bulimia. As many as 10% of women suffer from bulimia at some point in their lives.
Furthermore, an increasing number of men are diagnosed with eating disorders; an
estimated 10% to 13% of all cases occur in males (Kaminski et al., 2005; Swain, 2006;
Park, 2007).
What are the causes of anorexia nervosa and bulimia? Some researchers suspect
a biological cause such as a chemical imbalance in the hypothalamus or pituitary
gland, perhaps brought on by genetic factors. Furthermore, brain scans of people
with eating disorders show that they process information about food differently from
healthy individuals (see Figure 3; Polivy & Herman, 2002; Santel et al., 2006; Klump
& Culbert, 2007).
Others believe that the cause has roots in society’s valuation of slenderness and
the parallel notion that obesity is undesirable. These researchers maintain that people
with anorexia nervosa and bulimia become preoccupied with their weight and take
to heart the cliché that one can never be too thin. This may explain why eating
disorders increase as countries become more developed and Westernized and dieting
becomes more popular. Finally, some psychologists suggest that the disorders result
from overly demanding parents or other family problems (Grilo et al., 2003; Couturier
& Lock, 2006; Kluck, 2008).
The complete explanations for anorexia nervosa and bulimia remain elusive.
These disorders most likely stem from both biological and social causes, and
successful treatment probably encompasses several strategies, including therapy and
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Module 30 Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 323
Cognitive Processing in Anorexic Patients
FIGURE 3 In this study, participants—either patients with anorexia or healthy individuals—
viewed images of different foods when hungry or full to examine their cognitive processing.
Comparison of fMRI scans of patients with anorexia (left column a) and healthy participants
(right column b) showed significant differences in their reactions to the food stimuli. The
figures show that people with anorexia generate little additional brain activity when hungry
(green) as compared to when full (red), whereas those without anorexia show additional
(green) activity when hungry as compared to when full (red). The differences suggest that
patients with anorexia differ from nonanorexics in terms of their attention to food stimuli,
which in turn may be related to restrictions in the eating behavior of the anorexics.
(Source: Santel et al., 2006, Figure 4.)
dietary changes (Wilson, Grilo, & Vitousek, 2007; O’Brien & LeBow, 2007; Cooper &
Shafran, 2008).
If you or a family member needs advice or help with an eating problem, contact
the American Anorexia Bulimia Association at www.aabainc.org or call (212) 575-6200.
You can get more information at www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/eatingdisorders.html.
Although 60% of the people in the United States say they want BECOMING AN
to lose weight, it’s a losing battle for most of them. Most people INFORMED CONSUMER
who diet eventually regain the weight they lost, so they try
again and get caught in a seemingly endless cycle of weight loss of P S YC h O | O g y
and gain (Newport & Carroll, 2002; Parker-Pope, 2003; Cachelin Dieting and Losing Weight Successfully
& Regan, 2006).
You should keep several things in mind when trying to lose
weight (Gatchel & Oordt, 2003; Heshka et al., 2003):
e There is no easy route to weight control. You will have to make permanent changes
in your life to lose weight without gaining it back. The most obvious strategy—
cutting down on the amount of food you eat—is just the first step toward a
lifetime commitment to changing your eating habits.
e Keep track of what you eat and what you weigh. Unless you keep careful records, you
won't really know how much you are eating and whether any diet is working.
e Eat “big” foods. Eat fiber and foods that are bulky and heavy but low in calories,
such as grapes and soup. Such foods trick your body into thinking you've eaten
more and thus decrease hunger.
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324 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
e Cut out television. One reason for the epidemic of obesity is the number of hours
people in the United States spend viewing television. Not only does watching
television preclude other activities that burn calories (even walking around the
house is helpful), people often gorge on junk food while watching TV (Hu et al., 2003).
e Exercise. Exercise at least 30 consecutive minutes three times each week. When
you exercise, you use up fat stored in your body as fuel for muscles, which is
measured in calories. As you use up this fat, you will probably lose weight.
Almost any activity helps burn calories (see Figure 4).
e Decrease the influence of external social stimuli on your eating behavior. Serve yourself
smaller portions of food, and leave the table before you see what is being served
for dessert. Don’t even buy snack foods such as nachos and potato chips; if
they're not readily available in the kitchen cupboard, you're not apt to eat them.
Wrap refrigerated foods in aluminum foil so that you cannot see the contents and
be tempted every time you open the refrigerator.
Avoid fad diets. No matter how popular they are at a particular time, extreme
diets, including liquid diets, usually don’t work in the long run and can be
dangerous to your health.
Avoid taking any of the numerous diet pills advertised on television that promise quick
and easy results.
e Maintain good eating habits. When you have reached your desired weight, main-
tain the new habits you learned while dieting to avoid gaining back the weight
you have lost.
Set reasonable goals. Know how much weight you want to lose before you start to
diet. Don’t try to lose too much weight too quickly, or you may doom yourself to
failure. Even small changes in behavior—such as walking 15 minutes a day or
eating a few less bites at each meal—can prevent weight gain (Kirk et al., 2003).
FIGURE 4 Ways to burn 150 calories: People can expend 150 calories by spending more time
at a less vigorous activity or spending less time at a more vigorous activity. (Source: Surgeon
General Report, 1996.)
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Module 30 Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring 325
The Need for Achievement:
Striving for Success
Although hunger may be one of the more potent primary drives in our day-to-day
lives, powerful secondary drives that have no clear biological basis also motivate us.
Among the more prominent of these is the need for achievement.
The need for achievement is a stable, learned characteristic in which a person
obtains satisfaction by striving for and attaining a level of excellence (McClelland et
al., 1953). People with a high need for achievement seek out situations in which they
can compete against some standard—such as grades, money, or winning a game—
and prove themselves successful. But they are not indiscriminate when it comes to
picking their challenges: They tend to avoid situations in which success will come
too easily (which would be unchallenging) and situations in which success is unlikely.
Instead, people high in achievement motivation generally choose tasks that are of
intermediate difficulty (Speirs-Neumeister & Finch, 2006).
In contrast, people with low achievement motivation tend to be motivated
primarily by a desire to avoid failure. As a result, they seek out easy tasks so they
are sure to avoid failure, or they seek out very difficult tasks for which failure has
no negative implications because almost anyone would fail at them. People with a
high fear of failure will stay away from tasks of intermediate difficulty because
they may fail where others have been successful (Martin & Marsh, 2002; Puca, 2005;
Morrone & Pintrich, 2006).
A high need for achievement generally produces positive outcomes, at least in a
success-oriented culture such as Western society. For instance, people motivated by a
high need for achievement are more likely to attend college than their low-achievement
counterparts; once they are in college, they tend to receive higher grades in classes that
are related to their future careers. Furthermore, high achievement motivation indicates
future economic and occupational success (McClelland, 1985; Thrash & Elliot, 2002).
MEASURING ACHIEVEMENT MOTIVATION
How can we measure a person’s need for achievement? The measuring instrument used
most frequently is the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) (Spangler, 1992). In the TAT, an
examiner shows a series of ambiguous pictures, such as the one in Figure 5. The exam-
iner tells participants to write a story that describes what is happening, who the people
are, what led to the situation, what the people are thinking or wanting, and what will
happen next. Researchers then use a standard scoring system to determine the amount
of achievement imagery in people’s stories. For example, someone who writes a story
in which the main character strives to beat an opponent, studies in order to do well at
some task, or works hard in order to get a promotion shows clear signs of an achieve-
ment orientation. The inclusion of such achievement-related imagery in the participants’
stories is assumed to indicate an unusually high degree of concern with—and therefore
a relatively strong need for—achievement (Tuerlinckx, DeBoeck, & Lens, 2002).
The Need for Affiliation:
Striving for Friendship
Few of us choose to lead our lives as hermits. Why?
One main reason is that most people have a need for affiliation, an interest in
establishing and maintaining relationships with other people. Individuals with a
high need for affiliation write TAT stories that emphasize the desire to maintain or
reinstate friendships and show concern over being rejected by friends.
need for achievement A stable,
learned characteristic in which a
person obtains satisfaction by striving
for and attaining a level of excellence.
y Alert
A key feature of people with a
high need for achievement
is that they prefer tasks of
moderate difficulty.
ta
FIGURE 5 This ambiguous picture is
similar to those used in the Thematic
Apperception Test to determine people’s
underlying motivation (© 1943 by the
President and Fellows of Harvard
College; 1971 by Henry A. Murray). What
do you see? Do you think your response
is related to your motivation?
need for affiliation An interest in
establishing and maintaining relation-
ships with other people.
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326 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
need for power A tendency to seek
impact, control, or influence over
others and to be seen as a powerful
individual.
People who have higher affiliation needs are particularly sensitive to relation-
ships with others. They desire to be with their friends more of the time and alone
less often, compared with people who are lower in the need for affiliation. However,
gender is a greater determinant of how much time is actually spent with friends:
Regardless of their affiliative orientation, female students spend significantly more
time with their friends and less time alone than male students do (Cantwell &
Andrews, 2002; Johnson, 2004; Semykina & Linz, 2007).
The Need for Power: Striving
for Impact on Others
If your fantasies include becoming president of the United States or running Micro-
soft, your dreams may reflect a high need for power. The need for power, a ten-
dency to seek impact, control, or influence over others and to be seen as a
powerful individual, is an additional type of motivation (Lee-Chai & Bargh, 2001;
Winter, 2007; Zians, 2007).
As you might expect, people with strong needs for power are more apt to belong
to organizations and seek office than are those low in the need for power. They also
tend to work in professions in which their power needs may be fulfilled, such as
business management and—you may or may not be surprised—teaching (Jenkins,
1994). In addition, they seek to display the trappings of power. Even in college, they
are more likely to collect prestigious possessions, such as electronic equipment and
sports cars.
Some significant gender differences exist in the display of need for power. Men
with high power needs tend to show unusually high levels of aggression, drink heav-
ily, act in a sexually exploitative manner, and participate more frequently in competi-
tive sports—behaviors that collectively represent somewhat extravagant, flamboyant
behavior. In contrast, women display their power needs with more restraint; this is
congruent with traditional societal constraints on women’s behavior. Women with high
power needs are more apt than men to channel those needs in a socially responsible
manner, such as by showing concern for others or displaying highly nurturing behav-
ior (Maroda, 2004; Winter, 1988, 1995, 2007; Schubert & Koole, 2009).
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Module 30 Human Needs and Motivation: Eat, Drink, and Be Daring
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
2.
RECAP
What biological and social factors underlie hunger?
e Eating behavior is subject to homeostasis, as most
people’s weight stays within a relatively stable range.
The hypothalamus in the brain is central to the
regulation of food intake. (p. 319)
e Social factors, such as mealtimes, cultural food prefer-
ences, and other learned habits, also play a role in the
regulation of eating by determining when, what, and
how much one eats. An oversensitivity to social cues and
an insensitivity to internal cues may also be related to
obesity. In addition, obesity may be caused by an
unusually high weight set point—the weight the body
attempts to maintain—and genetic factors. (p. 319)
How are needs relating to achievement, affiliation, and power
motivation exhibited?
e Need for achievement refers to the stable, learned
characteristic in which a person strives to attain a level
of excellence. Need for achievement is usually mea-
sured through the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), a
series of pictures about which a person writes a story.
(p. 325)
e The need for affiliation is a concern with establishing
and maintaining relationships with others, whereas the
need for power is a tendency to seek to exert an impact
on others. (p. 325)
EVALUATE
1. Match the following terms with their definitions:
1. Hypothalamus a. Leads to refusal of food and
2. Lateral hypothalamic starvation
damage b. Responsible for monitoring
3. Ventromedial food intake
hypothalamic c. Causes extreme overeating
damage
327
The is the specific
level of weight the body strives to maintain.
is the rate at which the body produces and
expends energy.
. Julio is the type of person who constantly strives for
excellence. He feels intense satisfaction when he is able to
master a new task. Julio most likely has a high need for
. Debbie’s Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) story depicts
a young girl who is rejected by one of her peers and seeks
to regain her friendship. What major type of motivation is
Debbie displaying in her story?
a. Need for achievement
b. Need for motivation
c. Need for affiliation
d. Need for power
RETHINK
1.
2.
In what ways do societal expectations, expressed by
television shows and commercials, contribute to both
obesity and excessive concern about weight loss? How
could television contribute to better eating habits and
attitudes toward weight? Should it be required to do so?
From the perspective of a human resources specialist: How
might you use characteristics such as need for achieve-
ment, need for power, and need for affiliation to select
workers for jobs? What additional criteria would you have
to consider?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
“D 'G JUDUA “p ‘UISTTOqejour g ‘urod yas 4310M “J 12- “L-Z ‘G-T “TL
KEY TERMS
obesity p.317
weight set point p. 319
bulimia p. 322
need for achievement p. 325
need for affiliation p. 325
need for power p. 326
metabolism p. 319
anorexia nervosa p. 322
What are emotions, and how
do we experience them?
What are the functions of
emotions?
What are the explanations for
emotions?
How does nonverbal behavior
relate to the expression of
emotions?
Feelings that generally have
both physiological and cognitive
elements and that influence behavior.
328
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Karl Andrews held in his hands the envelope he had been waiting for. It could be the
ticket to his future: an offer of admission to his first-choice college. But what was it
going to say? He knew it could go either way. His grades were pretty good, and he had
been involved in some extracurricular activities, but his SAT scores had not been terrific.
He felt so nervous that his hands shook as he opened the thin envelope (not a good
sign, he thought). Here it comes. “Dear Mr. Andrews,” it read. “The Trustees of the
University are pleased to admit you. . . .” That was all he needed to see. With a whoop
of excitement, Karl found himself jumping up and down gleefully. A rush of emotion
overcame him as it sank in that he had, in fact, been accepted. He was on his way.
At one time or another, all of us have experienced the strong feelings that accompany
both very pleasant and very negative experiences. Perhaps we have felt the thrill of
getting a sought-after job, the joy of being in love, the sorrow over someone’s death,
or the anguish of inadvertently hurting someone. Moreover, we experience such
reactions on a less intense level throughout our daily lives with such things as the
pleasure of a friendship, the enjoyment of a movie, and the embarrassment of breaking
a borrowed item.
Despite the varied nature of these feelings, they all represent emotions. Although
everyone has an idea of what an emotion is, formally defining the concept has proved
to be an elusive task. Here, we'll use a general definition: Emotions are feelings that
generally have both physiological and cognitive elements and that influence behavior.
Think, for example, about how it feels to be happy. First, we obviously experience
a feeling that we can differentiate from other emotions. It is likely that we also experi-
ence some identifiable physical changes in our bodies: Perhaps the heart rate increases,
or—as in the example of Karl Andrews—we find ourselves “jumping for joy.” Finally,
the emotion probably encompasses cognitive elements: Our understanding and evalu-
ation of the meaning of what is happening prompts our feelings of happiness.
It is also possible, however, to experience an emotion without the presence of
cognitive elements. For instance, we may react with fear to an unusual or novel
situation (such as coming into contact with an erratic, unpredictable individual), or
we may experience pleasure over sexual excitation without having cognitive aware-
ness or understanding of just what makes the situation exciting.
Some psychologists argue that entirely separate systems govern cognitive responses
and emotional responses. A current controversy focuses on whether the emotional
response predominates over the cognitive response or vice versa. Some theorists
suggest that we first respond to a situation with an emotional reaction and later try to
understand it. For example, we may enjoy a complex modern symphony without at
first understanding it or knowing why we like it. In contrast, other theorists propose
that people first develop cognitions about a situation and then react emotionally. This
school of thought suggests that we must think about and understand a stimulus or
situation, relating it to what we already know, before we can react on an emotional
level (Murphy & Zajonc, 1993; Lazarus, 1995; Oatley, Keltner, & Jenkins, 2006).
Because proponents of both sides of this debate can cite research to support their
viewpoints, the question is far from resolved. Perhaps the sequence varies from situation
to situation with emotions predominating in some instances and cognitive processes
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Module 31 Understanding Emotional Experiences
occurring first in others. Both sides agree that we can experience emotions that involve
little or no conscious thought. We may not know why we're afraid of mice because we
understand objectively that they represent no danger, but we may still be frightened
when we see them. Neuroimaging studies of the brain may help resolve this debate as
well as others about the nature of emotions (Barrett & Wager, 2006; Niedenthal, 2007;
Karaszewski, 2008).
The Functions of Emotions
Imagine what it would be like if we didn’t experience emotion. We would have no
depths of despair, no depression, and no remorse, but at the same time we would
also have no happiness, joy, or love. Obviously, life would be considerably less
satisfying and even dull if we lacked the capacity to sense and express emotion.
But do emotions serve any purpose beyond making life interesting? Indeed they
do. Psychologists have identified several important functions that emotions play in our
daily lives (Frederickson & Branigan, 2005; Frijda, 2005; Gross, 2006; Siemer, Mauss, &
Gross, 2007). Among the most important of those functions are the following:
e Preparing us for action. Emotions act as a link between events in our environ-
ment and our responses. For example, if you saw an angry dog charging
toward you, your emotional reaction (fear) would be associated with physi-
ological arousal of the sympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system,
the activation of the “fight-or-flight” response.
e Shaping our future behavior. Emotions promote learning that will help us make
appropriate responses in the future. For instance, your emotional response to
unpleasant events teaches you to avoid similar circumstances in the future.
e Helping us interact more effectively with others. We often communicate the
emotions we experience through our verbal and nonverbal behaviors, making
our emotions obvious to observers. These behaviors can act as a signal to
observers, allowing them to understand better what we are experiencing and
to help them predict our future behavior.
Determining the Range of
Emotions: Labeling Our Feelings
If we were to list the words in the English language that have been used to describe
emotions, we would end up with at least 500 examples (Averill, 1975). The list would
range from such obvious emotions as happiness and fear to less common ones, such
as adventurousness and pensiveness.
One challenge for psychologists has been to sort through this list to identify
the most important, fundamental emotions. Theorists have hotly contested the
issue of cataloging emotions and have come up with different lists, depending
on how they define the concept of emotion. In fact, some reject the question
entirely, saying that no set of emotions should be singled out as most basic and
that emotions are best understood by breaking them down into their component
parts. Other researchers argue for looking at emotions in terms of a hierarchy,
dividing them into positive and negative categories and then organizing them
into increasingly narrower subcategories (see Figure 1; Manstead, Frijda, &
Fischer, 2003; Dillard & Shen, 2007).
Still, most researchers suggest that a list of basic emotions would include, at a
minimum, happiness, anger, fear, sadness, and disgust. Other lists are broader,
including emotions such as surprise, contempt, guilt, and joy (Ekman, 1994a; Shweder,
1994; Tracy & Robins, 2004).
329
330
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Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
Emotions
pe
Positive Negative
a a a a
Love
Fondness
Infatuation
Joy Anger Sadness Fear
Bliss Pride Annoyance | Contempt Agony JA Horror
Contentment Hostility Jealousy Grief Loneliness Worry
FIGURE 1 One approach to organizing emotions is to use a hierarchy, which divides emotions
into increasingly narrow subcategories. (Source: Adapted from Fischer, Shaver, & Carnochan, 1990.)
One difficulty in defining a basic set of emotions is that substantial differences
exist in descriptions of emotions among various cultures. For instance, Germans
report experiencing schadenfreude, a feeling of pleasure over another person’s difficul-
ties, and the Japanese experience hagaii, a mood of vulnerable heartache colored by
frustration. In Tahiti, people experience musu, a feeling of reluctance to yield to
unreasonable demands made by one’s parents.
Finding schadenfreude, hagaii, or musu in a particular culture doesn’t mean that
the members of other cultures are incapable of experiencing such emotions, of
course. It suggests, though, that fitting a particular emotion into a linguistic cate-
gory to describe that emotion may make it easier to discuss, contemplate, and
perhaps experience (Russell & Sato, 1995; Li, Wang, & Fischer, 2004; Kuppens et
al., 2006).
The Roots of Emotions
I’ve never been so angry before; I feel my heart pounding, and I’m trembling all over. . . .
I don’t know how I'll get through the performance. I feel like my stomach is filled with
butterflies. . . . That was quite a mistake I made! My face must be incredibly red. . . . When
I heard the footsteps in the night, I was so frightened that I couldn’t catch my breath.
If you examine our language, you will find that there are literally dozens of ways
to describe how we feel when we experience an emotion and that the language we
use to describe emotions is, for the most part, based on the physical symptoms that
are associated with a particular emotional experience (Kobayashi, Schallert, & Ogren,
2003; Manstead & Wagner, 2004; Spackman, Fujiki, & Brinton, 2006).
Consider, for instance, the experience of fear. Pretend that it is late on New Year’s
Eve. You are walking down a dark road, and you hear a stranger approaching behind
you. It is clear that he is not trying to hurry by but is coming directly toward you.
You think about what you will do if the stranger attempts to rob you or, worse, hurt
you in some way.
While these thoughts are running through your head, something dramatic will
be happening to your body. The most likely reactions, which are associated with
activation of the autonomic nervous system, include an increase in your rate of
breathing, an acceleration of your heart rate, a widening of your pupils (to increase
visual sensitivity), and a dryness in your mouth as the functioning of your salivary
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Module 31 Understanding Emotional Experiences 331
glands and in fact of your entire digestive system ceases. At the same time, though,
your sweat glands probably will increase their activity because increased sweating
will help you rid yourself of the excess heat developed by any emergency activity
in which you engage.
Of course, all these physiological changes are likely to occur without your aware-
ness. At the same time, though, the emotional experience accompanying them will
be obvious to you: You most surely would report being fearful.
Although it is easy to describe the general physical reactions that accompany
emotions, defining the specific role that those physiological responses play in the
experience of emotions has proved to be a major puzzle for psychologists. As we
shall see, some theorists suggest that specific bodily reactions cause us to experience
a particular emotion—we experience fear, for instance, because the heart is pounding
and we are breathing deeply. In contrast, other theorists suggest that the physiolog-
ical reaction results from the experience of an emotion. In this view, we experience
fear, and as a result the heart pounds and our breathing deepens.
THE JAMES-LANGE THEORY: DO GUT
REACTIONS EQUAL EMOTIONS?
To William James and Carl Lange, who were among the first researchers to explore
the nature of emotions, emotional experience is, very simply, a reaction to instinctive
bodily events that occur as a response to some situation or event in the environment.
This view is summarized in James’s statement, “We feel sorry because we cry, angry
because we strike, afraid because we tremble” (James, 1890).
James and Lange took the view that the instinctive response of crying at a loss
leads us to feel sorrow, that striking out at someone who frustrates us results in our
feeling anger, that trembling at a menacing threat causes us to feel fear. They sug-
gested that for every major emotion there is an accompanying physiological or “gut”
reaction of internal organs—called a visceral experience. It is this specific pattern of
visceral response that leads us to label the emotional experience.
In sum, James and Lange proposed that we experience emotions as a result of
physiological changes that produce specific sensations. The brain interprets these
sensations as specific kinds of emotional experiences (see the first part of Figure 2).
This view has come to be called the James-Lange theory of emotion (Laird & Bresler,
1990; Cobos et al., 2002).
The James-Lange theory has some serious drawbacks, however. For the theory
to be valid, visceral changes would have to occur relatively quickly because we
experience some emotions—such as fear upon hearing a stranger rapidly approaching
on a dark night—almost instantaneously. Yet emotional experiences frequently occur
even before there is time for certain physiological changes to be set into motion.
Because of the slowness with which some visceral changes take place, it is hard to
see how they could be the source of immediate emotional experience.
The James-Lange theory poses another difficulty: Physiological arousal does not
invariably produce emotional experience. For example, a person who is jogging has
an increased heartbeat and respiration rate as well as many of the other physiological
changes associated with certain emotions. Yet joggers typically do not think of such
changes in terms of emotion. There cannot be a one-to-one correspondence, then,
between visceral changes and emotional experience. Visceral changes by themselves
may not be sufficient to produce emotion.
Finally, our internal organs produce a relatively limited range of sensations.
Although some types of physiological changes are associated with specific emo-
tional experiences, it is difficult to imagine how each of the myriad emotions that
people are capable of experiencing could be the result of a unique visceral change.
Many emotions actually are associated with relatively similar sorts of visceral
changes, a fact that contradicts the James-Lange theory (Davidson et al., 1994;
Cameron, 2002).
James-Lange theory of emotion
The belief that emotional experience is
a reaction to bodily events occurring
as a result of an external situation (“I
feel sad because I am crying”).
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332 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
Perceiving an emotion-inducing event or situation
(such as a stranger following you)
Cannon-Bard theory of emotion
The belief that both physiological
arousal and emotional experience are
produced simultaneously by the same
nerve stimulus.
y Alert
Use Figure 2 to distinguish
the three classic theories of
emotion (James-Lange,
Cannon-Bard, and
Schachter-Singer).
James-Lange
theory =
Cannon-Bard
theory =
Schachter-Singer
theory
FIGURE 2 A comparison of three models of emotion.
THE CANNON-BARD THEORY: PHYSIOLOGICAL
REACTIONS AS THE RESULT OF EMOTIONS
In response to the difficulties inherent in the James-Lange theory, Walter Cannon and
later Philip Bard suggested an alternative view. In what has come to be known as the
Cannon-Bard theory of emotion, they proposed the model illustrated in the second part
of Figure 2 (Cannon, 1929). This theory rejects the view that physiological arousal alone
leads to the perception of emotion. Instead, the theory assumes that both physiological
arousal and the emotional experience are produced simultaneously by the same nerve
stimulus, which Cannon and Bard suggested emanates from the thalamus in the brain.
The theory states that after we perceive an emotion-producing stimulus, the
thalamus is the initial site of the emotional response. Next, the thalamus sends a signal
to the autonomic nervous system, thereby producing a visceral response. At the same
time, the thalamus also communicates a message to the cerebral cortex regarding the
nature of the emotion being experienced. Hence, it is not necessary for different
emotions to have unique physiological patterns associated with them—as long as the
message sent to the cerebral cortex differs according to the specific emotion.
The Cannon-Bard theory seems to have been accurate in rejecting the view that
physiological arousal alone accounts for emotions. However, more recent research
has led to some important modifications of the theory. For one thing, we now under-
stand that the hypothalamus and the limbic system, not the thalamus, play a major
role in emotional experience. In addition, the simultaneous occurrence of the physi-
ological and emotional responses, which is a fundamental assumption of the Cannon-
Bard theory, has yet to be demonstrated conclusively. This ambiguity has allowed
room for yet another theory of emotions: the Schachter-Singer theory.
THE SCHACHTER-SINGER THEORY: EMOTIONS AS LABELS
Suppose that as you are being followed down that dark street on New Year’s Eve,
you notice a man being followed by another shady figure on the other side of the
street. Now assume that instead of reacting with fear, the man begins to laugh and
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Module 31 Understanding Emotional Experiences 333
act gleeful. Would the reactions of this other individual be sufficient to lay your fears
to rest? Might you, in fact, decide there is nothing to fear and get into the spirit of
the evening by beginning to feel happiness and glee yourself?
According to an explanation that focuses on the role of cognition, the Schachter-
Singer theory of emotion, this might very well happen. This approach to explain-
ing emotions emphasizes that we identify the emotion we are experiencing by
observing our environment and comparing ourselves with others (Schachter &
Singer, 1962).
Schachter and Singer’s classic experiment found evidence for this hypothesis.
In the study, participants were told that they would receive an injection of a vita-
min. In reality, they were given epinephrine, a drug that causes responses that
typically occur during strong emotional reactions, such as an increase in physio-
logical arousal, including higher heart and respiration rates and a reddening of the
face. The members of both groups were then placed individually in a situation
where a confederate of the experimenter acted in one of two ways. In one condition
he acted angry and hostile; in the other condition he behaved as if he were exu-
berantly happy.
The purpose of the experiment was to determine how the participants would
react emotionally to the confederate’s behavior. When they were asked to describe
their own emotional state at the end of the experiment, the participants exposed to
the angry confederate reported that they felt angry, while those exposed to the happy
confederate reported feeling happy. In sum, the results suggest that participants
turned to the environment and the behavior of others for an explanation of the
physiological arousal they were experiencing.
The results of the Schachter-Singer experiment, then, supported a cognitive view
of emotions in which emotions are determined jointly by a relatively nonspecific kind
of physiological arousal and the labeling of that arousal on the basis of cues from the
environment (refer to the third part of Figure 2). Although later research has found
that arousal is more specific than Schachter and Singer believed, they were right in
assuming that when the source of physiological arousal is unclear, we may look to
our surroundings to determine what we are experiencing.
CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES ON
THE NEUROSCIENCE OF EMOTIONS
When Schachter and Singer carried out their groundbreaking experiment in the early
1960s, the ways in which they could evaluate the physiology that accompanies emo-
tion were relatively limited. However, advances in the measurement of the nervous
system and other parts of the body have allowed researchers to examine more closely
the biological responses involved in emotion. As a result, contemporary research on
emotion points to a revision of earlier views that physiological responses associated
with emotions are undifferentiated. Instead, evidence is growing that specific patterns
of biological arousal are associated with individual emotions (Franks & Smith, 1999;
Vaitl, Schienle, & Stark, 2005; Woodson, 2006).
For instance, researchers have found that specific emotions produce activation
of very different portions of the brain. In one study, participants undergoing positron
emission tomography (PET) brain scans were asked to recall events, such as deaths
and funerals, that made them feel sad or events that made them feel happy, such as
weddings and births. They also looked at photos of faces that appeared to be happy
or sad. The results of the PET scans were clear: Happiness was related to a decrease
in activity in certain areas of the cerebral cortex, whereas sadness was associated
with increases in activity in particular portions of the cortex (George et al., 1995;
Hamann et al., 2002; Prohovnik et al., 2004).
In addition, the amygdala, in the brain’s temporal lobe, is important in the expe-
rience of emotions for it provides a link between the perception of an emotion-
producing stimulus and the recall of that stimulus later. For example, if we’ve once
Schachter-Singer theory of emotion
The belief that emotions are deter-
mined jointly by a nonspecific kind of
physiological arousal and its interpre-
tation, based on environmental cues.
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334 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
FIGURE 3 Connections from the
amygdala, seen here in red, allow it
to mediate many of the autonomic
expressions of emotional states through
the hippocampus (purple) and visual
cortex (orange). (Source: From Dolan, R. J.
(2002). Emotion, cognition, and behavior.
Science, 298, no. 5596, 1191-1194 (Figure 1,
p. 1192). Drawing of brain reprinted with
permission from AAAS.)
y Alert
It is important to understand
the basic neuroscience of
emotional experience.
Visual cortex _ Amygdala
Hippocampus
been attacked by a vicious pit bull, the amygdala processes that information and
leads us to react with fear when we see a pit bull later—an example of a classically
conditioned fear response (Miller et al., 2005; Berntson et al., 2007; Kensinger, 2007;
LaBar, 2007).
Because neural pathways connect the amygdala, the visual cortex, and the
hippocampus (which plays an important role in the consolidation of memories),
some scientists speculate that emotion-related stimuli can be processed and
responded to almost instantaneously (see Figure 3). This immediate response
occurs so rapidly that higher-order, more rational thinking, which takes more time,
seems not to be involved initially. In a slower but more thoughtful response to
emotion-evoking stimuli, emotion-related sensory information is first evaluated
and then sent on to the amygdala. It appears that the quicker system offers an
immediate response to emotion-evoking stimuli, whereas the slower system helps
confirm a threat and prepare a more thoughtful response (Dolan, 2002).
MAKING SENSE OF THE MULTIPLE
PERSPECTIVES ON EMOTION
As new approaches to emotion continue to develop, it is reasonable to ask why
so many theories of emotion exist and, perhaps more important, which one pro-
vides the most complete explanation. Actually, we have only scratched the surface.
There are almost as many explanatory theories of emotion as there are individual
emotions (e.g., Manstead, Frijda, & Fischer, 2003; Frijda, 2005; Prinz, 2007; Herz-
berg, 2009).
Why are theories of emotion so plentiful? For one thing, emotions are not a
simple phenomenon but are intertwined closely with motivation, cognition, neuro-
science, and a host of related branches of psychology. For example, evidence from
brain imaging studies shows that even when people come to supposedly rational,
nonemotional decisions—such as making moral, philosophical judgments—emotions
come into play (Greene et al., 2001).
In short, emotions are such complex phenomena, encompassing both biological
and cognitive aspects, that no single theory has been able to explain fully all the
facets of emotional experience. Furthermore, contradictory evidence of one sort or
another challenges each approach, and therefore no theory has proved invariably
accurate in its predictions.
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Module 31 Understanding Emotional Experiences 335
This abundance of perspectives on emotion is not a cause for despair—or unhap-
piness, fear, or any other negative emotion. It simply reflects the fact that psychology
is an evolving, developing science. As we gather more evidence, the specific answers
to questions about the nature of emotions will become clearer.
a
Consider, for a moment, the six photos displayed in Figure 4. Ex p | O ri nN g Ae’ Ss;
Can you identify the emotions being expressed by the person in DIVERSITY Ad “a a
Do People in All Cultures Express y GPa
each of the photos?
Emotion Similarly? 3
If you are a good judge of facial expressions, you will f
conclude that these expressions display six of the basic
emotions: happiness, anger, sadness, surprise, disgust, and
fear. Hundreds of studies of nonverbal behavior show that
these emotions are consistently distinct and identifiable even by untrained observers
(Ekman & O'Sullivan, 1991).
Interestingly, these six emotions are not unique to members of Western cultures;
rather, they constitute the basic emotions expressed universally by members of the
human race, regardless of where individuals have been raised and what learning
experiences they have had. Psychologist Paul Ekman convincingly demonstrated this
point when he studied members of an isolated New Guinea jungle tribe who had had
almost no contact with Westerners (Ekman, 1972). The people of the tribe did not
speak or understand English, had never seen a movie, and had very limited experience
FIGURE 4 These photos demonstrate six
of the primary emotions: happiness,
anger, sadness, surprise, disgust, and fear.
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336 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
© Gahan Wilson/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“And just exactly what is that expression intended to convey?”
facial-affect program Activation of a
set of nerve impulses that make the
face display the appropriate
expression.
facial-feedback hypothesis
The hypothesis that facial expressions
not only reflect emotional experience
but also help determine how people
experience and label emotions.
with Caucasians before Ekman’s arrival. Yet their nonverbal
responses to emotion-evoking stories, as well as their ability
to identify basic emotions, were quite similar to those of
Westerners.
Being so isolated, the New Guineans could not have
learned from Westerners to recognize or produce similar
facial expressions. Instead, their similar abilities and manner
of responding emotionally appear to have been present
innately. Although one could argue that similar experiences
in both cultures led the members of each one to learn similar
types of nonverbal behavior, this appears unlikely because
the two cultures are so very different. The expression of basic
emotions, thus, seems to be universal (Ekman, 1994b; Izard,
1994; Matsumoto, 2002).
Why do people across cultures express emotions similarly?
A hypothesis known as the facial-affect program gives one
explanation. The facial-affect program—which is assumed to
be universally present at birth—is analogous to a computer
program that is turned on when a particular emotion is
experienced. When set in motion, the “program” activates a
set of nerve impulses that make the face display an appropriate
expression. Each primary emotion produces a unique set of
muscular movements, forming the kinds of expressions shown in Figure 4. For example,
the emotion of happiness is universally displayed by movement of the zygomatic major,
a muscle that raises the corners of the mouth and form what we would call a smile
(Ekman, 2003; Kohler et al., 2004; Kim, Kim, & Kim, 2007; Kendler et al., 2008).
The importance of facial expressions is illustrated by an intriguing notion known as
the facial-feedback hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, facial expressions not
only reflect emotional experience, but they also help determine how people experience
and label emotions. Basically put, “wearing” an emotional expression provides
muscular feedback to the brain that helps produce an emotion congruent with that
expression (Izard, 1990; Davis, Senghas, & Ochsner, 2009).
For instance, the muscles activated when we smile may send a message to the brain
indicating the experience of happiness—even if there is nothing in the environment
that would produce that particular emotion. Some theoreticians have gone further by
suggesting that facial expressions are necessary for an emotion to be experienced
(Rinn, 1984, 1991). In this view, if no facial expression is present, the emotion cannot
be felt.
Support for this facial-feedback hypothesis comes from a classic experiment
carried out by psychologist Paul Ekman and colleagues (Ekman, Levenson, &
Friesen, 1983). In the study, professional actors were asked to follow very explicit
instructions regarding the movements of muscles in their faces. You might try this
example yourself:
e Raise your brows and pull them together.
e Raise your upper eyelids.
e Now stretch your lips horizontally back toward your ears.
After carrying out these directions—which, as you may have guessed, are meant to
produce an expression of fear—the actors’ heart rates rose and their body temperatures de-
clined, physiological reactions that characterize fear. Overall, facial expressions representing
the primary emotions produced physiological effects similar to those accompanying the
genuine emotions in other circumstances (Keillor et al., 2002; Soussignan, 2002). (Also see
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century.)
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Applying Psychology in the 21st Century
Smiling Athletes: Do
Their Facial Expressions
Come Naturally?
There’s no more stirring sight than medal-
winning Olympic athletes standing on the
podium as their national anthem is played.
Have you ever wondered why—no matter
what the winners’ native countries—their
facial expressions are so readily under-
standable?
The question of whether the similarity
of basic facial expressions are due to in-
nate, inborn factors or if people learn them
in similar ways across cultures has fasci-
nated psychologists for decades. A new
study sheds light on this issue, adding to
the evidence that basic facial expressions
are inborn rather than learned.
The researchers used a clever tactic to
approach this question: They examined the
facial expressions of people blind from
birth who, of course, could not have learned
these behaviors by observing them in oth-
ers. Judo athletes who won medals in the
Olympic Games were photographed when
they completed their matches, during the
awards ceremony, and when they were on
the medalists’ podium. Their facial expres-
sions were compared with blind judo
athletes—some of them blind from birth—
who won medals in the Paralympic Games,
a similar competition for athletes with dis-
abilities. The blind medalists were photo-
graphed at corresponding times to the
sighted ones. Comparisons of the photo-
graphs revealed that the blind athletes
expressed anger, contempt, disgust, sadness,
surprise, and smiling behavior in the same
ways as the sighted athletes did (Ekman,
2003; Matsumoto & Willingham, 2009).
Most of the blind athletes smiled when
they finished their matches and were
standing on the podium, and nearly all
produced genuine smiles when they were
receiving their medals. The sighted athletes
showed comparable frequency of smiling
across these different contexts. More inter-
estingly, of the blind athletes who won
silver medals (who had lost the match and
the gold), none smiled following the
match, but most smiled politely while on
the podium and while receiving their
medals. This is also what the sighted silver
Are basic facial expressions inborn or are they learned?
medalists did, showing that all the athletes
knew to put on a pleased expression at the
appropriate time.
The athletes who were blind from birth
showed no differences from the athletes who
became blind later in life. These findings col-
ETHINK
lectively show that blind and sighted people
express emotion on their faces in the same
ways across different contexts, suggesting
that observation of others is not a precondi-
tion for learning facial expression of emotion
(Matsumoto & Willingham, 2009).
e How could blind athletes have learned when they would be expected to “smile
politely,” even if they did not feel happiness?
e Although it seems like basic emotions are expressed similarly across cultures, can
you think of examples of nonverbal behaviors that differ across cultures?
337
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338 Chapter 10 Motivation and Emotion
RECAP
What are emotions, and how do we experience them?
e Emotions are broadly defined as feelings that may affect
behavior and generally have both a physiological com-
ponent and a cognitive component. Debate continues
over whether separate systems govern cognitive and
emotional responses and whether one has primacy over
the other. (p. 328)
What are the functions of emotions?
e Emotions prepare us for action, shape future behavior
through learning, and help us interact more effectively
with others. (p. 329)
What are the explanations for emotions?
e Several theories explain emotions. The James-Lange
theory suggests that emotional experience is a reaction to
bodily, or visceral, changes that occur as a response to an
environmental event and are interpreted as an emotional
response. (p. 331)
e In contrast, the Cannon-Bard theory contends that both
physiological arousal and an emotional experience are
produced simultaneously by the same nerve stimulus
and that the visceral experience does not necessarily
differ among differing emotions. (p. 332)
e The Schachter-Singer theory suggests that emotions are
determined jointly by a relatively nonspecific physiologi-
cal arousal and the subsequent labeling of that arousal,
using cues from the environment to determine how
others are behaving in the same situation. (p. 333)
e The most recent approaches to emotions focus on their
biological origins. For instance, it now seems that
specific patterns of biological arousal are associated with
individual emotions. Furthermore, new scanning
techniques have identified the specific parts of the brain
that are activated during the experience of particular
emotions. (p. 334)
How does nonverbal behavior relate to the expression of
emotions?
e Aperson’s facial expressions can reveal emotions. In fact,
members of different cultures understand others’ emo-
tional expressions in similar ways. One explanation for
this similarity is that an innate facial-affect program
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
activates a set of muscle movements representing the
emotion being experienced. (p. 336)
e The facial-feedback hypothesis suggests that facial
expressions not only reflect, but also produce, emotional
experiences. (p. 336)
EVALUATE
1.
. The
. According to the
Emotions are always accompanied by a cognitive re-
sponse. True or false?
theory of emotion states that
emotions are a response to instinctive bodily events.
theory of
emotion, both an emotional response and physiological
arousal are produced simultaneously by the same nerve
stimulus.
. Your friend—a psychology major—tells you, “I was ata
party last night. During the course of the evening, my
general level of arousal increased. Since I was at a party
where people were enjoying themselves, I assume I must
have felt happy.” What theory of emotion does your
friend subscribe to?
. What are the six primary emotions that can be identified
from facial expressions?
RETHINK
i,
If researchers learned how to control emotional responses
so that targeted emotions could be caused or prevented,
what ethical concerns might arise? Under what circum-
stances, if any, should such techniques be used?
. From the perspective of an advertising executive: How might
you use Schachter and Singer’s findings on the labeling of
arousal to create interest in a product? Can you think of
other examples whereby people’s arousal could be
manipulated, which would lead to different emotional
responses?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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KEY TERMS
emotions p. 328
James-Lange theory of
emotion p. 331
facial-feedback
hypothesis p. 336
Cannon-Bard theory of
emotion p. 332
Schachter-Singer theory of
emotion p. 333
facial-affect program p. 336
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find two different websites that deal with nonverbal behavior. One site should
present a fairly “academic” discussion of the topic, and the other should be more
informal. (Hint: The terms nonverbal behavior and nonverbal communication may lead
you to more formal discussions of the topic, whereas body language may lead you to
less formal discussions.) Compare and contrast your findings from the two sites.
2. Find one or more websites that offer information on eating disorders.
E © | | OQ U Q Motivation and emotions are two interrelated aspects of
psychology. In these modules, we first considered the
topic of motivation, which has spawned a great deal of theory and research examining
primary and secondary drives. We then turned to a discussion of emotions, beginning
with their functions and proceeding to a review of three major theories that seek to
explain what emotions are and how they, and their associated physiological symptoms,
emerge in the individual. Finally, we looked at cultural differences in the expression and
display of emotions and discussed the facial-affect program, which seems to be innate
and to regulate the nonverbal expression of the basic emotions.
Return to the opening scenario of this group of modules, which describes actress
Kirstie Alley’s problems with maintaining an appropriate weight. Using your knowledge
of motivation and emotion, consider the following questions:
1. How could Kirstie Alley’s eating problem be explained by each of the different
approaches to motivation?
2. What seem to be some of the social factors that encourage Alley to overeat?
3. How might biological factors in the regulation of hunger explain the difficulty that
Alley is having with maintaining her weight loss?
4. What does Alley’s story seem to say about her need for achievement?
339
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Key Concepts for Chapter 11
MODULE 32
What are the major differences between male Gender and Sex
Gender Roles: Society's Expectations
and female gender roles? for Women and Men
Sexism on the Job
Gender Differences: More
Similar than Dissimilar
Sources of Gender Differences:
Where Biology and Society Meet
Neuroscience in Your Life: When
Brain and Socialization Meet
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Trucks and Dolls: Does Fetal Exposure to
Testosterone Affect How Children Play?
MODULE 33
Why, and under what circumstances, do we Understanding Human Sexual
Response: The Facts of Life
?
become sexually aroused: The Basic Biology of Sexual Behavior
Psychological Aspects of Sexual
Excitement: What Turns People On?
The Phases of Sexual Response:
The Ups and Downs of Sex
Exploring Diversity: Female
Circumcision: A Celebration
of Culture—or Genital Mutilation?
MODULE 34
What is “normal” sexual behavior? @ How The Diversity of Sexual Behavior
do most people behave sexually? Approaches to Sexual Normality
` Surveying Sexual Behavior: What's
@ How prevalent are rape and other forms of Happening Behind Closed Doors?
; ; 7 Heterosexuality
nonconsenting sex, and what are their causes? Famo andl Benity
@ What are the major sexually transmitted Transsexualism
Sexual Difficulties
! ae , ;
infections? @ What sexual difficulties do Betanien informed tahisumet
of Psychology: Lowering
?
people most frequently encounter? enue of owe rene
341
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Prologue Trapped in a Male’s Body
~ The images are iconic TV moments: precious little
\ Chastity Bono, with her blonde hair and chubby
\ cheeks, gracing her parents’ 1970s variety show
|—The Sonny and Cher Comedy Hour with a family
song or the sweet sign-off, “Goodnight every-
body and God bless!” While girls at home may
have been envious of Cher’s glittery outfits,
Chastity, who always wore costumes to complement
either that of her Mom's and Dad's, later'admitted, “I especially
liked it when they put me in clothes that matched my father’s.”
Chaz’s story illustrates the emotion and confusion that often
characterize one of the most universal behaviors: sexuality.
Exemplifying major personal as well as societal concerns, sex
and the interrelated topic of gender are also key topics for
psychologists in a variety of specialties. For instance, psychologists
interested in motivation view sexuality in terms of sexual needs,
drives, and gratification. Neuroscientists consider sexuality from
the perspective of the relationship of the brain and nervous
system to the functioning of the sexual organs. Social psycholo-
gists and psychologists who specialize in the study of women
focus on society’s rules of sexual conduct and the role sexual
behavior plays in interpersonal behavior.
342
In fact, when Chastity came out as a lesbian to The Advocate in
1995, she said, “As a kid | thought | was a little
boy.” (Bartolomeo et al., 2009, p. 54)
Chastity Bono never actually stopped
thinking of herself as male. In spring 2009,
at the age of 40, Chastity announced to
the world that she was transitioning from
female to male and would henceforth be
known as Chaz.
In this set of modules, we consider human sexuality from
several of these vantage points. We begin by examining gender
and discussing differences in societal expectations about how
men and women should behave and the impact of those
expectations on behavior and attitudes. Next we turn to sexual
behavior. We describe the biological aspects of sexual excitement
and arousal and then examine the variety of sexual activities in
which people engage. We conclude with a discussion of non-
consenting sex, sexually transmitted infections, and the psycho-
logical aspects of sexual difficulties.
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MODULE 32
“Its a girl!” “It’s a boy!”
One or some variant of these exclamations is typically the first sentence uttered
upon the birth of a child. However, the consequences of whether we are born with
male or female sex organs extend well beyond the moment of birth. Throughout our
lives, the ways that others think of us, and even the ways we view ourselves are based
to a large extent on whether society labels us as a woman or a man—our gender.
Gender is the perception of being male or female. Although there is a good deal
of overlap between the concepts of sex and gender, they are not the same: Sex typi-
cally refers to sexual anatomy and sexual behavior, whereas gender refers to the sense
of maleness or femaleness related to our membership in a given society.
Gender Roles: Society's
Expectations for Women
and Men = —Ž o >€ y
Our conclusions about what is or is not “appropriate” behavior for others and our-
selves are based on gender roles. Gender roles are the set of expectations, defined by
a particular society, that indicate what is appropriate behavior for men and women.
If men’s and women’s gender roles were equivalent, they would have only a minor
impact on our lives. However, expectations about men and women differ significantly,
and these beliefs may result in favoritism toward members of one of the sexes. Gender
roles also may produce stereotyping, judgments about individual members of a group on
the basis of their membership in that group. Stereotypes about
gender roles are reflected in sexism, negative attitudes and
behavior toward a person that are based on that person’s gender.
People in Western societies like ours generally hold well-
defined stereotypes about men and women, which prevail
regardless of age, economic status, and social and educational
background. Men are more apt to be viewed as having traits
involving competence, such as independence, objectivity, and
competitiveness. In contrast, women tend to be seen as hav-
ing traits involving warmth and expressiveness, such as gen-
tleness and awareness of others’ feelings. Because Western
society traditionally values competence more than warmth
and expressiveness, the perceived differences between men
and women are biased in favor of men (Eagly, Beall, & Stern-
berg, 2005; Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008; Kiefer, 2006).
In addition, cross-cultural research finds remarkable simi-
larity in the content of gender stereotypes in different societies.
For example, a 25-nation study identified a core set of descrip-
tors that were consistently used to describe men and women
What are the major
differences between male
and female gender roles?
The perception of being male
or female.
y Alert
The distinction between
gender and sex is subtle.
Keep in mind that sex
relates to anatomy, and
gender relates to
perception.
The set of expectations,
defined by a particular society, that
indicate what is appropriate behavior
for men and women.
Negative attitudes and
behavior toward a person based on
that person’s gender.
From the moment of birth, gender differences are defined by
outside influences. Is it possible for a family to block these
influences completely? Would it be desirable to do so?
343
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344 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
FIGURE 1 In spite of numerous
differences among cultures, research has
found strong similarities in the content
of gender stereotypes. (Source: Williams &
Best, 1990.)
FIGURE 2 Gender discrepancies
throughout the world. Each year, the
World Economic Forum ranks countries
on the basis of gender equality,
considering educational attainment,
economic participation and opportunity,
political empowerment, and health and
survival. Out of 134 countries, the
United States ranks 31st worldwide.
Iceland, Finland, and Norway are at the
top of the list; Pakistan, Chad, and
Yemen are at the bottom. (Source:
Hausmann, Tyson, & Zahidi, 2009.)
Words Used to Describe Males
Active Initiative
Adventurous
Aggressive
Ambitious
Arrogant
Assertive
Autocratic
Clear-thinki
Words Used to Describe Females
Affected
A ionate
rogressive
tional
Independent
(Williams & Best, 1990). Women were seen as sentimental, submissive, and supersti-
tious, whereas men were seen as adventurous, forceful, and independent (see Figure 1).
These stereotypical similarities across cultures may be due to similarities in status
between men and women across the cultures; in most, men receive somewhat higher
status than women (Lips, 2003; Durik, Hyde, & Marks, 2006).
Such stereotypes matter. By shaping beliefs about how men and women should
behave, these stereotypes potentially keep inequalities between the genders alive.
Stereotypes put pressure on people to fulfill the stereotypes, and they may lead
people to perform in accordance with the stereotypes rather than in accordance with
their own abilities. Attaining gender equality remains a significant challenge through-
out the world (Lips, 2003; also see Figure 2).
Country Rank Country Rank
Iceland 1 Trinidad and Tobago 19
Finland 2 Australia 20
Norway 3 Barbados 21
Sweden 4 Mongolia 22
New Zealand 5 Ecuador 23
South Africa 6 Argentina 24
Denmark 7 Canada 25
Ireland 8 Mozambique 26
Philippines 9 Costa Rica 27
Lesotho 10 Bahamas 28
Netherlands 11 Cuba 29
Germany 12 Lithuania 30
Switzerland 13 United States 31
Latvia 14 Namibia 32
United Kingdom 15 Belgium 3B
Sri Lanka 16 Belarus 34
Spain 17 Guyana 35
France 18
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Sexism on the Job
Differences still exist regarding which occupations are deemed appropriate for men
and for women. Women continue to be viewed as best suited for traditionally female
jobs—that is, pink-collar jobs such as secretary, nurse, cashier, and jobs in other
female-dominated professions that often feature low pay and low status. Men and
women alike still report that they expect greater success when they enter a profession
viewed as appropriate for their gender. Furthermore, women hold lower expectations
than men about their entering and peak salaries (Crawford & Unger, 2004; MacPher-
son, 2002; Casad, 2007).
Those expectations reflect the reality that women, on average, earn less than men.
Although the gap has been decreasing, women overall earn an average of 80¢ for
every dollar that men earn. Women who are members of minority groups fare worse:
Black women earn 69¢ for every dollar men make, and Hispanic and Latino women
earn just 62¢ for every dollar men earn. Furthermore, even when they are in the same
professions as men, women generally earn less than men in comparable positions
(U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009; see Figure 3).
Despite these inequities, attitudes are shifting. Most people endorse gender
equality in the workplace, and they believe that women should be given the same
opportunities as men. For example, just about as many men as women endorse the
idea that jobs should be family friendly by offering flexible work schedules. In addi-
tion, polls today find that most men no longer believe that a woman’s most appro-
priate role is to care for her home and children while men should be earning
money—a shift from the 1970s, when the majority of men endorsed that traditional
view (Bond et al., 2003; Barnett, 2004).
Still, even when women are successful on the job and are promoted into upper-
level, high-status positions, they may face significant hurdles in their efforts to move
up the corporate ladder. Such obstacles are especially true for professional women
who become mothers; they tend to be newly perceived as warm but less competent
than they were prior to motherhood. The same thing doesn’t happen to men who
become fathers; they are most likely to be viewed as warm and competent (Cuddy,
Fiske, & Glick, 2004).
90
85
80
75
70
Percentage
65
60
55
gue ttt |] |] | | |} fj | ft | |I
5 [| | | | | J 4
1979 1985 1990
| | | I
1995 2000
| | I
2005 2008
Year
FIGURE 3 Although men’s wages have stagnated since 2001, women still earn an average
of 80¢ for every dollar that men earn. The disparity is even greater for women who are
members of minority groups. What factors account for the continuing gap between men’s
and women’s wages? (Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2009.)
Module 32
Gender and Sex
345
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346 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
i
Sexual harassment can take many forms.
Because of such stereotypic views, many women eventually hit what has come
to be called the glass ceiling. The glass ceiling is an invisible barrier within an
organization that may prevent women from being promoted beyond a certain level
because of gender discrimination. The glass ceiling is even found in colleges and
universities. For example, although women fill 29% of science and engineering
jobs at U.S. educational institutions, they occupy only 15% of those positions at
the top 50 research universities (Ripley, 2005; Lyness & Heilman, 2006; Sampson
& Moore, 2008).
As phenomena such as the glass ceiling make clear, male gender stereotypes are
typically more positive than female stereotypes. Although such stereotypes reflect
people’s perceptions and not necessarily the reality of the world, people often act as
if they were real and modify their behavior to conform to the stereotypes. As a result,
gender stereotypes limit both women’s and men’s behavior and ultimately lead to
the unfortunate consequence of preferential treatment of men.
SEXUAL HARASSMENT
In addition to pay inequity and limited job advancement, women—even those in
high-status professions—may face workplace sexism in the form of sexual harassment,
which is defined as unwanted sexual attention, the creation of a hostile or abusive
environment, or explicit coercion to engage in unwanted sexual activity. Sexual harass-
ment is not a minor problem. One-fifth of women surveyed in polls say that they have
been sexually harassed at work. And it is not just women who encounter harassment:
Some 10% of men report experiencing sexual harassment on the job (Willness, Steel,
& Lee, 2007; O’Leary-Kelly et al., 2009; Pina, Gannon, & Saunders, 2009).
Sexual harassment is not just a workplace issue. Thirty percent of the female
graduates of one large California university reported receiving some form of harass-
ment. Such harassment begins early in life. In one survey, 81% of middle and high
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Received sexual
comments, jokes,
gestures, or looks
Were touched,
grabbed, or pinched
in a sexual way
Were intentionally
brushed up against
in a sexual way
Sexual rumors were
spread about them
Clothing was pulled
at in a sexual way
Were shown, given, Girls
or left sexual material
Boys
Sexual messages were
written about them in
public areas
20 40 60 80
Percentage of students experiencing each kind of behavior
school students reported receiving some form of sexual harassment in school; 6 in
10 experienced physical sexual harassment at some point in their school lives (see
Figure 4). One-third of students are afraid of being sexually harassed; girls are more
than twice as likely as boys to report concern. Overall, estimates suggest that one of
every two women will be harassed at some point during her academic or working
life (AAUW, 2001; Fitzgerald et al., 2003).
Sexual harassment often has less to do with sex than with power (similar to the
motivation behind many cases of rape, which we'll discuss in a later module). In this
view, higher-status persons who engage in harassment may be less interested in
receiving sexual favors than in demonstrating their power over their victims
(O’Donohue, 1997; Huerta et al., 2006).
In some cases, harassment stems from benevolent sexism, stereotyped and restric-
tive attitudes that appear on the surface to be beneficial to women. For example, a
male employer may compliment a woman on her attractiveness or offer her an easy
job so that she won’t have to “work so hard.” The reality, however, is that such com-
ments or “favors” may undermine the employee’s sense of competence, and she may
feel that she is not being taken seriously (Glick et al., 2004; Forbes, Jung, & Haas,
2006; Dardenne, Dumont, & Bollier, 2007).
Regardless of the motivation that lies behind sexual harassment, the conse-
quences for the victim are clear. Feelings of shame and embarrassment are standard
and may be compounded by a sense of helplessness and powerlessness because
targets of harassment are typically in lower-status positions. People in these situa-
tions often suffer emotional and physical consequences, and the quality of their work
may decline. Furthermore, they are less likely to believe they can attain higher posi-
tions (Magley, 2002; Miner-Rubino & Cortina, 2007; Chiodo et al., 2009).
Module 32 Gender and Sex 347
FIGURE 4 Sexual harassment in school.
The number of students who report
experiencing unwelcomed sexual
attention often or occasionally at school
is significant. (Source: AAUW, 2001.)
348
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Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
Gender Differences:
More Similar than Dissimilar
Not surprisingly, gender stereotyping, combined with other factors, results in actual
behavior differences between men and women. Before we consider the nature of
gender differences, however, it is important to keep in mind men and women are
more similar to one another in most respects than they are different. Furthermore,
the differences that have been found reflect average male and female differences; this
finding tells us little or nothing about any individual male or female.
For example, even if we find that males are generally more talkative than females—
as research shows they are despite the stereotype that women talk more—an individual
man can be less talkative than most women. Similarly, an individual woman may be
more talkative than most men. When we consider any single person, our focus should
be on the individual rather than on his or her gender group. It is important to take this
into account as we examine the findings on gender differences (Mehl et al., 2007).
PERSONALITY FACTORS
One of the most pronounced differences between men and women lies in their degree
of aggressive behavior. By the time they are 2 years old, boys tend to display more
aggression than girls do, and this higher level of aggression persists throughout the
life span. Furthermore, compared with men, women experience greater anxiety and
guilt about their aggressiveness and are more concerned about its effects on their
victims (Feingold, 1994; Munroe et al., 2000; Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008).
Men generally have higher self-esteem than women do, although the difference
is not large. Furthermore, women’s self-esteem is influenced primarily by their per-
ception of their sense of interdependence and connection with others. In contrast,
men’s self-esteem stems more from their assessment of their unique characteristics
and abilities, traits that help them distinguish themselves from other people (Kling,
Ryff, & Love, 2003; Lawrence, Ashford, & Dent, 2006; Gentile et al., 2009).
Men and women differ in how positively they view their own abilities and
how they estimate the probability of their future success. In general, women eval-
uate themselves more harshly than men. For example, a survey of first-year college
students compared men’s and women’s views of whether they were above or below
average. As you can see in Figure 5, more men than women considered themselves
above average in overall academic and mathematical ability, competitiveness, and
Boys from age 2 tend to be more aggressive than girls, a pattern that
continues throughout the life span.
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Academic ability
Mathematical ability
Competitiveness
Emotional health
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Percentage who rate themselves
above average
emotional health. Such self-perceptions matter because they influence motivation
as well as academic and career choices. They even influence performance. For
example, when women experience stereotype threat—the perception that a perfor-
mance measure is sensitive to gender differences—their performance declines
(Steele, Spencer, & Aronson, 2002; Keller, 2007; Carr & Steele, 2009).
The content of men’s and women’s speech also differs. Women’s speech is more
precise. However, their speech patterns lead others to view them as more tentative
and less assertive. Women more often raise their pitch at the end of a sentence and
add “tags” at the end of an opinion rather than stating the opinion outright. For
example, instead of saying, “It’s awfully warm today,” a female speaker might say,
“It’s awfully warm today, isn’t it?”—which makes her appear less certain of her
opinion. When females use such tentative language, they are judged to be less com-
petent and knowledgeable than they are when they speak assertively (Matlin, 1996;
Popp, Donovan, & Crawford, 2003; Leaper & Ayres, 2007).
Women’s and men’s nonverbal behavior differs as well in several significant
respects. In conversations with people of the other sex, women look at their partners
significantly more while listening than while speaking (thereby communicating coop-
eration), whereas men look at their partners about the same length of time while
listening and speaking (thereby communicating power). In addition, women are gen-
erally better than men at decoding others’ facial expressions (Coats & Feldman, 1996;
Burgoon & Bacue, 2003; LaFrance & Harris, 2004).
COGNITIVE ABILITIES
No general differences exist between men and women in overall IQ scores, learning,
memory, problem solving, and concept-formation tasks. A few differences in more spe-
cific cognitive areas have been identified, although more recent research has called into
question the true nature of those differences—and even their existence (Halpern, 2000).
When Eleanor Maccoby and Carol Jacklin carried out a pioneering study of sex
differences in 1974, they concluded that girls outperformed boys in verbal abilities
and that boys had superior quantitative and spatial abilities. Psychologists—and the
public—widely accepted that conclusion as true.
However, recent and more sophisticated analyses have questioned these earlier
findings. In a ground-breaking study, psychologist Janet Hyde and colleagues
Module 32 Gender and Sex 349
FIGURE 5 Male first-year college students
are much more likely than female first-
year college students to rate themselves
as above average in academic ability,
mathematical ability, and emotional
health. (Source: From Astin, A. W., Korn, W. S.,
& Berz, E. R. (2004). The American freshman:
National norms for fall 2004. Los Angeles, CA:
Higher Education Research Institute, Graduate
School of Education, UCLA. © 2008 The
Regents of the University of California. All
Rights Reserved.)
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350 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
examined the mathematical performance of 7 million United States students in grades
2 through 11—a huge sample of students. Contrary to traditional wisdom, the average
mathematical performance of males and females did not differ. Even when they looked
at only the most gifted students, they found no gender difference (Hyde et al., 2008).
Similarly, cross-cultural data also find no difference between genders in math per-
formance. For example, Japanese boys and girls perform quite similarly on math tests
except for the single math area of probability; Japanese girls routinely outperform both
boys and girls in the United States on comparable tests of mathematical ability. In short,
there appear to be no meaningful differences between males and females in math
performance (Angier & Chang, 2005; Lubinski & Benbow, 2006; Hyde & Mertz, 2009).
Psychologists have drawn a similar conclusion about the extent of gender differ-
ences in verbal skills. Despite the earlier view that women show greater verbal abil-
ities than men, a more careful analysis of 165 studies of gender differences in verbal
ability, which represents the testing of close to 1.5 million subjects, has led to the
conclusion that verbal gender differences are insignificant. Furthermore, verbal SAT
scores are quite similar for boys and girls (Angier & Chang, 2005; Hyde, 2005).
Current evidence suggests, then, that gender differences in cognitive skills are
minimal. On the other hand, particular tests of mathematical and verbal skills do elicit
differences in performance, as in the example of the mathematics part of the SAT in
which most of the very high scorers are male (Hyde, 2005; Lippa, 2005; Ripley, 2005).
Furthermore, even when no differences are found in men’s and women’s per-
formance on specific tasks, there may be underlying differences in how the brain
processes information. For example, one study found that when men and women
named particular objects, such as tools and plants, their brains were activated in
different ways depending on their experience with the objects (see Figure 6). In short,
When Brain
and Socialization Meet
FIGURE 6 Differences in how men and women process information reflect differences in
learning and experience with those objects. In an fMRI study, (a) women showed greater
activation in certain areas of the brain when they processed names for tools and (b) men
showed greater activation in other areas of the brain when they processed names of plants.
(Source: Garn et al., 2009.)
(a) Areas more strongly activated in females to tools (b) Areas more strongly activated in males to plants
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gender differences are complex, and we still do not have the full story on differences
between men and women when it comes to their cognitive abilities (Hugdahl et
al., 2006).
Sources of Gender Differences:
Where Biology and Society Meet
If the identification of gender differences has presented a difficult challenge for
researchers, the search for their causes has proved even more daunting. Given the
indisputable fact that sex is a biological variable, it would seem reasonable to look
at factors involving biological differences between men and women. It is also true
that people are treated differently on the basis of their sex from the time they are
born. Consequently, we must take into account both biological and social factors
when we try to understand the source of gender differences.
Although we'll consider biological and environmental variables separately, nei-
ther alone can provide a full explanation for gender differences. Some combination
of the two, interacting with each other, will ultimately provide us with an under-
standing of why men and women may behave differently.
BIOLOGICAL AND EVOLUTIONARY FACTORS
Do differences between male and female brains underlie sex and gender differences?
This intriguing hypothesis has been put forward by some psychologists studying
brain structure and functioning. For instance, girls who were exposed before birth to
unusually high levels of androgen, a male hormone, because their mothers acciden-
tally took a drug containing that hormone while pregnant preferred different toys
from those preferred by girls not exposed to androgens. Specifically, they were more
likely to play with toys that boys stereotypically prefer (such as cars) and less likely
to play with toys girls stereotypically prefer (such as dolls). Other research, discussed
in Applying Psychology in the 21st Century, supports this finding. It is possible that
exposure to particular hormones prior to birth may affect brain development, making
children favor toys that involve certain kinds of skills, such as those related to spatial
abilities (Mealey, 2000; Hines et al., 2002, Fink et al., 2007; Hines & Alexander, 2008).
Similarly, some evidence suggests that women perform better on tasks involving
verbal skill and muscular coordination during periods when their production of the
female sex hormone estrogen is relatively high compared with periods when it is low.
In contrast, they perform better on tasks involving spatial relationships when the
estrogen level is relatively low (Kimura, 1999; Rosenberg & Park, 2002).
Some psychologists argue that evolutionary forces lead to certain differences between
men’s and women’s behavior. For example, David Buss and colleagues point to differ-
ences in the nature of jealousy between men and women. Men are more jealous in cases
of sexual infidelity than in cases of emotional infidelity; women are more jealous in cases
of emotional infidelity than in cases of sexual infidelity (Buss et al., 1992; Buss, 2003).
According to Buss’s controversial explanation, the root cause for the differences
in jealousy lies in the evolutionary implications of sexual versus emotional infidelity
for men and women. He argues that for males, sexual infidelity represents a threat
to their ability to ensure that their children are actually their own (and are the ones
who have inherited their genes). In contrast, females have no doubt that a child they
carry through pregnancy is their own. However, their major concern is ensuring the
male’s protection and support during child rearing. Thus, to females, maintaining
males’ emotional attachment is crucial.
Psychologists relying on the evolutionary approach also argue that similarities
in the division of labor between men and women across different cultures suggest
Module 32
Gender and Sex
351
in
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the 21st Century
Trucks and Dolls: Does Fetal
Exposure to Testosterone
Affect How Children Play?
In one case, the stereotypes are true: Boys
typically like rough-and-tumble play and
their toys of choice are cars and trucks,
whereas girls prefer quieter activities and
like to play with dolls. What is less clear is
why these gender differences occur. Are
they biological like sex itself, or are they
learned as a consequence of how we treat
boys and girls differently in society?
This question may never be answered
conclusively. It’s almost certainly the case
that some combination of biological and
environmental factors is at work. Recent
research provides strong evidence for the
importance of biological factors: It seems
that the male hormone testosterone plays
an important role in determining juvenile
play behavior (Hines et al., 2002; Pasterski
et al., 2005).
352
Ina recent large-scale study, researchers
measured the concentration of testosterone
in the amniotic fluid of more than 200 male
and female fetuses as part of a long-term
study on the effects of fetal testosterone on
development. (Although testosterone is the
primary androgen, or male sex hormone, it
also is found to a lesser extent in females.)
aspect is that these children were not un-
usual in any way. For instance, they were
not exposed to unnaturally high levels of
prenatal hormones through drug use or dis-
ease. They merely experienced normal vari-
ation in the presence of fetal testosterone.
That leaves few alternative explanations to
account for the differences in their play be-
Eight years later, when the children
were in middle childhood, researchers
gave their parents a questionnaire about
the children’s play behavior. The results
were clear: There was a strong relationship
between prenatal testosterone concentra-
tion and how their children played; higher
concentrations of fetal testosterone pre-
dicted more male-typical play behaviors
in both boys and girls (Auyeung et al.,
2009).
One interesting aspect of this study is
that the influence of fetal testosterone on
male-typical play was found in both
genders—that is, higher levels of testoster-
one produced more boyish kinds of play in
both boys and girls. Another interesting
havior that emerged later in development.
e Could conformity pressures on boys and girls during middle childhood lead chil-
dren to behave in more stereotypically “male” and “female” ways?
e What should parents do, if anything, to affect the degree to which their children
behave in ways that are consistent with stereotypes about male and female behavior?
that sex differences are due to evolutionary factors. They argue that even in very
different types of cultures, men tend to be more aggressive, competitive, and prone
to taking risks than women are—traits that had an evolutionary advantage (Mealey,
2000; Buss, 2003; Chang & Geary, 2007).
However, many critics question the assumptions of the evolutionary approach.
Rather than assuming that the differences are due to evolutionary forces, some psy-
chologists suggest that differences in males’ and females’ beliefs about the meaning
of infidelity are the actual cause of their jealousy differences. For instance, men may
believe that women have sex only when they are in love. Consequently, sexual infi-
delity may be seen as a sign that a woman is in love with another man and may
produce more jealousy than emotional infidelity alone would. In contrast, women
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may believe that men are capable of having sex without being in love; consequently
they may find a man’s sexual infidelity less bothersome because it does not neces-
sarily mean that he is in love with someone else (DeSteno et al., 2002; Fernandez,
Vera-Villarroel, & Sierra, 2007).
Psychologists Alice Eagly and Wendy Wood criticize evolutionary explanations
for gender differences on different grounds. In their biosocial approach, they argue that
one important source of gender differences is the difference in the physical capabili-
ties of men and women. Consistently across cultures, the division of labor between
men and women is based largely on men’s size, strength, and speed and women’s
capacity for pregnancy and caring for children. However, the specific nature of activ-
ities in which men and women specialize varies from one culture to another, depend-
ing on the specifics of a culture (Wood & Eagly, 2002).
The extent to which biological and evolutionary factors may underlie gender
differences is an unanswered and highly controversial question. One thing is clear,
however: Biological factors and evolutionary factors alone do not explain the com-
plete range of differences between male and female behavior. To fully understand
the source of gender differences, we also must consider the social environment,
which we will do next.
THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT
From the moment of birth, with blue blankets for boys and pink ones for girls, most
parents and other adults provide environments that differ in important respects
according to gender. For example, boys and girls are given different kinds of toys,
and—until protests recently brought the practice to an end—items in the largest toy
store chain in the United States were laid out according to the gender appropriateness
of particular toys (Bannon, 2000; Wood, Desmarais, & Gugula, 2002).
Parents interact with their children differently, depending on their sex. Fathers
play more roughly with their infant sons than with their infant daughters. Middle-
class mothers tend to talk more to their daughters than to their sons. It is clear that
adults in general frequently treat children differently on the basis of gender (McHale,
Crouter, & Tucker, 1999; Tenenbaum & Leaper, 2002).
Such differences in behavior (and there are many more) produce different social-
ization experiences for men and women. Socialization is the process by which an
individual learns the rules and norms of appropriate behavior. In this case, it refers
to learning what society considers appropriate behavior for men and women. Accord-
ing to the processes of social learning theory, boys and girls are taught and rewarded
for performing the socially perceived appropriate behaviors for men and for women,
respectively (Archer & Lloyd, 2002; Liben & Bigler, 2002;
Leaper & Friedman, 2007).
It is not just parents, of course, who provide socializa-
tion experiences for children. Society as a whole commu-
nicates clear messages to children as they are growing up.
Children’s reading books traditionally have portrayed
girls in stereotypically nurturing roles, whereas boys have
been given more physical and action-oriented roles. Tele-
vision, too, acts as a particularly influential source of
socialization. Men outnumber women on television, and
women are often cast in such stereotypical roles as house-
wife, secretary, and mother. The potency of television as
an agent of socialization is underscored by data indicating
that the more television children watch, the more sexist
they become (Turkel, 2002; Ogletree, Martinez, & Turner,
2004; Abelman, 2007 Dill & Thill, 2007).
Our educational system also treats boys and girls dif-
Module 32 Gender and Sex 353
y Alert
Remember that gender
differences are caused by
a
combination of biological,
evolutionary, and social
factors.
ferently. For example, in elementary school, boys are five “Sometimes it would be helpful if you were a bit more androgynous.”
© William Haefeli/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
All Rights Reserved.
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354 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
gender schema A mental framework
that organizes and guides a child’s
understanding of information relevant
to gender.
Androgynous people tend to defy stereotypes by combining the psychological and
behavioral characteristics thought typical of both sexes.
times more likely than girls to receive attention from classroom teachers. Boys receive
significantly more praise, criticism, and remedial help than girls do. They are also
more likely to be praised for the intelligence shown in their work, whereas girls are
more apt to be commended for their neatness. Even in college classes, male students
receive more eye contact from their professors than female students, men are called
upon more frequently in class, and men are more apt to receive extra help from their
professors (AAUW, 1992; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Einarsson & Granstroem, 2002;
Koch, 2003).
Socialization produces a gender schema, a mental framework that organizes and
guides a child’s understanding of information relevant to gender. On the basis of their
schemas for appropriate and inappropriate behavior for males and females, children
begin to behave in ways that reflect society’s gender roles. Hence, children who are
offered the opportunity to sew a costume for a school play may evaluate the activity
not in terms of the intrinsic components of the process (such as the mechanics of using
a needle and thread) but in terms of whether the activity is compatible with their gen-
der schema. Such evaluation may potentially limit the range of experiences to which
children are exposed (Bem, 1998; Le Maner-Idrissi & Renault, 2006; Frawley, 2008).
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Module 32 Gender and Sex 355
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the major differences between male and female gen-
der roles?
Gender is the perception of being male or female.
Gender roles are the expectations, defined by society, of
what is appropriate behavior for men and women. When
gender roles reflect favoritism toward one sex, they lead
to stereotyping and produce sexism. (p. 343)
The gender-role stereotype for men suggests that they
are endowed with competence-related traits, whereas
women are seen in terms of their capacity for warmth
and expressiveness. Actual sex differences are much less
clear and of smaller magnitude than the stereotypes
would suggest. The differences that do exist are pro-
duced by a combination of biological and environmental
factors. (p. 344)
Biological causes of sex difference are reflected by evi-
dence suggesting a possible difference in brain structure
and functioning between men and women and may be
associated with differential exposure to hormones before
birth. (p. 350)
An evolutionary approach explains gender differences in
terms of different male-female concerns regarding the in-
heritance of genes and the need for child rearing, but this
approach is highly controversial. (p. 351)
Socialization experiences produce gender schemas, men-
tal frameworks that organize and guide a child’s under-
standing of information relevant to gender. (p. 353)
KEY TERMS
gender p. 343
gender roles p. 343
sexism p. 343
gender schema p. 354
EVALUATE
1.
are sets of societal expectations about what is
appropriate behavior for men and women.
. Gender stereotypes seem to be much less prevalent today
than they were several decades ago. True or false?
. Which of the following statements about male-female
differences in aggression is true?
a. Males are physically more aggressive than females only
during childhood.
b. Male-female differences in aggression first become
evident during adolescence.
c. Males are more aggressive than females throughout the
life span.
d. Females and males feel equally anxious about their
aggressive acts.
are frameworks that organize understanding
of gender-specific information.
RETHINK
1
. The U.S. Congress has enacted laws prohibiting women in
the armed forces from participating directly in combat in
the interest of keeping them safe. Do you think such laws
are protective or sexist? How might this be an example of
“benevolent sexism”?
. From the perspective of a business executive: Evidence shows
that sexism in the workplace is widespread. If you wanted
to end sexism in organizational settings, can you think of
ways to narrow the gap between men and women in
terms of occupations and salary?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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MODULE 33
Why, and under what
circumstances, dowe become
sexually aroused?
Male sex hormones
secreted by the testes.
The male and female sex
organs.
Class of female sex
hormones.
A female sex hormone
secreted by the ovaries.
The point at which an egg
is released from the ovaries.
356
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
When I started “tuning out,” teachers thought I was sick—physically sick that is. They
kept sending me to the school nurse to have my temperature taken. If I’d told them I
was carrying on with Jennifer Lopez in their classes while supposedly learning my
Caesar and my Latin vocabulary, they’d have thought I was—well, delirious. I was!
(based on Coles & Stokes, 1985, pp. 18-19)
Not everyone’s sexual fantasies are as consuming as those reported by this teenage
boy. Yet sex is an important consideration in most people’s lives; although the phys-
ical aspects of human sex are not all that different from those of other species, the
meaning, values, and feelings that humans place on sexual behavior elevate it to a
special plane. To fully appreciate this difference, however, it is necessary to under-
stand the basic biology underlying sexual responses.
The Basic Biology
of Sexual Behavior
Anyone who has seen two dogs mating knows that sexual behavior has a bio-
logical basis. Their sexual behavior appears to occur naturally without much
prompting on the part of others. A number of genetically controlled factors influ-
ence the sexual behavior of nonhuman animals. For instance, animal behavior is
affected by the presence of certain hormones in the blood. Moreover, female ani-
mals are receptive to sexual advances only during certain relatively limited peri-
ods of the year.
Human sexual behavior, by comparison, is more complicated, although the
underlying biology is not all that different from that of related species. In males, for
example, the testes begin to secrete androgens, male sex hormones, at puberty. (See
Figure 1 for the basic anatomy of the male and female genitals, or sex organs.) Not
only do androgens produce secondary sex characteristics, such as the growth of
body hair and a deepening of the voice, they also increase the sex drive. Because
the level of androgen production by the testes is fairly constant, men are capable of
(and interested in) sexual activities without any regard to biological cycles. Given
the proper stimuli leading to arousal, male sexual behavior can occur at any time
(Goldstein, 2000).
Women show a different pattern. When they reach maturity at puberty, the
two ovaries begin to produce estrogens and progesterone, female sex hormones.
However, those hormones are not produced consistently; instead, their production
follows a cyclical pattern. The greatest output occurs during ovulation, when an
egg is released from the ovaries, making the chances of fertilization by a sperm
cell highest. While in nonhumans the period around ovulation is the only time the
female is receptive to sex, people are different. Although there are variations in
reported sex drive, women are receptive to sex throughout their cycles (Leiblum
& Chivers, 2007).
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Module 33 Understanding Human Sexual Response: The Facts of Life 357
Ovary
Uterus
Cervix
Bladder
Pubic bone
Vagina
Urethra
Clitoris Anus
Female
Large intestine
Bladder
Seminal vesicle
Pubic bone Ejaculatory duct
Vas deferens
Prostate
Urethra Anüs
Penis
Testis
my
“)
Glans-— 70
Scrotum
Male
FIGURE 1 Cutaway side views of the female and male sex organs.
In addition, some evidence suggests that males have a stronger sex drive than
females, although the difference may be the result of society’s discouragement of
female sexuality rather than of innate differences between men and women. It is clear
that men think about sex more than women: while 54% of men report thinking about
sex every day, only 19% of women report thinking about it on a daily basis (Men-
delsohn, 2003; Gangestad et al., 2004; Baumeister & Stillman, 2006).
Though biological factors “prime” people for sex, it takes more than hormones
to motivate and produce sexual behavior. In animals the presence of a partner who
provides arousing stimuli leads to sexual activity. Humans are considerably more
versatile; not only other people but nearly any object, sight, smell, sound, or other
stimulus can lead to sexual excitement. Because of prior associations, then, people
may be turned on sexually by the smell of perfume or the sound of a favorite song
hummed softly in their ears. The reaction to a specific, potentially arousing stimulus,
as we shall see, is highly individual—what turns one person on may do just the
opposite for another (Benson, 2003).
358 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
erogenous zones Areas of the body
that are particularly sensitive because
of the presence of an unusually rich
array of nerve receptors.
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Physiological Aspects
of Sexual Excitement:
What Turns People On?
If you were to argue that the major human sex organ is the brain, in a sense you
would be right. Much of what is considered sexually arousing in our society has
little or nothing to do with our genitals; instead, it is related to external stimuli
that, through a process of learning, have come to be labeled as erotic, or sexually
stimulating.
For example, there are no areas of the body that automatically produce sexual
arousal when touched. Areas of the body, called erogenous zones, that have an
unusually rich array of nerve receptors are particularly sensitive not just to sexual
touch but to any kind of touch. When a physician touches a breast or a penis, the
information sent to the brain by the nerve cells is essentially the same as that sent
when a sexual partner touches that spot. What differs is the interpretation given to
the touch. Sexual arousal is likely only when a certain part of the body is touched
in what people define as a sexual manner and when a person is receptive to sexual
activity (Gagnon, 1977; Goldstein, 2000).
Although people can learn to respond sexually to almost any stimulus, there is
a good deal of agreement within a society or culture about what usually represents
an erotic stimulus. In many Western societies breast size is often the standard by
which female appeal is measured, but in many other cultures breast size is irrelevant
(Rothblum, 1990; Furnham & Swami, 2007).
Sexual fantasies also play an important role in producing sexual arousal. Not
only do people have fantasies of a sexual nature during their everyday activities;
about 60% of all people have fantasies during sexual intercourse. In fact, such fanta-
sies often include having sex with someone other than one’s partner of the moment
(Hicks & Leitenberg, 2001; Trudel, 2002; Critelli & Bivona, 2008).
Men’s and women’s fantasies differ little from each other in terms of content or
quantity, although men seem to fantasize about sex more than women do. But both
men and women wish they kissed more, engaged in more oral sex, and had vaginal
intercourse more frequently than they actually do (Hsu et al., 1994; Shulman &
Horne, 2006; Santtila, et al., 2008).
The Phases of Sexual
Response: The Ups
and Downs of Sex
Although the kinds of stimuli that produce sexual arousal are to some degree unique
to each individual, we all share some basic aspects of sexual responsiveness. Accord-
ing to pioneering work done by William Masters and Virginia Johnson (1966), who
studied sexual behavior in carefully controlled laboratory settings, sexual responses
follow a regular pattern consisting of four phases: excitement, plateau, orgasm, and
resolution. Although other researchers argue that sexual responses proceed some-
what differently (e.g., Kaplan, 1974; Zilbergeld & Ellison, 1980), Masters and John-
son’s research is the most widely accepted account of what happens when people
become sexually excited (Masters & Johnson, 1994).
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Module 33 Understanding Human Sexual Response: The Facts of Life 359
Orgasm Orgasm
Plateau
Refractory D Plateau
period &
& 7
2 Resolution
U
ğ
Resolution Resolution Resolution
ABC (C) (A) (B)
Time
a) Male pattern b) Female patterns
p P
FIGURE 2 A four-stage model of the sexual response cycle for males and females based on
the findings of Masters and Johnson (1966). Note how the male pattern (a) includes a
refractory period. Part (b) shows three possible female patterns. In A, the pattern is closest to
the male cycle except that the woman has two orgasms in a row. In B, there is no orgasm,
whereas in C orgasm is reached quickly and the woman rapidly returns to an unaroused
state. (Source: After Masters & Johnson, 1966.)
In the excitement phase, which can last from just a few minutes to more than
an hour, an arousing stimulus begins a sequence that prepares the genitals for sexual
intercourse. In the male, the penis becomes erect when blood flows into it. In the
female, the clitoris swells because of an increase in the blood supply to that area, and
the vagina becomes lubricated. Women may also experience a “sex flush,” a red rash
that typically spreads over the chest and throat.
Next comes the plateau phase, the body’s preparation for orgasm. During this
stage, the maximum level of sexual arousal is attained as the penis and clitoris swell
with blood. Women’s breasts and vaginas expand, heartbeat and blood pressure rise,
and breathing rate increases. Muscle tension becomes greater as the body prepares
itself for the next stage, orgasm. Although it is difficult to explain the sensation of
orgasm beyond saying that it is an intense, highly pleasurable experience, the bio-
logical events that accompany the feeling are fairly straightforward. When the orgasm
stage is reached, rhythmic muscular contractions occur in the genitals every eight-
tenths of a second. In the male, the contractions expel semen, a fluid containing
sperm, from the penis—a process known as ejaculation. For women and men, breath-
ing and heart rates reach their maximum.
After orgasm, people move into the last stage of sexual arousal, the resolution
stage. The body returns to its resting state, reversing the changes brought about by
arousal. The genitals resume their unaroused size and shape; blood pressure, breath-
ing, and heart rate return to normal.
Male and female responses differ significantly during the resolution stage; these
differences are depicted in Figure 2. Women are able to cycle back to the orgasm
phase and experience repeated orgasms. Ultimately, of course, females enter the final
resolution stage, and then they return to their prestimulation state. In contrast, it
generally is thought that men enter a refractory period during the resolution stage.
During the refractory period, men are unable to develop an erection and therefore
are unable to have another orgasm and ejaculate. The refractory period may last
from a few minutes to several hours; in the elderly it may continue for several days
(Goldstein, 2000).
Time
y Alert
Use Figure 2 to help remem-
ber the different patterns of
sexual response and how
they differ between men
and women.
excitement phase The period in
which an arousing stimulus begins a
sequence that prepares the genitals for
sexual intercourse.
plateau phase The period in which the
maximum level of arousal is attained,
the penis and clitoris swell with blood,
and the body prepares for orgasm.
orgasm The peak of sexual excite-
ment, during which rhythmic muscu-
lar contractions occur in the genitals.
resolution stage The interval after
orgasm in which the body returns to
its unaroused state, reversing the
changes brought about by arousal.
refractory period A temporary period
that follows the resolution stage and
during which the male cannot develop
an erection again.
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360 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
AR
j ©;
Ex p | O ri n g Waris Dirie was just an innocent, unknowing child of 5 when
DIVERSITY she begged her mother to let her be circumcised like virtually
all females in Somalia. “When you've been told over and over
that, until this happens, you’re filthy and no man would ever
marry you, you believe what everybody says,” Dirie explains.
“T just wanted to be like the other girls.”
Months later her awful wish came true. As her mother held
down the crying, blindfolded Diri, a gypsy performed the circumcision using a dirty,
dull razor and no anesthetic. She sewed the ragged wound with thorns and thread.
“It’s not a pain you forget,” says Dirie, in a whisper. She was left with only a tiny
opening, and urinating became torture. Later, menstruation was so unbearable that
Dirie routinely fainted. (Cheakalos & Heyn, 1998, p. 149)
The operation in question—female circumcision—represents one of the most con-
troversial procedures relating to sex throughout the world. In such an operation, the
clitoris is removed, resulting in permanent inability to experience sexual pleasure.
Some 80 million women living mostly in Africa and Asia have undergone female
circumcision. More than 90% of Nigerian women have been circumcised during
childhood, and more than 90% intend to circumcise their daughters. Furthermore, in
some cases, more extensive surgery is carried out in which additional parts of the
female genitals are removed or are sewn together with catgut or thorns (Lacey, 2002;
Renshaw, 2006; Odeku, Rembe, & Anwo, 2009).
Those who practice female circumcision say it upholds an ancient societal tradition
and is no different from other cultural customs. Its purpose, they say, is to preserve
virginity before marriage, keep women faithful to their husbands after marriage, and
enhance a woman’s beauty. Furthermore, proponents believe that it differs little from
the common Western practice of male circumcision in which the foreskin of the penis
is surgically removed soon after birth.
In contrast, critics argue that female circumcision is nothing less than female muti-
lation. Not only does the practice permanently eliminate sexual pleasure, but it can
also lead to constant pain, infection, and, in some cases, death. Furthermore, because
the procedure is traditionally conducted in a ritualistic fashion using a razor blade,
sawtooth knife, or glass and without an anesthetic, the circumcision itself can be
physically traumatic (Dugger, 1996; Renshaw, 2006).
The procedure raises some difficult issues that have been brought to light in var-
ious court cases. For instance, a Nigerian immigrant, living temporarily in the United
States, went to court to argue that she should be allowed to remain permanently. Her
plea: If she and her young daughters were sent back to Nigeria, her daughters would
face circumcision upon their return. The court agreed and permitted her to stay
indefinitely (Gregory, 1994; Dugger, 1996).
In reaction to the controversy about female circumcision, Congress made the prac-
tice illegal in the United States. Still, some critics argue that female circumcision is a
valued cultural custom, and that no one, particularly someone judging from the
perspective of another culture, should prevent people from carrying out the customs
they think are important. In addition, they point out that the practice of male circum-
cision, in which the foreskin of the penis is surgically removed, is an accepted prac-
tice in the United States, based largely on religious, social, and cultural traditions
(Boyle et al. 2002; Johnsdotter & Essén, 2005; Renshaw, 2006).
Female Circumcision: A Celebration
of Culture—or Genital Mutilation?
>
By
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Module 33 Understanding Human Sexual Response: The Facts of Life 361
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 2. Men are generally thought to enter a ____ period
f ich a ible f : i
Why, and under what circumstances, do we become sexually e e a a op ae he
aroused?
e Biological factors, such as the presence of androgens
(male sex hormones) and estrogens and progesterone
(female sex hormones), prime people for sex. But almost
any kind of stimulus can produce sexual arousal,
depending on a person’s prior experience. (p. 356)
e People’s sexual responses follow a regular pattern con- RETHINK
sisting of four phases: excitement, plateau, orgasm, and
resolution. (p. 356)
3. Whereas men are interested in sexual activity regardless of
their biological cycles, women are truly receptive to sex
only during ovulation, when the production of their sex
hormones is greatest. True or false?
1. Why do you think humans differ from other species in
their year-round receptivity to sex and in the number and
variety of stimuli they perceive as sexual? What evolution-
EVALUATE ary purpose might this difference serve in humans?
2. From the perspective of a sex counselor: How do people learn
to be aroused by the stimuli that their society considers
erotic? When do they learn this, and where does the mes-
1. Match the phase of sexual arousal with its characteristics.
1. Excitement phase a. Maximum level of sexual arousal
2. Plateau phase b. Erection and lubrication A
; ; sage come from?
3. Orgasm phase c. Rhythmic muscular contractions
4, Resolution phase and ejaculation
Answers to Evaluate Questions
d. Return of body to resting state
apo Ad Atay} ynoysnormyy
aaydacar are UIWOM ‘aspey 'E !ÁIOPLIJƏI Z ‘P-P ‘0-€ “L-Z ‘G-T'T.
KEY TERMS
androgens p.356 progesterone p. 356 excitement phase p. 359 resolution stage p. 359
genitals p. 356 ovulation p.356 plateau phase p. 359 refractory period p. 359
estrogens p. 356 erogenous zones p. 358 orgasm p. 359
~~ www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
|”
What is “normal” sexual
behavior?
How do most people behave
sexually?
How prevalent are rape and
other forms of nonconsenting
sex, and what are their causes?
What are the major sexually
transmitted infections?
What sexual difficulties do
people most frequently
encounter?
362
A boy who practices this habit can never be the best that Nature intended him to be.
His wits are not so sharp. His memory is not so good. His power of fixing his attention
on whatever he is doing is lessened . . . A boy like this is a poor thing to look at...
[He is] untrustworthy, unreliable, untruthful, and probably even dishonest (Schofield &
Vaughan-Jackson, 1913, pp. 30-42).
The cause of this condition: masturbation—at least according to the authors of the
early 1900s sex manual What Every Boy Should Know. The consequences of masturba-
tion for women were considered no less severe. In the words of one 19th-century
physician, “There is hardly an end to the diseases caused by masturbation: dyspep-
sia, spinal disease, headache, epilepsy, various kinds of fits . . . impaired eyesight,
palpitation of the heart, pain in the side and bleeding at the lungs, spasm of the
heart, and sometimes sudden death” (Gregory, 1856).
Such views may seem as bizarre and far-fetched to you as they do to contempo-
rary experts on human sexual behavior. However, at one time they were considered
perfectly sound by quite reasonable people. Indeed, trivia buffs might be interested
to learn that corn flakes owe their invention to a 19th-century physician, J. W. Kel-
logg, who believed that the enjoyment of tasty food provoked sexual excitation so
an alternative of “unstimulating” grains was needed.
Clearly, sex and sex-related behavior are influenced by expectations, attitudes,
beliefs, and the state of medical and biological knowledge in a given period. Today
we know that sexual behavior may take diverse forms, and much of what was once
seen as “unnatural” and “lewd” is often more likely to be accepted in contemporary
society. Similarly, sexual behavior that is commonplace in one culture is seen as
appalling in others. For instance, seven societies are known in which kissing never
occurs (Ford & Beach, 1951; Mason, 1995). In sum, distinctions between normal and
abnormal sexual behavior are not easy to draw. This reality certainly hasn’t pre-
vented people from trying to draw them, however.
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Times change: The veiled sexuality of Victorian-era paintings has given way to a more frank
acknowledgment of sexual behavior.
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 363
Approaches to Sexual Normality
One approach is to define abnormal sexual behavior in terms of deviation from the
average, or typical, behavior. To determine abnormality, we simply observe what
behaviors are rare and uncommon in a society and label those deviations from the
norm as abnormal.
The difficulty with such an approach, however, is that some behaviors that are
statistically unusual hardly seem worthy of concern. Even though most people have
sexual intercourse in the bedroom, does the fact that someone prefers sex in the din-
ing room imply abnormality? If some people prefer portly sexual partners, are they
abnormal in a society that holds slimness in high regard? Since the answer to both
of these questions is clearly no, an approach that defines sexual abnormality in terms
of deviation from the average is inappropriate. (The same difficulties are encountered
in considering definitions of psychological abnormality.)
An alternative approach would be to compare sexual behavior against some
standard or ideal. But here, again, there is a problem: What standard should we use?
Some of us might suggest philosophy, some might turn to the Bible, and some might
even consider psychology the ultimate determinant. The trouble is that none of these
potential sources of standards is universally acceptable. Furthermore, since standards
change radically with shifts in societal attitudes and new knowledge, such an
approach is undesirable. For instance, 40 years ago, the American Psychiatric Asso-
ciation labeled homosexuality a mental illness. However, as evidence to the contrary
accumulated, in 1973 the organization determined that homosexuality should no lon-
ger be considered a mental disorder. Obviously the behavior had not changed. Only
the label the psychiatric profession gave it had been modified.
In light of the difficulties with other approaches, probably the most reasonable
definition of sexual normality is one that considers the psychological consequences of
the behavior. In this approach, sexual behavior is considered abnormal if it produces
a sense of distress, anxiety, or guilt—or if it is harmful to some other person. Accord-
ing to this view, then, sexual behaviors can be seen as abnormal only when they have
a negative impact on a person’s sense of well-being or if they hurt someone else.
It is important to recognize that what is seen as normal and what is seen as
abnormal sexual behavior are dictated primarily by societal values; there have been
y Alert
Remember the different
approaches to sexual
normality (deviation from
the average, comparison
against a standard, and
psychological consequences).
Same-sex marriages, already legal in
some states, represent a significant
social issue dividing people in the
United States.
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364 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
dramatic shifts from one generation to another in definitions of what constitutes
appropriate sexual behavior. People can and should make their own personal value
judgments about what is appropriate in their own sex lives, but there are few uni-
versally accepted absolute rights and wrongs.
Surveying Sexual Behavior:
What's Happening Behind
Closed Doors?
For most of recorded history, the vast variety of sexual practices remained shrouded
in ignorance. However, in the late 1930s, biologist Alfred Kinsey launched a series
of surveys on the sexual behavior of people in the United States. The result was the
first comprehensive attempt to see what people were actually doing sexually and
was highlighted by the publication of Kinsey’s landmark volumes, Sexual Behavior
in the Human Male (Kinsey et al., 1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female
(Kinsey et al., 1953).
Kinsey’s efforts represented the first major systematic approach to learning about
human sexual behavior. Kinsey and his colleagues interviewed tens of thousands of
individuals, and the interview techniques they devised are still regarded as exemplary
because of their ability to elicit sensitive information without causing embarrassment.
On the other hand, Kinsey’s samples reflected an overrepresentation of college
students, young people, well-educated individuals, urban dwellers, and people liv-
ing in Indiana and the northeast (Kirby, 1977). Furthermore, as with all surveys
involving volunteer participants, it is unclear how representative his data are of
people who refused to participate in the study. Similarly, because no survey observes
behavior directly, it is difficult to assess how accurately people’s descriptions of what
they do in private match their actual sexual practices.
Kinsey’s work set the stage for later surveys. But due to political reasons (the
use of government funding for sex surveys is controversial), surprisingly few com-
prehensive, large-scale, representative surveys—either in the United States or in other
countries—have been carried out since Kinsey did his initial work (Pinkerton et al.,
2003). However, by examining the common results gleaned from different samples
of subjects, we now have a reasonably complete picture of contemporary sexual
practices—to which we turn next.
MASTURBATION: SOLITARY SEX
masturbation Sexual self-stimulation. If you listened to physicians 75 years ago, you would have been told that masturbation,
sexual self-stimulation often using the hand to rub the genitals, would lead to a wide
variety of physical and mental disorders, ranging from hairy palms to insanity. If those
physicians had been correct, however, most of us would be wearing gloves to hide the
sight of our hair-covered palms because masturbation is one of the most frequently
practiced sexual activities. Some 94% of all males and 63% of all females have mastur-
bated at least once; among college students, the frequency ranges from “never” to “sev-
eral times a day” (Hunt, 1974; Michael et al., 1994; Laqueur, 2003, Polonsky, 2006).
Men and women typically begin to masturbate for the first time at different ages,
as you can see in Figure 1. Furthermore, men masturbate considerably more often
than women, although there are differences in frequency according to age. Male
masturbation is most common in the early teens and then declines; females both
begin and reach a maximum frequency later. There are also some racial differences:
African-American men and women masturbate less than whites do (Oliver & Hyde,
1993; Pinkerton et al, 2002; Das, Parish, & Laumann, 2009).
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Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 365
The age of first masturbation is
earlier for most males than it is
for most females.
50
fa Males
40 Females —
30
20
Percentage of sample
5-8 9-12 13-16 17-21
Age at first masturbation
Although masturbation is often considered an activity to engage in only if no
other sexual outlets are available, this view bears little relationship to reality. Close
to three-fourths of married men (age 20 to 40) report masturbating an average of 24
times a year, and 68% of the married women in the same age group masturbate an
average of 10 times a year (Hunt, 1974; Michael et al., 1994; Das, 2007).
Despite the high incidence of masturbation, attitudes toward it still reflect some
of the negative views of yesteryear. For instance, one survey found that around 10%
of people who masturbated experienced feelings of guilt; 5% of the males and 1% of
the females considered their behavior perverted (Arafat & Cotton, 1974). Despite
these negative attitudes, however, most experts on sex view masturbation as a healthy
and legitimate—and harmless—sexual activity. In addition, masturbation is seen as
providing a means of learning about one’s own sexuality and a way of discovering
changes in one’s body such as the emergence of precancerous lumps (Coleman, 2002;
Levin, 2007; Herbenick et al., 2009).
Heterosexuality
People often believe that the first time they have sexual intercourse they have
achieved one of life’s major milestones. However, heterosexuality, sexual attraction
and behavior directed to the other sex, consists of far more than male-female inter-
course. Kissing, petting, caressing, massaging, and other forms of sex play are all
components of heterosexual behavior. Still, sex researchers’ focus has been on the act
of intercourse, especially in terms of its first occurrence and its frequency.
PREMARITAL SEX
Until fairly recently, premarital sexual intercourse, at least for women, was con-
sidered one of the major taboos in our society. Traditionally, women have been
warned by society that “nice girls don’t do it”; men have been told that premari-
tal sex is okay for them, but they should marry virgins. This view that premarital
sex is permissible for males but not for females is called the double standard
(Liang, 2007).
FIGURE 1 The age at which a sample of
college students first masturbated. The
percentages are based on only those
people who had experience with
masturbation. (Source: Arafat & Cotton,
1974.)
heterosexuality Sexual attraction and
behavior directed to the other sex.
double standard The view that pre-
marital sex is permissible for males but
not for females.
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366 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
FIGURE 2 The percentage of adults
who find premarital sex is not wrong at
all has risen dramatically over the last
several decades, whereas the percentage
of adults who think premarital sex is
always wrong has increased only slightly.
(Source: Gallup News Service, 1998.) What
changes in society account for this shift
in attitudes toward intercourse?
Percentage of people age 45-54 who say
sex before marriage is not wrong at all
Percentage of people age 18-24 who say it
is always wrong to have sex before marriage
Percentage
0 | | | | l | | l | l | | | l | l |
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oO [oN a oO a an oO a an a a a oO oo a oO oa
Year
As recently as the 1960s, the majority of adult Americans believed that pre-
marital sex was always wrong. But there has been a dramatic change in public opin-
ion since then. For example, as you can see in Figure 2, the percentage of middle-age
people who say sex before marriage is “not wrong at all” has increased considerably,
and overall 60% of Americans say premarital sex is okay. More than half say that
living together before marriage is morally acceptable (Thornton & Young-DeMarco,
2001; Harding & Jencks, 2003).
Changes in attitudes toward premarital sex were matched by changes in actual
rates of premarital sexual activity. For instance, the most recent figures show that just
more than one-half of women between the ages of 15 and 19 have had premarital
sexual intercourse. These figures are close to double the number of women in the
same age range who reported having intercourse in 1970. Clearly, the trend over the
last several decades has been toward more women engaging in premarital sexual
activity (Jones, Darroch, & Singh, 2005).
Males, too, have shown an increase in the incidence of premarital sexual inter-
course, although the increase has not been as dramatic as it has been for females—
probably because the rates for males were higher to begin with. For instance, the first
surveys of premarital intercourse carried out in the 1940s showed an incidence of
84% across males of all ages; recent figures are closer to 95%. Moreover, the average
age of males’ first sexual experience has been declining steadily. Almost half of males
have had sexual intercourse by the age of 18; by the time they reach age 20, 88%
have had intercourse. There also are race and ethnicity differences: African Americans
tend to have sex for the first time earlier than Puerto Ricans, who have sex earlier
than whites. Racial and ethnic differences probably reflect differences in socioeco-
nomic opportunities and family structure (Arena, 1984; Singh et al., 2000; Hyde,
Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008).
What may be most interesting about the patterns of premarital sex is that they
show a convergence of male and female attitudes and behavior. But is the change
sufficient to signal an end to the double standard?
Probably. For many people, particularly younger individuals, the double stan-
dard has been succeeded by a new view: permissiveness with affection. According to
those holding this view, premarital intercourse is permissible for both men and
women if it occurs within a long-term, committed, or loving relationship (DeGaton,
Weed, & Jensen, 1996; Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008).
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Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 367
Still, the double standard has not disappeared completely. Where differing stan-
dards remain, the attitudes are almost always more lenient toward the male than
toward the female (Sprecher & Hatfield, 1996).
Furthermore, there are substantial cultural differences regarding the incidence
and acceptability of premarital intercourse. For instance, the proportions of male
teenagers who have intercourse before their 17th birthday in Jamaica, the United
States, and Brazil are about 10 times the level reported in the Philippines. And in
some cultures, such as those in sub-Saharan Africa, women become sexually active
at an earlier age than men—although this may be due to the fact that they marry at
a younger age than men (Singh et al., 2000).
MARITAL SEX
To judge by the number of articles about sex in heterosexual marriages, one would
think that sexual behavior was the number one standard by which marital bliss is
measured. Married couples are often concerned that they are having too little sex,
too much sex, or the wrong kind of sex (Harvey, Wenzel, & Sprecher, 2005).
Although there are many different dimensions along which sex in marriage is
measured, one is certainly the frequency of sexual intercourse. What is typical? As
with most other types of sexual activities, there is no easy answer to the question
because there are such wide variations in patterns between individuals. We do know
that 43% of married couples have sexual intercourse a few times a month and 36%
of couples have it two or three times a week. With increasing age and length of mar-
riage, the frequency of intercourse declines. Still, sex continues into late adulthood
with almost half of people reporting that they engage in high-quality sexual activity
at least once a month (Michael et al., 1994; Powell, 2006; see Figure 3).
Although early research found extramarital sex to be widespread, the current
reality appears to be otherwise. According to surveys, 85% of married women and
more than 75% of married men are faithful to their spouses. Furthermore, the median
number of sex partners inside and outside of marriage since the age of 18 was six
for men and two for women. Accompanying these numbers is a high, consistent
degree of disapproval of extramarital sex, with nine of ten people saying that it is
“always” or “almost always” wrong (Michael et al., 1994; Daines, 2006; Whisman &
Snyder, 2007).
Homosexuality and Bisexuality
Homosexuals are sexually attracted to members of their own sex, whereas bisexuals
are sexually attracted to people of the same sex and the other sex. Many male homo-
sexuals prefer the term gay and female homosexuals prefer the term lesbian because
they refer to a broader array of attitudes and lifestyles than the term homosexual,
which focuses on the sexual act.
The number of people who choose same-sex sexual partners at one time or
another is considerable. Estimates suggest that around 20-25% of males and about
15% of females have had at least one gay or lesbian experience during adulthood. The
exact number of people who identify themselves as exclusively homosexual has
proved difficult to gauge; some estimates are as low as 1.1% and some as high as 10%.
Most experts suggest that 5-10% of both men and women are exclusively gay or
lesbian during extended periods of their lives (Hunt, 1974; Sells, 1994; Firestein, 1996).
Although people often view homosexuality and heterosexuality as two com-
pletely distinct sexual orientations, the issue is not that simple. Pioneering sex
researcher Alfred Kinsey acknowledged this when he considered sexual orientation
along a scale or continuum with “exclusively homosexual” at one end and “exclu-
sively heterosexual” at the other. In the middle were people who showed both homo-
sexual and heterosexual behavior (see Figure 4). Kinsey’s approach suggests that
Average incidence of sexual intercourse per month
0
18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-65
Age
FIGURE 3 Once a couple is past their
mid-30s, the average number of times
per month they have sexual intercourse
declines. Why do older couples have
intercourse less frequently than younger
ones? (Clements, 1994)
extramarital sex Sexual activity
between a married person and
someone who is not his or her spouse.
homosexuals Persons who are
sexually attracted to members of
their own sex.
bisexuals Persons who are sexually
attracted to people of the same sex
and the other sex.
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368 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
FIGURE 4 The Kinsey scale is designed to define the degree to which sexual orientation is
heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. Although Kinsey saw people as falling along a continuum,
most people believe that they belonged to a specific category. (Source: From Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy,
W. B., & Martin, C. E. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male, p. 638. Indiana University Press; originally
published by W. B. Saunders Company, 1948. Reprinted by permission of The Kinsey Institute for Research in
Sex, Gender, and Reproduction, Inc.)
sexual orientation is dependent on a person’s sexual feelings and behaviors and
romantic feelings (Weinberg, Williams, & Pryor, 1991).
What determines whether people become homosexual or heterosexual? Although
there are a number of theories, none has proved completely satisfactory.
Some explanations for sexual orientation are biological, suggesting that there are
genetic causes. Evidence for a genetic origin of sexual orientation comes from studies
of identical twins. The studies found that when one twin identified himself or herself
as homosexual, the occurrence of homosexuality in the other twin was higher than it
was in the general population. Such results occur even for twins who have been sepa-
rated early in life and who therefore are not necessarily raised in similar social environ-
ments (Hamer et al., 1993; Turner, 1995; Kirk, Bailey, & Martin, 2000; Gooren, 2006).
Hormones also may play a role in determining sexual orientation. For example,
research shows that women exposed before birth to DES (diethylstilbestrol—a drug
their mothers took to avoid miscarriage) were more likely to be homosexual or bisex-
ual (Meyer-Bahlburg, 1997).
Some evidence suggests that differences in brain structures may be related to
sexual orientation. For instance, the structure of the anterior hypothalamus, an area of
the brain that governs sexual behavior, differs in male homosexuals and heterosexuals.
Similarly, other research shows that, compared with heterosexual men or women, gay
men have a larger anterior commissure, which is a bundle of neurons connecting the
right and left hemispheres of the brain (LeVay, 1993; Byne, 1996; Witelson et al., 2008).
However, research suggesting that biological causes are at the root of homosexu-
ality is not conclusive because most findings are based on only small samples of
individuals. Still, the possibility is real that some inherited or biological factor exists
that predisposes people toward homosexuality if certain environmental conditions are
met (Veniegas, 2000; Teodorov et al., 2002; Rahman, Kumari, & Wilson, 2003).
Little evidence suggests that sexual orientation is brought about by child-rearing
practices or family dynamics. Although proponents of psychoanalytic theories once
argued that the nature of the parent-child relationship can produce homosexuality
(e.g., Freud, 1922/1959), research evidence does not support such explanations (Isay,
1994; Roughton, 2002).
Another explanation for sexual orientation rests on learning theory (Masters &
Johnson, 1979). According to this view, sexual orientation is learned through rewards
and punishments in much the same way that we may learn to prefer swimming over
tennis. For example, a young adolescent who had an unpleasant heterosexual expe-
rience might develop disagreeable associations with the other sex. If the same person
had a rewarding, pleasant gay or lesbian experience, homosexuality might be incor-
porated into his or her sexual fantasies. If such fantasies are used during later sexual
activities—such as masturbation—they may be positively reinforced through orgasm,
and the association of homosexual behavior and sexual pleasure eventually may
cause homosexuality to become the preferred form of sexual behavior.
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Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 369
Although the learning-theory explanation is plausible, several difficulties rule it
out as a definitive explanation. Because our society has traditionally held homosexu-
ality in low esteem, one ought to expect that the negative treatment of homosexual
behavior would outweigh the rewards attached to it. Furthermore, children growing
up with a gay or lesbian parent are statistically unlikely to become homosexual,
which thus contradicts the notion that homosexual behavior may be learned from
others (Golombok, 1995; Victor & Fish, 1995; Tasker, 2005).
Because of the difficulty in finding a consistent explanation for sexual orienta-
tion, we can’t answer the question of what determines it. Thus, it seems unlikely that
any single factor orients a person toward homosexuality or heterosexuality. Instead,
it seems reasonable to assume that a combination of biological and environmental
factors is involved (Bem, 1996; Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008).
Although we don’t know at this point exactly why people develop a certain
sexual orientation, one thing is clear: There is no relationship between sexual orienta-
tion and psychological adjustment. Gays, lesbians, and bisexuals generally enjoy the
same quality of mental and physical health that heterosexuals do, although the dis-
crimination they experience may produce higher rates of some disorders, such as
depression (Poteat & Espelage, 2007). Bisexuals and homosexuals also hold equivalent
ranges and types of attitudes about themselves that are independent of sexual orien-
tation. For such reasons, the American Psychological Association and other major
mental health organizations have endorsed efforts to eliminate discrimination against
gays and lesbians, such as revoking the ban against homosexuals in the military
(Cochran, 2000; Perez, DeBord, & Bieschke, 2000; Morris, Waldo, & Rothblum, 2001).
Transsexualism
Transsexuals are people who believe they were born with the body of the other
gender. In fundamental ways, transsexualism represents less of a sexual difficulty
than a gender issue involving one’s sexual identity (Meyerowitz, 2004; Heath, 2006).
Transsexuals (like Chaz Bono, whose story was discussed at the beginning of the
chapter) sometimes seek sex-change operations in which their existing genitals are
surgically removed and the genitals of the desired sex are fashioned. Several steps,
including intensive counseling, hormone injections, and living as a member of the
desired sex for several years, precede surgery, which is, not surprisingly, highly
Extensive research has found that
bisexuals and homosexuals enjoy the
same overall degree of mental and
physical health as heterosexuals.
y Alert
The determinants of sexual
orientation have proven
difficult to pinpoint. It is
important to know the
variety of explanations that
have been put forward.
transsexuals People who believe they
were born with the body of the other
gender.
370 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
Sn
© Robert Mankoff/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“Frankly, I’ve repressed my sexuality so long I’ve : 4
actually forgotten what my orientation is.” organs, or the organs are ambiguous. It is an extremely
rare condition found in one in 4,500 births. Intersexism
involves a complex mix of physiological and psychological issues (Lehrman, 2007;
Diamond, 2009).
rape The act by which one person
forces another person to submit to
sexual activity.
date rape Rape in which the rapist
is either a date or a romantic
acquaintance.
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complicated. The outcome, though, can be quite positive
(O'Keefe & Fox, 2003; Stegerwald & Janson, 2003; Lobato,
Koff, & Manenti, 2006).
Transsexualism is part of a broader category known
as transgenderism. The term transgenderism encompasses
not only transsexuals, but also people who view them-
selves as a third gender, transvestites (who dress in the
clothes of the other gender), or others who believe that
traditional male-female gender classifications inadequately
characterize them (Prince, 2005; Hyde, Mezulis, &
Abramson, 2008).
Transsexuals are distinct from individuals who are
known as intersex or by the older term hermaphrodite. An
intersex person is born with an atypical combination of
sexual organs or chromosomal or gene patterns. In some
cases, they are born with both male and female sexual
Sexual Difficulties
When sex—an activity that should be pleasurable, joyful, and intimate—is forced on
someone, it becomes one of the ultimate acts of aggression and brutality, and few crimes
produce such profound and long-lasting consequences. But sexual crimes are not the
only category of serious problems related to sex. Few personal difficulties produce as
much anxiety, embarrassment, and even shame as sexually transmitted infections and
sexual dysfunctions. We now turn to the major types of problems related to sex.
RAPE
Rape occurs when one person forces another person to submit to sexual activity such
as intercourse or oral-genital sex. Although it usually applies to a male forcing a
female, rape can occur when members of either sex are forced into sexual activities
without their consent.
Most people think of rape as a rare crime committed by strangers. Unfortunately,
they are wrong on both counts. In fact, rape occurs far more frequently than is com-
monly thought, and rapists are typically acquaintances of their victims. Although it is
hard to obtain reliable estimates, most research suggests that there is a 14-25% chance
that a woman will be the victim of a rape during her lifetime. Furthermore, more than
200,000 sexual assaults directed against women are reported to police in the United
States each year. However, only about one-third of rapes and sexual assaults are reported
to police, so the actual figure is much higher (Wiehe & Richards, 1995; Catalano, 2006).
Furthermore, a national survey conducted at 35 universities revealed the startling
finding that one out of eight female college students reported having been raped.
Among the women who had been raped, about half said the rapists were first dates,
casual dates, or romantic acquaintances—a phenomenon called date rape. Girls in
high school also suffer both sexual and physical abuse: In one survey, 9% of 14- to
18-year-old girls said they had been forced into sexual activity by a date, and in more
than half of those cases the incident had been accompanied by hitting, slapping, or
shoving (Koss, 1993; Ackard & Neumark-Sztainer, 2002; Aiello, 2006).
Women in some segments of society are more at risk for rape than are others.
Although the likelihood of sexual assault is considerably lower among Latino
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Module 34
women in comparison to non-Latino white women, the rate for black women is
slightly higher in comparison to white women. Such racial differences may stem
from differing cultural views of women and male dominance (Koss, 1993; Black
& Weisz, 2004).
Although on the surface it might appear that rape is primarily a sex crime, other
types of motivation also underlie the behavior. In many cases, the rapist uses sex as
a means of demonstrating power and control over the victim. In such cases, there is
little that is sexually satisfying about rape to the rapist; instead, the pleasure comes
from forcing someone else to be submissive (Gowaty, 2003; Yamawaki, Darby, &
Queiroz, 2007).
In other cases of rape, the primary motivation is anger. Sexual behavior is used
to show the rapist’s rage at women in general, usually because of some perceived
rejection or hurt that he has suffered in the past. Such rapes are likely to include
physical violence and degrading acts against the victim.
Some rapes are based on a desire for sexual gratification. Some men hold the
attitude that it is appropriate and desirable for them to actively seek out sex. To them,
sexual encounters represent a form of “war” between the sexes—with winners and
losers—and violence is sometimes considered an appropriate way to obtain what
they want. According to their reasoning, using force to obtain sexual gratification is
permissible (Malamuth et al., 1995; Hall, 1996; Mann & Hollin, 2007).
Finally, there is a common, although unfounded, societal belief that many women
offer token resistance to sex, saying no to sex when they mean yes. If a man holds
such a view, he may ignore a woman’s protestations that she doesn’t want sex
(Anderson, Cooper, & Okamura, 1997; Yost & Zurbriggen, 2006).
The repercussions of rape are devastating for the victims. During a rape, women
experience fear, terror, and physical pain. Later, victims report shock, disbelief, panic,
extreme anxiety, and suspiciousness—reactions that are sometimes intensified by
implications that somehow the victim was to blame because of her style of dress or
her presence in the wrong neighborhood.
The psychological reactions to rape are no different whether it is date rape or
rape by a stranger. These feelings may continue for years, even though the victim
outwardly appears to have recovered. However, immediate psychological interven-
tion, such as that provided by rape crisis centers, may help diminish the long-term
reactions to rape (Monnier et al., 2002; Zaslow, 2003; Ullman & Townsend, 2007;
Campbell, 2008).
CHILDHOOD SEXUAL ABUSE
One form of sexual behavior that is surprisingly common yet little understood is the
sexual abuse of children. Although it is difficult to make accurate estimates of the
true incidence of child sexual abuse because most cases go unreported, experts esti-
mate that each year a half million children are sexually abused. Between 5-10% of
boys and 20% of girls will be abused at some point (Villarosa, 2002; Finkelhor &
Jones, 2004; see Figure 5).
Who commits child sexual abuse? In most cases it is a relative or acquaintance;
in only about one-quarter of the cases is the abuse carried out by a stranger. The
most vulnerable age for being molested is between the ages of 7 and 13; the abusers
tend to be about 20 years older than their victims. In most instances, the abuser is a
male heterosexual. Furthermore, there are increasing cases of child predators using
the web to make contact with potential victims (Wolfe, 1999; Finkelhor, Ormrod, &
Turner, 2005).
The short- and long-term consequences of childhood sexual abuse can be
extremely damaging. In terms of initial effects, victims report fear, anxiety, depres-
sion, anger, and hostility. Long-term effects may include depression, self-destructive
behavior, feelings of isolation, poor self-esteem, and substance abuse. Although they
The Diversity of Sexual Behavior
371
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372 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
VICTIMS
Every year, 500,000 children i
sexually abused. The peak
| or 2 of every 20 boys will be abused
eeveree eee 00 0 0 OO
19999999990
4 of every 20 girls will be abused.
|
sexually transmitted infection
(STI) A disease acquired through
sexual contact.
States are 70 to 90 90%
ABUSERS ea 10% of abusers
are women
percent of
abuse is
committed
by a person
who knows
the child.
90% are men
70%
Family members make up 88%
one-third to one-half of of childhood
abusers of girls, and 10 to rape cases go
20 percent of abusers of boys. unreported
FIGURE 5 Studies have found that the sexual abuse of children often is committed by a
person who knows the child, with almost a third of the abusers being family members.
(Source: Finkelhor, 2002.)
may experience sexual difficulties later in life, the victims are not more likely to
become sexual abusers themselves. Ultimately, the consequences of childhood sexual
abuse are related to the specific nature of the abuse. Experiences involving fathers,
genital contact, and the use of force are the most damaging (Berliner & Elliott, 2002;
Penza, Heim, & Nemeroff, 2006; Buzi, Weinman, & Smith, 2007).
SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED INFECTIONS (STIs)
Millions of people suffer the discomfort—not to mention the psychological distress—
of a sexually transmitted infection (STI), a disease acquired through sexual contact.
Estimates suggest that one in five people in the United States is infected with some
form of STI, and at least one in four will probably contract a STI during their life-
times. The United States has the highest rate of sexually transmitted infections of all
the economically developed countries in the world in part because people in the
United States don’t talk about sex as frankly or receive as much sex education as
people in other developed nations (see Figure 6; CDC, 2008).
These are the major STIs:
e Chlamydia. The most widespread STI is chlamydia, a disease that in women
initially produces no symptoms and in men causes a burning sensation
during urination and a discharge from the penis. If it is left untreated,
chlamydia can lead to pelvic inflammation, urethral damage, arthritis, and
even sterility. There are almost 3 million new cases each year in the United
States. Because it usually produces no symptoms in females, the Centers for
Disease Control recommends that sexually active women under age 26
should be tested for the disease every year. Once diagnosed, chlamydia can
be cured with antibiotics, most often azithromycin or doxycycline (Ku et al.,
2002; CDC, 2004a).
e Genital herpes. Genital herpes is a virus related to the cold sores that sometimes
appear around the mouth. Herpes first appears as small blisters or sores
around the genitals that later break open, causing severe pain. These sores heal
after a few weeks, but the disease usually reappears typically four or five
times in the year following infection. Later outbreaks are less frequent, but the
infection, which cannot be cured, often causes psychological distress for those
who know they are infected. During the active phases of the disease, it can be
transmitted to sexual partners. Genital herpes is common among college-age
students: About 17% of 20- to 29-year-olds have the infection (Farrell, 2005).
e Trichomoniasis. Trichomoniasis is an infection in the vagina or penis. Caused by
a parasite, it is often without symptoms, especially in men. Eventually, it can
cause painful urination and intercourse, a discharge from the vagina, itching,
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Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior
and an unpleasant odor. The 5 million cases reported each year can be
treated with antibiotics.
Gonorrhea. Gonorrhea is one of the STIs that has been recognized the longest
by scientists. It often has no symptoms but can produce a burning sensation
during urination or a discharge from the penis or vagina. The infection
can lead to fertility problems and, in women, pelvic inflammatory
disease. Although antibiotics usually can cure gonorrhea, a number of
drug-resistant strains of the disease are growing, making treatment more
difficult.
Syphilis. If untreated, syphilis may affect the brain, the heart, and a develop-
ing fetus. It can even be fatal. Syphilis first reveals itself through a small
sore at the point of sexual contact. In its secondary stage, it may include a
rash. Syphilis can be treated successfully with antibiotics if it is diagnosed
early enough.
Genital warts. Another common STI is genital warts (caused by the human
papilloma virus). Genital warts are small, lumpy warts that form on or near
the penis or vagina. The warts are easy to diagnose because of their distinctive
appearance: They look like small cauliflower bulbs. They usually form
about two months after exposure and can be treated with a drug called
metronidazole.
AIDS. In the last two decades, no sexually transmitted infection has had a
greater impact on sexual behavior—and society as a whole—than acquired
immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). Although in the United States AIDS at
first was found primarily in gay men, it has spread to other populations, such
as intravenous drug users and heterosexuals. In the United States, AIDS is the
leading cause of death among men 25-44 years of age and the third leading
cause of death among women in that age range. The worldwide figures are
even more daunting: Already, 25 million people have died from AIDS, and
people living with the disease number 33 million worldwide (Quinn &
Overbaugh, 2005; UNAIDS, 2007).
Number of new cases reported in 2007
(numbers in thousands
The spread of AIDS is particularly pronounced among women, who now com-
prise almost half the cases worldwide. Younger women and women of color are
particularly vulnerable. For instance, the rate of AIDS diagnosis is around 25 times
higher for African-American women than for white women, and four times higher
for Hispanic women (Quinn & Overbaugh, 2005).
The extent of the AIDS epidemic has led to significant changes in sexual behav-
ior. People are less likely to engage in “casual” sex with new acquaintances, and the
use of condoms during sexual intercourse has increased. Nonetheless, the only fool-
proof method of avoiding AIDS is total abstinence—an alternative that many people
find unrealistic. However, there are several ways to reduce the risk of contracting
AIDS as well as other sexually transmitted infections; these methods have come to
be called “safer sex” practices (Carr, 2002):
e Know your sexual partner—iwell. Before having sex with someone, learn about
his or her sexual history.
Use condoms. For those in sexual relationships, condoms are the most reliable
means of preventing transmission of the AIDS virus.
Avoid the exchange of bodily fluids, particularly semen. In particular, avoid anal
intercourse. The AIDS virus can spread through small tears in the rectum,
making anal intercourse without condoms particularly dangerous. Oral sex,
once thought relatively safe, is now viewed as potentially dangerous.
Stay sober. Using alcohol and drugs impairs judgment and can lead to poor
decisions—and it makes using a condom correctly more difficult.
Consider the benefits of monogamy. People in long-term, monogamous rela-
tionships with partners who have been faithful are at a lower risk of
contracting AIDS.
I Gonorrhea
E Syphilis
373
Hl Chlamydia
E Genital herpes
I Genital warts
I Trichomoniasis
FIGURE 6 Estimates of the numbers of
new cases annually of sexually transmitted
infections in the United States. There are
many more new cases of chlamydia each
year than any other sexually transmitted
infection. (Source: CDC, 2008.)
acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS) A sexually
transmitted infection caused by
a virus that destroys the body’s
immune system.
y Alert
Use Figure 6 to learn the
major types of sexually
transmitted infections
and their prevalence.
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374 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
erectile dysfunction A male’s inability
to achieve or maintain an erection.
premature ejaculation A male’s
inability to delay orgasm as long as
he wishes.
inhibited ejaculation A male’s
inability to ejaculate when he wants
to, if at all.
anorgasmia (an-or-GAZ-mee-uh)
A female’s lack of orgasm.
inhibited sexual desire A sexual
dysfunction in which the motivation
for sexual activity is restrained or
lacking entirely.
SEXUAL PROBLEMS
Few people would feel embarrassed by a sprained ankle or broken arm. In contrast,
sexual difficulties are often a source of concern and self-consciousness because of the
importance that society places on “desirable” sexual conduct. And such difficulties
are surprisingly common, with more than 40% of women and about one-third of men
experiencing problems associated with sexual performance. Among the most wide-
spread are the disorders we discuss below (Laumann, Paik, & Rosen, 1999; Goldstein,
2000; Rosner, 2001).
Erectile dysfunction is a male’s inability to achieve or maintain an erection. The
rare case is a male who has never been able to have an erection, and the more com-
mon case is a male who, though now unable to have an erection, has had one at least
once in the past. Erectile dysfunction is not an uncommon problem, even among
younger men—about 5-10% of men under 50 have erection problems. It is the rare
man who has never experienced it at least once during his lifetime. This is hardly
surprising because the ability to achieve and hold an erection is sensitive to alcohol,
drugs, performance fears, anxiety, and a host of other factors. Erectile dysfunction
becomes a more serious problem when it occurs more than occasionally (Mendelsohn,
2003; Peterson & Fuerst, 2007).
Drugs such as Viagra have brought about significant advances in the treatment
of erectile dysfunction and have brought the disorder into the open through a con-
stant barrage of commercials on television and in magazines. Viagra treats erectile
dysfunction by increasing the flow of blood through a man’s penis and producing
an erection relatively quickly.
In premature ejaculation, a male is unable to delay orgasm as long as he wishes.
Because “as long as he wishes” is dependent on a man’s—and his partner’s—
attitudes and opinions about how long is appropriate, this is a difficult disorder to
diagnose. Sometimes the problem can be resolved simply by having a male redefine
how long he wants to delay ejaculation. Premature ejaculation is most often a psy-
chological problem since there are rarely physical reasons for it. One cause may be
early sexual learning: Because sexual experiences during adolescence are often
accompanied by a fear of being caught, some men learn early in their lives to reach
orgasm as quickly as possible (Astbury-Ward, 2002; Barnes & Eardley, 2007; Sadeghi-
Nejad & Watson, 2008).
Inhibited ejaculation is the opposite problem. In this case, the male is unable to
ejaculate when he wants to, if at all. Sometimes learning general relaxation tech-
niques is sufficient to allow men to overcome the difficulty.
Some women experience anorgasmia, or a lack of orgasm. In primary orgasmic
dysfunction, a woman has never experienced orgasm. In secondary orgasmic dysfunction,
a woman has had an orgasm at some point but no longer does or does so only under
certain conditions—such as during masturbation—but not during sexual intercourse.
Because the lack of orgasm during sexual intercourse is so common (some one-third
of women report they do not receive sufficient stimulation to reach orgasm during
sexual intercourse), this condition is not dysfunctional at all but is merely a normal
variation of female sexuality (McCabe, 2009).
Finally, inhibited sexual desire occurs when the motivation for sexual activity
is restrained or lacking entirely. When people with inhibited sexual desire find them-
selves in circumstances that typically would evoke sexual feelings, they begin to turn
off sexually and may even experience a kind of “sexual anesthesia.” Ultimately they
may begin to avoid situations of a sexual nature, thereby forgoing intimacy with
others (Meston, 2003; Hertlein, Weeks, & Gambescia, 2007).
It is important to realize that many of the problems we have discussed turn up
at one time or another in most people’s sex lives. It is only when these problems
persist, cause undue anxiety, and turn sex from play into work that they are cause
for concern. Furthermore, treatments for common sexual problems have a good rate
of success (Masters & Johnson, 1994; Rosner, 2001).
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As we have seen, surveys of college women make clear that the
greatest danger of rape comes not from some unknown assailant
but from a fellow student. There are ways, however, to reduce
the likelihood of date rape. The following suggestions provide
some guidance for women and men (Shultz, Scherman, &
Marshall, 2000; American College Health Association, 2006;
Watkins, 2007):
Module 34 The Diversity of Sexual Behavior 375
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
of Psychology
Lowering the Risks of Date Rape
e Women should believe in their rights to set limits and communicate them clearly,
firmly, and early on. They should say no when they mean no.
e Women should be assertive in refusing to engage in an activity in which they
don’t want to engage. They should keep in mind that men may interpret passiv-
ity as permission.
e Women should be aware of situations in which they are at risk.
e Women should keep in mind that some men interpret certain kinds of dress as
sexually provocative, and not all men subscribe to the same standards of sexual
behavior as they do.
e Women should keep close tabs on what they are given to drink in social situations;
victims of date rape have sometimes been given mind-altering “date-rape” drugs.
e Men should be aware of their dates’ views on sexual behavior.
e Men should not hold the view that the goal of dating is to “score.”
e The word No should be understood to mean no and not be interpreted as an invi-
tation to continue.
e Men should not assume that certain kinds of dress or flirtatious behavior are an
invitation to sex.
e Both men and women should understand that alcohol and drugs cloud judgment
and hinder communication between them.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What is “normal” sexual behavior?
e There are a number of approaches to determining nor-
mality: deviation from the average, comparison of sexual
behavior with some standard or ideal, and consideration
of the psychological and physical consequences of the
behavior to the person and to others. (p. 363)
How do most people behave sexually?
e The frequency of masturbation is high, particularly for
males. Although attitudes toward masturbation are
increasingly liberal, they have traditionally been
negative even though no negative consequences have
been detected. (p. 364)
e Heterosexuality, or sexual attraction to members of the
other sex, is the most common sexual orientation. (p. 365)
e The double standard by which premarital sex is thought
to be more permissible for men than for women has
declined, particularly among young people. For many
people, the double standard has been replaced by
endorsement of “permissiveness with affection,” the
view that premarital intercourse is permissible if it
occurs in the context of a loving and committed relation-
ship. (p. 365)
e The frequency of marital sex varies widely. However,
younger couples tend to have sexual intercourse more
frequently than older ones. In addition, most men and
women do not engage in extramarital sex. (p. 367)
Homosexuals are sexually attracted to members of
their own sex; bisexuals are sexually attracted to people
of the same sex and the other sex. No explanation for
why people become homosexual has been confirmed;
among the possibilities are genetic or biological factors,
childhood and family influences, and prior learning
experiences and conditioning. However, no relationship
exists between sexual orientation and psychological
adjustment. (p. 367)
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376 Chapter 11 Sexuality and Gender
How prevalent are rape and other forms of nonconsenting
sex, and what are their causes?
e Rape occurs when one person forces another person to
submit to sexual activity. Often the victim is acquainted
with the rapist. Sexual gratification is sometimes the mo-
tivation for rape. More frequently, however, it is power,
aggression, or anger. (p. 370)
e Childhood sexual abuse is surprisingly widespread.
Most often the perpetrator is an acquaintance or a family
member. (p. 371)
What are the major sexually transmitted infections?
e Acquired immune deficiency syndrome, or AIDS, is
bringing about profound changes in people’s sexual
practices. Other sexually transmitted infections include
chlamydia, genital herpes, trichomoniasis, gonorrhea,
syphilis, and genital warts. (p. 372)
What sexual difficulties do people most frequently encounter?
e Among the major sexual problems males report are erec-
tile dysfunction, premature ejaculation, and inhibited
ejaculation. For females, the major problem is anorgas-
mia, or a lack of orgasm. Both men and women may suf-
fer from inhibited sexual desire. (p. 372)
EVALUATE
1. The work carried out by in the 1930s was the
first systematic study of sexual behavior ever undertaken.
2. Although the incidence of masturbation among young
adults is high, once men and women become involved in
intimate relationships, they typically cease masturbating.
True or false?
3. The increase in premarital sex in recent years has been
greater for women than for men. True or false?
KEY TERMS
masturbation p. 364
heterosexuality p. 365
double standard p. 365
extramarital sex p. 367
homosexuals p. 367
bisexuals p. 367
transsexuals p. 369
rape p. 370
date rape p. 370
sexually transmitted
infection (STI) p. 372
4. refers to the view that
premarital sex is acceptable within a loving, long-term
relationship.
5. Research comparing homosexuals and heterosexuals
clearly demonstrates that there is no difference in the level
of adjustment or psychological functioning between the
two groups. True or false?
6. Which of the following is unlikely to be a motivation for
the act of rape?
a. Need for power
b. Desire for sexual intimacy
c. Desire for sexual gratification
d. Anger against women in general
7. Which of the following STIs is the most widespread?
a. Genital herpes
b. Gonorrhea
c. Chlamydia
d. Syphilis
RETHINK
1. What societal factors have led to a reduction in the double
standard by which sexuality in men and women is re-
garded differently? Do you think the double standard has
completely vanished?
2. From the perspective of a politician: What responsibilities do
people who learn they have a sexually transmitted infec-
tion have to their sexual partners, and what responsibili-
ties do public health officials have? Should legislation be
designed to restrict sexual behavior for those who have
sexually transmitted infections?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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e moys Sdrysuoyejar panew ut əjdoəd usaa ‘asyej *z ‘AOSUDY “TL
anorgasmia (an-or-GAZ-
mee-uh) p. 374
inhibited sexual
desire p. 374
acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS) p. 373
erectile dysfunction p. 374
premature ejaculation p. 374
inhibited ejaculation p. 374
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find at least two recent news articles or discussions on the web dealing with the
issue of gender equality in school or the workplace, especially unequal treatment of
individuals because of their gender. Summarize in writing what you found, and
discuss your own attitudes toward this issue.
2. Find information on the web about date rape, including guidelines or suggestions
published by other colleges for preventing rape among students. Summarize your
findings, including recommendations for behavioral or policy changes that might be
effective at your college. If your college’s policies toward or publications about this
topic could benefit from your findings, bring them to the attention of the appropriate
office at your institution and suggest specific changes.
E © | | OQ U @ We have seen how psychologists are dealing with the
topics of gender and sex, first with regard to gender
roles, gender stereotyping, gender schemas, and sexism. Society's expectations regarding
male and female characteristics and behaviors lead to inequities in the treatment of men
and women in school, the workplace, and the rest of society—inequities that largely
favor men.
With regard to sexuality, we discussed the nature of the physical processes that
surround sexuality and addressed the controversial issue of “normality” in sexual behav-
ior. We saw the broad diversity of sexual behavior, and we discussed premarital sex and
marital sex, as well as heterosexuality, homosexuality, and bisexuality. We also examined
rape and other forms of nonconsenting sex, including childhood sexual abuse.
Finally, we looked at the sexual problems that people may have, including STIs and
sexual dysfunctions. We explored the nature of these problems and discussed ways to
treat and deal with them.
Before we turn to the subject of human development in the next few modules,
return to the prologue of this chapter concerning Chaz Bono's sense that she is a male
trapped in a female's body. Using your knowledge of gender and sex, consider the
following questions.
1. Why might Bono's family, friends, and fans react negatively to her decision to
become a man?
2. How is Bono's transsexualism different from lesbianism?
3. Why do you think Bono believed herself to be a lesbian before deciding that she was
really a man?
4. What difficulties might Bono encounter in her journey to become male?
377
ld
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Key Concepts for Chapter 12
MODULE 35
How do psychologists study the degree to which Nature and Nurture: The Enduring
: ‘ . . Developmental Issue
development is an interaction of hereditary and
Determining the Relative Influence of
environmental factors? Na ene
Developmental Research Techniques
What is the nature of development before birth? Prenatal Development:
Conception to Birth
The Basics of Genetics
@ What factors affect a child during the mother’s
pregna ncy? The Earliest Development
MODULE 37
What are the major competencies of newborns? Infancy and Childhood
, , The Extraordinary Newb
@ What are the milestones of physical and social R A
Neuroscience in Your Life: Young Infants
Recognize Emotions Early in Life
Infancy Through Childhood
PsychWork: Child Protection Caseworker
development during childhood? @ How does
cognitive development proceed during childhood?
MODULE 38
What major physical, social, and cognitive transitions Adolescence: Becoming an Adult
. Physical Development:
?
characterize adolescence? The Chanoag Adeles
Moral and Cognitive Development:
Distinguishing Right from Wrong
Social Development: Finding One's Self
in a Social World
Exploring Diversity: Rites of Passage:
Coming of Age Around the World
MODULE 39
Adulthood
Physical Development: The Peak of Health
What are the principal kinds of physical, social,
and intellectual changes that occur in early and i i l
Social Development: Working at Life
middle adulthood, and what are their causes? @ Marriage, Children, and Divorce: Family Ties
; š Changing Roles of Men and Women
How does the reality of late adulthood differ from An .
Later Years of Life: Growing Old
the stereotypes about that period? @ How can we adjust to death? Physical Changes in Late
Adulthood: The Aging Body
Cognitive Changes: Thinking About—
and During—Late Adulthood
Applying Psychology in the 21st
Century: Gaming in Late Adulthood:
How Video Games May Improve
Cognitive Functioning in Older Adults
Becoming an Informed Consumer of
Psychology: Adjusting to Death
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Prologue Twice-Born Baby
Keri and Chad McCartney were looking forward to learning
whether their baby was a boy or agirl. But the moment an image
swam onto the screen at a Texas doctor's office last February 15,
the technician fell silent. When Keri, 40, and Chad, 39, a pastor,
peered closer, they saw a bulge below the fetus. “What's that?”
they asked. “Well, it’s a mass,’ came the answer.
\
\
But Keri and Chad’s daughter Marcie did survive. In a risky inter-
vention, surgeons temporarily removed their daughter from Keri's
uterus and cut out most of the tumor. They then put her back
into her mother’s body to finish developing normally until she
finally could be delivered—a second time—ten weeks later.
The medical advances that permitted Marcie to survive are
just some of the many that have improved children’s lives, not
only in the prenatal period but throughout their life span. Marcie’s
story also serves as an introduction to one of the broadest and
most important areas of psychology: developmental psychology.
Developmental psychology is the branch of psychology that
studies the patterns of growth and change that occur through-
out life. It deals with issues ranging from new ways of conceiving
children, to learning how to raise children most sensibly, to
understanding the milestones of life that we all face.
Developmental psychologists study the interaction between
the unfolding of biologically predetermined patterns of behavior
and a constantly changing, dynamic environment. They ask how
our genetic background affects our behavior throughout our
380
Then Dr. Debra Williams delivered difficult news: The tailbone
attachment was a rare tumor, present in 1 of 35,000 pregnancies,
that draws on the fetal blood supply. The baby’s odds of survival?
Less than 10%. (Smolowe, 2008, p. 96)
Ahead
lives and whether heredity limits our potential. Similarly, they
seek to understand the way in which the environment works
with—or against—our genetic capabilities, how the world we
live in affects our development, and how we can be encouraged
to reach our full potential.
We begin by examining the approaches psychologists use to
study development change across the life span. Then we consider
the very start of development, beginning with conception and
the nine months of life before birth. We look at both genetic and
environmental influences on the unborn individual and the way
they can affect behavior throughout the remainder of the life
cycle.
Next, we examine development that occurs after birth: the
enormous and rapid growth that takes place during the early
stages of life and the physical, social, and cognitive change
throughout infancy, toddlerhood, and middle childhood. We
then move on to development from adolescence through
adulthood. We end with a discussion of the ways in which
people prepare themselves for death.
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MODULE 35
How many bald, six-foot-six, 250-pound volunteer firefighters in New Jersey wear
droopy mustaches, aviator-style eyeglasses, and a key ring on the right side of the
belt? The answer is two: Gerald Levey and Mark Newman. They are twins who were
separated at birth. Each twin did not even know the other existed until they were
reunited—in a fire station—by a fellow firefighter who knew Newman and was startled
to see his double, Levey, at a firefighters’ convention.
The lives of the twins, although separate, took remarkably similar paths. Levey
How do psychologists study
the degree to which develop-
ment is an interaction of
hereditary and environmental
factors?
went to college and studied forestry; Newman planned to study forestry in college
but instead took a job trimming trees. Both had jobs in supermarkets. One had a job
installing sprinkler systems; the other installed fire alarms.
Both men are unmarried and find the same kind of woman—“tall, slender, long
hair”—attractive. They share similar hobbies and enjoy hunting, fishing, going to the
beach, and watching old John Wayne movies and professional wrestling. Both like
Chinese food and drink the same brand of beer. Their mannerisms are also similar—
for example, each one throws his head back when he laughs. And, of course, there is
one more thing: They share a passion for fighting fires.
The similarities we see in twins Gerald Levey and Mark Newman vividly raise one
of the fundamental questions posed by developmental psychology, the study of the
patterns of growth and change that occur throughout life. The question is this: How
can we distinguish between the environmental causes of behavior (the influence of
parents, siblings, family, friends, schooling, nutrition, and all the other experiences
The branch of psychology that studies
the patterns of growth and change
that occur throughout life.
to which a child is exposed) and hereditary causes (those based on an individual’s
genetic makeup that influence growth and development throughout life)? This ques-
tion embodies the nature-nurture issue. In this context, nature refers to hereditary
factors, and nurture refers to environmental influences.
Although the question was first posed as a nature-versus-
nurture issue, developmental psychologists today agree that
both nature and nurture interact to produce specific develop-
mental patterns and outcomes. Consequently, the question has
evolved into this: How and to what degree do environment and
heredity both produce their effects? No one develops free of
environmental influences or without being affected by his or
her inherited genetic makeup. However, the debate over the
comparative influence of the two factors remains active; dif-
ferent approaches and different theories of development
emphasize the environment or heredity to a greater or lesser
degree (Gottesman & Hanson, 2005; Rutter, 2006; Belsky &
Pluess, 2009).
For example, some developmental theories rely on basic
psychological principles of learning and stress the role learn-
ing plays in producing changes in a developing child’s behav-
ior. Such theories emphasize the role of the environment in
development. In contrast, other developmental theories
emphasize the influence of one’s physiological makeup and
The issue of the
degree to which environment and
heredity influence behavior.
a
Gerald Levey and Mark Newman
381
382 Chapter 12 Development
FIGURE 1 Characteristics influenced
significantly by genetic factors. Although
these characteristics have strong genetic
components, they are also affected by
environmental factors.
y Alert
The nature—nurture issue is a
key question that is pervasive
throughout the field of
psychology. It explores
how and to what degree
environment and heredity
produce their joint effects.
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Emotional
Physical Intellectual Characteristics
Characteristics Characteristics and Disorders
Height Memory Shyness
Weight Intelligence Extraversion
Obesity Age of language acquisition Emotionality
Tone of voice Reading disability Neuroticism
Blood pressure Mental retardation Schizophrenia
Tooth decay
Athletic ability
Firmness of handshake
Age of death
Activity level
Anxiety
Alcoholism
functioning on development. Such theories stress the role of heredity and maturation—
the unfolding of biologically predetermined patterns of behavior—in producing
developmental change. Maturation can be seen, for instance, in the development of
sex characteristics (such as breasts and body hair) that occurs at the start of adoles-
cence. Furthermore, the work of behavioral geneticists, who study the effects of
heredity on behavior, and the theories of evolutionary psychologists, who identify
behavior patterns that result from our genetic inheritance, have influenced develop-
mental psychologists. Both behavioral geneticists and evolutionary psychologists
have highlighted the importance of heredity in influencing human behavior (Buss,
2003; Reif & Lesch, 2003; Iies, Arvey, & Bouchard, 2006).
Despite their differences over theory, developmental psychologists concur on
some points. They agree that genetic factors not only provide the potential for specific
behaviors or traits to emerge, but also place limitations on the emergence of such
behavior or traits. For instance, heredity defines people’s general level of intelligence
and sets an upper limit that—regardless of the quality of the environment—people
cannot exceed. Heredity also places limits on physical abilities; humans simply can-
not run at a speed of 60 miles an hour or grow as tall as 10 feet, no matter the qual-
ity of their environment (Pinker, 2004; Dodge, 2004).
Figure 1 lists some of the characteristics most affected by heredity. As you con-
sider these items, it is important to keep in mind that these characteristics are not
entirely determined by heredity, for environmental factors also play a role.
Developmental psychologists also agree that in most instances environmental
factors play a critical role in enabling people to reach the potential capabilities that
their genetic background makes possible. If Albert Einstein had received no intel-
lectual stimulation as a child and had not been sent to school, it is unlikely that he
would have reached his genetic potential. Similarly, a great athlete such as baseball
star Derek Jeter would have been unlikely to display much physical skill if he had
not been raised in an environment that nurtured his innate talent and gave him the
opportunity to train and perfect his natural abilities.
Clearly, the relationship between heredity and environment is far from simple.
As a consequence, developmental psychologists typically take an interactionist
position on the nature—nurture issue by suggesting that a combination of heredi-
tary and environmental factors influences development. Developmental psycholo-
gists face the challenge of identifying the relative strength of each of these
influences on the individual as well as that of identifying the specific changes that
occur over the course of development (McGregor & Capone, 2004; Moffitt, Caspi,
& Rutter, 2006).
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Module 35 Nature and Nurture: The Enduring Developmental Issue 383
Determining the Relative
Influence of Nature and Nurture
Developmental psychologists use several approaches to determine the relative influ-
ence of genetic and environmental factors on behavior. In one approach, researchers
can experimentally control the genetic makeup of laboratory animals by carefully
breeding them for specific traits. For instance, by observing animals with identical
genetic backgrounds placed in varied environments, researchers can learn the effects
of specific kinds of environmental stimulation. Although researchers must be careful
when generalizing the findings of nonhuman research to a human population, find-
ings from animal research provide important information that cannot be obtained for
ethical reasons by using human participants.
Human twins serve as another important source of information about the rela-
tive effects of genetic and environmental factors. If identical twins (those who are
genetically identical) display different patterns of development, those differences
have to be attributed to variations in the environment in which the twins were
raised. The most useful data come from identical twins (such as Gerald Levey and
Mark Newman) who are adopted at birth by different sets of adoptive parents and
raised apart in differing environments. Studies of nontwin siblings who are raised
in totally different environments also shed some light on the issue. Because they
have relatively similar genetic backgrounds, siblings who show similarities as adults
provide strong evidence for the importance of heredity (Sternberg, 2002a; Vitaro,
Brendgen, & Arseneault, 2009).
Researchers can also take the opposite tack. Instead of concentrating on people
with similar genetic backgrounds who are raised in different environments, they
may consider people raised in similar environments who have totally dissimilar
genetic backgrounds. For example, if they find similar courses of development in
two adopted children who have different genetic backgrounds and have been
raised in the same family, they have evidence for the importance of environmental
influences on development. Moreover, psychologists can carry out research involv-
ing animals with dissimilar genetic backgrounds; by experimentally varying the
environment in which they are raised, they can determine the influence of envi-
ronmental factors (independent of heredity) on development (Petrill & Deater-
Deckard, 2004).
Developmental Research
Techniques
Because of the demands of measuring behavioral change across different ages, devel-
opmental researchers use several unique methods. The most frequently used,
cross-sectional research, compares people of different ages at the same point in time.
Cross-sectional studies provide information about differences in development
between different age groups (Creasey, 2005; Huijie, 2006).
Suppose, for instance, we were interested in the development of intellectual abil-
ity in adulthood. To carry out a cross-sectional study, we might compare a sample
of 25-, 45-, and 65-year-olds who all take the same IQ test. We then can determine
whether average IQ test scores differ in each age group.
Cross-sectional research has limitations, however. For instance, we cannot be
sure that the differences in IQ scores we might find in our example are due to age
differences alone. Instead, the scores may reflect differences in the educational
attainment of the cohorts represented. A cohort is a group of people who grow up
at similar times, in similar places, and in similar conditions. In the case of IQ
identical twins Twins who are
genetically identical.
cross-sectional research A research
method that compares people of
different ages at the same point in time.
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384 Chapter 12 Development
differences, any age differences we find in a cross-sectional study may reflect edu-
cational differences among the cohorts studied: People in the older age group may
belong to a cohort that was less likely to attend college than were the people in the
younger groups.
A longitudinal study, the second major research strategy developmental psy-
chologists use, provides one way around this problem. Longitudinal research traces
the behavior of one or more participants as the participants age. Longitudinal stud-
ies assess change in behavior over time, whereas cross-sectional studies assess differ-
ences among groups of people.
For instance, consider how we might investigate intellectual development during
adulthood by using a longitudinal research strategy. First, we might give an IQ test
to a group of 25-year-olds. We’d then come back to the same people 20 years later
and retest them at age 45. Finally, we’d return to them once more when they were
65 years old and test them again.
By examining changes at several points in time, we can clearly see how indi-
viduals develop. Unfortunately, longitudinal research requires an enormous expen-
diture of time as the researcher waits for the participants to get older. Participants
who begin a study at an early age may drop out, move away, or even die as the
research continues. Moreover, participants who take the same test at several points
in time may become “test-wise” and perform better each time they take it because
they have become more familiar with the test.
To make up for the limitations in both cross-sectional and longitudinal research,
investigators have devised an alternative strategy. Known as sequential research, it
combines cross-sectional and longitudinal approaches by examining a number of
different age groups at several points in time. For example, investigators might exam-
ine a group of 3-, 5-, and 7-year-olds every six months for a period of several years.
This technique allows a developmental psychologist to tease out the specific effects
of age changes from other possibly influential factors.
longitudinal research A research
method that investigates behavior as
participants age.
ly Alert
Be sure to be able to distin-
guish the three different
types of developmental
research—cross-sectional
(comparing people of
different ages at the same time);
longitudinal (studying participants
as they age); and sequential
(a combination of cross-sectional
and longitudinal).
sequential research A research
method that combines cross-sectional
and longitudinal research by consider-
ing a number of different age groups
and examining them at several points
in time.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
How do psychologists study the degree to which development
is an interaction of hereditary and environmental factors?
e Developmental psychology studies growth and change 2.
1. Developmental psychologists are interested in the effects
of both and on development.
Environment and heredity both influence development
throughout life. One fundamental question is how much
developmental change is due to heredity and how much
is due to environment—the nature-nurture issue.
Heredity seems to define the upper limits of our growth
and change, whereas the environment affects the degree
to which the upper limits are reached. (p. 381)
e Cross-sectional research compares people of different
ages with one another at the same point in time. In con-
trast, longitudinal research traces the behavior of one or
more participants as the participants become older.
Finally, sequential research combines the two methods
by examining several different age groups at several
points in time. (p. 383)
with genetic potentials generally establishing limits on
environmental influences. True or false?
. By observing genetically similar animals in differing envi-
ronments, we can increase our understanding of the influ-
ences of hereditary and environmental factors in humans.
True or false?
research studies the same individuals over a
period of time, whereas research
studies people of different ages at the same time.
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Module 35 Nature and Nurture: The Enduring Developmental Issue 385
RETHINK genetic influences might be involved? What recommen-
dations might you make to the child’s parents about the
1. When researchers find similarities in development i RA aget k
between very different cultures, what implications might net!
such findings have for the nature-nurture issue? Answers to Evaluate Questions
2. From the perspective of a child-care provider: Consider what Teuoyoəs-ssox1 ‘Teurpnysuo] ‘p
factors might determine why a child is not learning to ‘ony ‘g ‘ony z ‘(əmpnu Jo) zuəwuoauə ‘(əmzeu 10) ÁyrpəIəy 'T
walk at the same pace as his peers. What kinds of envi-
ronmental influences might be involved? What kinds of
KEY TERMS
developmental psychology p. 381 identical twins p. 383 longitudinal research p. 384
nature—-nurture issue p. 381 cross-sectional research p. 383 sequential research p. 384
MODULE 36
What is the nature of
development before birth?
What factors affect a child
during the mother’s
pregnancy?
Rod-shaped structures
that contain all basic hereditary
information.
The parts of the chromosomes
through which genetic information is
transmitted.
y Alert
It's important to understand
the basic building-blocks of
genetics: chromosomes,
which contain genes,
which in turn are com-
posed of sequences of DNA.
386
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When the Morrisons were expecting their second child, the young couple faced an
anguishing dilemma.
Their first child, a girl born in 2002, had a condition known as congential adrenal
hyperplasia, or CAH, which can sometimes result in male-like genitals in female
newborns. So when Mrs. Morrison became pregnant again, the couple was well aware
the baby had a 1-in-8 chance of being born with the same disorder.
There were choices. They could treat the fetus with a powerful steroid that would
most likely avert the possibility of the genitals becoming malformed. But the couple
wotried about doing this. There was little research on the long-term effects of treating a
fetus with steroids, and statistically, there was a much greater chance that the baby
wouldn't have the genital problem at all... .
The couple decided to forgo the steroid treatment. “It was touch-and-go, but in the
end I couldn’t expose the baby to the drugs,” says Mrs. Morrison. When the baby arrived,
it was a girl and, like her older sister, was born with swollen genitalia (Naik, 2009, p. D1).
The Morrisons will never know if they made the right choice. But their case shows
the difficult choices that parents may encounter due to our increasing understanding
of life spent inside a mother’s womb.
Yet, our knowledge of the biology of conception—when a male’s sperm cell pen-
etrates a female’s egg cell—and its aftermath makes the start of life no less of a
miracle. Let’s consider how an individual is created by looking first at the genetic
endowment that a child receives at the moment of conception.
The Basics of Genetics
The one-cell entity established at conception contains 23 pairs of chromosomes, rod-
shaped structures that contain all basic hereditary information. One member of each
pair is from the mother, and the other is from the father.
Each chromosome contains thousands of genes—smaller units through which
genetic information is transmitted. Either individually or in combination, genes pro-
duce each person’s particular characteristics. Composed of sequences of DNA (deoxy-
ribonucleic acid) molecules, genes are the biological equivalent of “software” that
programs the future development of all parts of the body’s hardware. Humans have
some 25,000 different genes (see Figure 1).
Some genes control the development of systems common to all members of the
human species—the heart, circulatory system, brain, lungs, and so forth; others shape
the characteristics that make each human unique, such as facial configuration, height,
and eye color. The child’s sex is also determined by a particular combination of genes.
Specifically, a child inherits an X chromosome from its mother and either an X or a
Y chromosome from its father. When it receives an XX combination, it is a female;
with an XY combination, it develops as a male. Male development is triggered by a
single gene on the Y chromosome; without the presence of that specific gene, the
individual will develop as a female (see Figure 2).
As behavioral geneticists have discovered, genes are also at least partially respon-
sible for a wide variety of personal characteristics, including cognitive abilities,
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Module 36 Prenatal Development: Conception to Birth 387
(a) Conception (b) 23 pairs of chromosomes (c) DNA sequence (d) Genes
FIGURE 1 Every individual’s characteristics are determined by the individual’s specific genetic
information. (a) At the moment of conception, (b) humans receive 23 pairs of chromosomes,
half from the mother and half from the father. (c) These chromosomes are made up of coils
of DNA. (d) Each chromosome contains thousands of genes that “program” the future
development of the body.
personality traits, and psychological disorders. Of course, few of these characteristics
are determined by a single gene. Instead, most traits result from a combination of
multiple genes that operate together with environmental influences (Plomin &
McGuffin, 2003; Haberstick et al., 2005; Ramus, 2006).
THE HUMAN GENOME PROJECT
Our understanding of genetics took a giant leap forward in 2001, when scientists
were able to map the specific location and sequence of every human gene as part
of the massive Human Genome Project. The accomplishment was one of the most
FIGURE 2 When an egg and a sperm
Female meet at the moment of fertilization, the
egg provides an X chromosome, and
the sperm provides either an X or aY
chromosome. If the sperm contributes
The 23rd pai
e 23rd pair an X chromosome, the child will have
of chromosomes
Uren pair of the sperm is an XX pairing on the 23rd chromosome
of chromosomes comprised of i i i
fe beatae M RE and will be a girl. If the sperm contributes
comprised of XY a Y chromosome, the result will be an
chromosomes XY pairing—a boy.
XX
‘x
3 a
Baby girl Baby boy
388 Chapter 12 Development
The complex sequence of genes can be
harnessed in gene therapy in which
genes are used to correct health
problems.
zygote The new cell formed by the
union of an egg and sperm.
embryo A developed zygote that has a
heart, a brain, and other organs.
fetus A developing individual from
eight weeks after conception until
birth.
age of viability The point at which a
fetus can survive if born prematurely.
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important in the history of biology (International Human Genome Sequencing
Consortium, 2003).
The success of the Human Genome Project started a revolution in health care
because scientists can identify the particular genes responsible for genetically caused
disorders. It is already leading not only to the identification of risk factors in chil-
dren, but also to the development of new treatments for physical and psychological
disorders.
For example, in gene therapy, health-care providers inject genes to correct par-
ticular diseases directly into a patient’s bloodstream. When the gene arrives at the
location of a problem (or potential problem), it leads the body to produce chemicals
that can alleviate the danger. In other cases, additional genes are inserted that replace
missing or defective cells. Eventually, it also may be possible to “harvest” defective
cells from a child prior to birth. These cells could be treated by gene therapy and
reintroduced into the unborn child to repair the defect (Lymberis et al., 2004; Sato,
Shimamura, & Takeuchi, 2007; Naldini, 2009).
Although the promise of gene therapy is real, the number of diseases that can
be treated today is fairly limited. Furthermore, the long-term success of gene ther-
apy remains unknown. In fact, after they initially seem to be cured, some recipients
of gene therapy have relapsed, and some have suffered from unpleasant side
effects. Still, the potential uses of gene therapy are growing rapidly. For example,
such disorders as AIDS, cancer, rheumatoid arthritis, and macular degeneration are
strong candidates for the procedure (Feret et al., 2007; Rossi, June, & Kohn, 2007;
Miller et al., 2008).
The Earliest Development
When an egg becomes fertilized by the sperm, the resulting one-celled entity, called
a zygote, immediately begins to develop. The zygote starts out as a microscopic
speck. Three days after fertilization, though, the zygote increases to around 32 cells;
within a week it has grown to 100-150 cells. These first two weeks are known as the
germinal period.
Two weeks after conception, the developing individual enters the embryonic
period, which lasts from week 2 through week 8; he or she is now called an embryo.
As an embryo develops through an intricate, preprogrammed process of cell divi-
sion, it grows 10,000 times larger by 4 weeks of age and attains a length of about
one-fifth of an inch. At this point it has developed a rudimentary beating heart, a
brain, an intestinal tract, and a number of other organs. Although all these organs
are at a primitive stage of development, they are clearly recognizable. Moreover,
by week 8, the embryo is about an inch long and has discernible arms, legs, and
a face.
From week 8 and continuing until birth, the developing individual enters the
fetal period and is called a fetus. At the start of this period, it begins to respond to
touch; it bends its fingers when touched on the hand. At 16 to 18 weeks, its move-
ments become strong enough for the mother to sense them. At the same time, hair
may begin to grow on its head, and the facial features become similar to those the
child will display at birth. The major organs begin functioning, although the fetus
could not be kept alive outside the mother. In addition, a lifetime’s worth of brain
neurons are produced—although it is unclear whether the brain is capable of think-
ing at this early stage.
By week 24, a fetus has many of the characteristics it will display as a newborn.
In fact, when an infant is born prematurely at this age, it can open and close its eyes;
suck; cry; look up, down, and around; and even grasp objects placed in its hands.
Within the womb the fetus continues to develop before birth. It begins to grow fatty
deposits under the skin, and it gains weight. The fetus reaches the age of viability, the
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Module 36 Prenatal Development: Conception to Birth 389
These remarkable photos of live fetuses display the degree of physical development at
prenatal ages 4 and 15 weeks.
point at which it can survive if born prematurely, at about prenatal age 22 weeks. At
prenatal age 28 weeks, the fetus weighs less than 3 pounds and is about 16 inches long.
It may be capable of learning: One study found that the infants of mothers who had
repeatedly read aloud The Cat in the Hat by Dr. Seuss before the infants’ birth preferred
the sound of that particular story to other stories after they were born (Spence &
DeCasper, 1982; Schenone et al., 2010).
Before birth, a fetus passes through several sensitive periods. A sensitive period is
the time when organisms are particularly susceptible to certain kinds of stimuli. For
example, fetuses are especially affected by their mothers’ use of drugs during certain
sensitive periods before birth. If they are exposed to a particular drug before or after
the sensitive period, it may have relatively little impact; if exposure comes during a
critical period, the impact will be significant (Konig, 2005; Werker & Tees, 2005;
Uylings, 2006).
Sensitive periods can also occur after birth. Some language specialists suggest,
for instance, that there is a period in which children are particularly receptive to
developing language. If children are not exposed to appropriate linguistic stimuli,
their language development may be impaired (Innocenti, 2007; Sohr-Preston & Scar-
amella, 2006). In the final weeks of pregnancy, the fetus continues to gain weight
and grow. At the end of the normal 38 weeks of pregnancy, the fetus typically
weighs 7 pounds and is about 20 inches in length. However, the story is different
for preterm infants, who are born before week 38. Because they have not been able
to develop fully, they are at higher risk for illness, future problems, and even death.
For infants who have been in the womb for more than 30 weeks, the prospects are
relatively good. However, for those born before week 30, the story is often less
positive. Such newborns, who may weigh as little as 2 pounds at birth, are in grave
danger because they have immature organs; they have less than a 50-50 chance of
survival. If they do survive—and it takes extraordinarily heroic (and expensive)
medical intervention to assure this—they may later experience significant develop-
mental delays.
GENETIC INFLUENCES ON THE FETUS
The process of fetal growth that we have just described reflects normal development,
which occurs in 95-98% of all pregnancies. Some individuals are less fortunate; in
the remaining 2-5% of cases, children are born with serious birth defects. A major
y Alert
Critical (or sensitive) periods,
which can occur before or
after birth, are important
because they indicate the
time that organisms are
particularly susceptible to
damage that may affect them for
the rest of their lives.
390 Chapter 12 Development
teratogens Environmental agents such
as a drug, chemical, virus, or other
factor that produce a birth defect.
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cause of such defects is faulty genes or chromosomes. Here are some of the more
common genetic and chromosomal difficulties.
e Phenylketonuria (PKU). A child born with the inherited disease phenylketonuria
cannot produce an enzyme that is required for normal development. This
deficiency results in an accumulation of poisons that eventually cause
profound mental retardation. The disease is treatable, however, if it is caught
early. Most infants today are routinely tested for PKU, and children with the
disorder can be placed on a special diet that allows them to develop normally
(levers-Landis et al., 2005; Christ, Steiner, & Grange, 2006; Widaman, 2009).
e Sickle-cell anemia. About 10% of the African-American population has the
possibility of passing on sickle-cell anemia, a disease that gets its name from
the abnormally shaped red blood cells it causes. Children with the disease
may have episodes of pain, yellowish eyes, stunted growth, and vision
problems (Taras & Potts-Datema, 2005; Selove, 2007).
e Tay-Sachs disease. Children born with Tay-Sachs disease, a disorder most often
found in Jews of Eastern European ancestry, usually die by age 3 or 4 because
of the body’s inability to break down fat. If both parents carry the genetic
defect that produces the fatal illness, their child has a 1 in 4 chance of being
born with the disease (Leib et al., 2005; Weinstein, 2007).
e Down syndrome. Down syndrome, one of the causes of mental retardation,
occurs when the zygote receives an extra chromosome at the moment of
conception. Down syndrome is often related to the mother’s age; mothers over
35 and younger than 18 stand a higher risk than other women of having a
child with the syndrome (Roizen & Patterson, 2003; Sherman et al., 2007).
PRENATAL ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES
Genetic factors are not the only causes of difficulties in fetal development. Environmen-
tal influences—the nurture part of the nature-nurture equation—also affect the fetus.
Some of the more profound consequences are brought about by teratogens, environ-
mental agents such as a drug, chemical, virus, or other factor that produce a birth defect.
Among the major prenatal environmental influences on the fetus are the following:
e Mother's nutrition. What a mother eats during her pregnancy can have impor-
tant implications for the health of her baby. Seriously undernourished mothers
cannot provide adequate nutrition to a growing fetus, and they are likely to
give birth to underweight babies. Poorly nourished babies are also more
susceptible to disease, and a lack of nourishment may have an adverse impact
on their mental development (Zigler, Finn-Stevenson, & Hall, 2002; Najman et
al., 2004; Everette, 2008).
e Mother's illness. Several diseases that have a relatively minor effect on the
health of a mother can have devastating consequences for a developing fetus if
they are contracted during the early part of a pregnancy. For example, rubella
(German measles), syphilis, diabetes, and high blood pressure may each
produce a permanent effect on the fetus. The virus that causes AIDS can also
be passed from mother to child before birth and through breast-feeding after
birth (Nesheim et al., 2004; Magoni et al., 2005).
e Mother's emotional state. A mother’s emotional state affects her baby. Mothers who
are anxious and tense during the last months of their pregnancies are more apt
to have irritable infants who sleep and eat poorly. The reason? The autonomic
nervous system of the fetus becomes especially sensitive as a result of chemical
changes produced by the mother’s emotional state (Relier, 2001; Hollins, 2007).
e Mother's use of drugs. Mothers who take illegal, physically addictive drugs such
as cocaine run the risk of giving birth to babies who are similarly addicted.
Their newborns suffer painful withdrawal symptoms and sometimes show
permanent physical and mental impairment. Even legal drugs taken by a
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Module 36 Prenatal Development: Conception to Birth
Environmental Factor Possible Effect on Prenatal Development
Rubella (German Blindness, deafness, heart abnormalities, stillbirth
measles)
Syphilis Mental retardation, physical deformities, maternal miscarriage
Addictive drugs Low birth weight, addiction of infant to drug, with possible
death after birth from withdrawal
Nicotine Premature birth, low birth weight and length
Alcohol Mental retardation, lower-than-average birth weight, small
head, limb deformities
Radiation from X-rays Physical deformities, mental retardation
Inadequate diet Reduction in growth of brain, smaller-than-average weight
and length at birth
Mother's age—younger Premature birth, increased incidence of Down syndrome
than 18 at birth of child
Mother’s age—older Increased incidence of Down syndrome
than 35 at birth of child
DES (diethylstilbestrol) Reproductive difficulties and increased incidence of genital
cancer in children of mothers who were given DES during
pregnancy to prevent miscarriage
AIDS Possible spread of AIDS virus to infant; facial deformities;
growth failure
Accutane Mental retardation and physical deformities
FIGURE 3 A variety of environmental factors can play a role in prenatal development.
pregnant woman (who may not know that she has become pregnant) can have
a tragic effect (Ikonomidou et al, 2000; Schechter, Finkelstein, & Koren, 2005).
e Alcohol. Alcohol is extremely dangerous to fetal development. For example, 1 out
of every 750 infants is born with fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), a condition resulting
in below-average intelligence, growth delays, and facial deformities. FAS is now
the primary preventable cause of mental retardation. Even mothers who use
small amounts of alcohol during pregnancy place their child at risk. Fetal alcohol
effects (FAE) is a condition in which children display some although not all of the
problems of FAS due to their mother’s consumption of alcohol during pregnancy
(Henderson, Kesmodel, & Gray, 2007; Niccols, 2007; Murthy et al., 2009).
e Nicotine use. Pregnant mothers who smoke put their children at considerable
risk. Smoking while pregnant can lead to miscarriage and infant death. For
children who do survive, the negative consequences of mother’s tobacco use can
last a lifetime (Haslam & Lawrence, 2004; Shea & Steiner, 2008; Rogers, 2009).
Several other environmental factors have an impact on the child before and dur-
ing birth (see Figure 3). Keep in mind, however, that although we have been discuss-
ing the influences of genetics and environment separately, neither factor works alone.
Furthermore, despite the emphasis here on some of the ways in which development
can go wrong, the vast majority of births occur without difficulty. And in most
instances, subsequent development also proceeds normally.
ALTERNATIVE PATHS TO CONCEPTION
For most couples, conception is routine, and pregnancy unfolds without incident. In
other cases, though, conception represents a major challenge. Sometimes infertility,
the inability to become pregnant, results because the male produces too few sperm.
391
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392 Chapter 12 Development
In other cases, it is due to the advanced age of the parents, use of drugs, or previous
cases of sexually transmitted disease.
Scientists have devised several remedies to overcome infertility. One option is in
vitro fertilization (IVF). IVF is a procedure in which a woman’s eggs are removed from
her ovaries, and a man’s sperm is used to fertilize the eggs in a laboratory. A fertil-
ized egg is then implanted in a woman’s uterus. Similarly, gamete intrafallopian trans-
fer (GIFT) and zygote intrafallopian transfer (ZIFT) are procedures in which an egg and
sperm or fertilized egg are implanted in a woman’s fallopian tubes. In IVF, GIFT,
and ZIFT, the fertilized egg typically is implanted in the woman who provided the
eggs. In some cases, eggs are implanted in a surrogate mother, a woman who agrees
to carry the child to term.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
1. Match each of the following terms with its definition:
1. Zygote a. Smallest unit through which genetic
2. Gene information is passed
3. Chromosome b. Fertilized egg
c. Rod-shaped structure containing
genetic information
2. Specific kinds of growth must take place during a
period if the embryo is to develop normally.
8. A is an environmental agent such as a drug,
chemical, virus, or other factor that produces a birth defect.
What is the nature of development before birth?
e Each chromosome contains genes through which genetic
information is transmitted. Genes, which are composed
of DNA sequences, are the “software” that programs the
future development of the body’s hardware. (p. 386)
e Genes affect not only physical attributes, but also a wide
array of personal characteristics such as cognitive
abilities, personality traits, and psychological
disorders. (p. 386)
e At the moment of conception, a male’s sperm cell and a
female’s egg cell unite; each contributes to the new indi-
vidual’s genetic makeup. The union of sperm and egg
produces a zygote, which contains 23 pairs of chromo-
somes; one member of each pair comes from the father
RETHINK
1. Given the possible effects of the environment on a
and the other comes from the mother. (p. 388)
After two weeks the zygote becomes an embryo. By
week 8, the embryo is called a fetus and is responsive to
touch and other stimulation. At about week 22 it reaches
the age of viability, which means it may survive if born
prematurely. A fetus is normally born after 38 weeks of
pregnancy; it weighs around 7 pounds and measures
about 20 inches. (p. 388)
What factors can affect a child during the mother’s pregnancy?
Genetic abnormalities produce birth defects such as
phenylketonuria (PKU), sickle-cell anemia, Tay-Sachs
disease, and Down syndrome. (p. 390)
developing fetus, do you think pregnant women should
be prosecuted for the use of alcohol and other drugs that
may do serious harm to their unborn children? Defend
your position.
. From the perspective of an educator: How would you
utilize your knowledge of sensitive periods in language
development to improve students’ learning? Would you
want to teach children more than one language during
this time?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
uasoyeia} 'E EPD Z -Ç “L-Z ‘G-[ °
i=!
e Among the environmental influences on fetal growth are
the mother’s nutrition, illnesses, and drug intake. (p. 390)
KEY TERMS
chromosomes p. 386
genes p. 386
fetus p. 388
age of viability p. 388
zygote p. 388 teratogens p. 390
embryo p. 388
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His head was molded into a long melon shape and came to a point at the back .... He
was covered with a thick greasy white material known as “vernix,” which made him
slippery to hold and also allowed him to slip easily through the birth canal. In addition
to a shock of black hair on his head, his body was covered with dark, fine hair known
as “lanugo.” His ears, his back, his shoulders, and even his cheeks were furry . . . . His
skin was wrinkled and quite loose, ready to scale in creased places such as his feet and
hands...
matted firmly forward on his cheek. His nose was flattened and pushed to one side by
. His ears were pressed to his head in unusual positions—one ear was
the squeeze as he came through the pelvis. (Brazelton, 1969, p. 3)
What kind of creature is this? Although the description hardly fits that of the ador-
able babies seen in advertisements for baby food, we are in fact talking about a
normal, completely developed child just after the moment of birth. Called a neonate,
a newborn arrives in the world in a form that hardly meets the standards of beauty
against which we typically measure babies. Yet ask any parents: Nothing is more
beautiful or exciting than the first glimpse of their newborn.
The Extraordinary Newborn
Several factors cause a neonate’s strange appearance. The trip through the mother’s
birth canal may have squeezed the incompletely formed bones of the skull together
and squashed the nose into the head. The skin secretes vernix, a white greasy cover-
ing, for protection before birth, and the baby may have lanugo, a soft fuzz, over the
entire body for a similar purpose. The infant’s eyelids may be puffy with an accu-
mulation of fluids because of the upside-down position during birth.
All these features change during the first two weeks of life
as the neonate takes on a more familiar appearance. Even {$
more impressive are the capabilities a neonate begins to dis- &
play from the moment of birth—capabilities that grow at an
astounding rate over the ensuing months.
REFLEXES
A neonate is born with a number of reflexes—unlearned,
involuntary responses that occur automatically in the presence
of certain stimuli. Critical for survival, many of those reflexes
unfold naturally as part of an infant’s ongoing maturation.
The rooting reflex, for instance, causes neonates to turn their
heads toward things that touch their cheeks—such as the
mother’s nipple or a bottle. Similarly, a sucking reflex prompts
infants to suck at things that touch their lips. Among other
reflexes are a gag reflex (to clear the throat), the startle reflex
(a series of movements in which an infant flings out the arms,
fans the fingers, and arches the back in response to a sudden
What are the major compe-
tencies of newborns?
What are the milestones of
physical and social develop-
ment during childhood?
How does cognitive develop-
ment proceed during
childhood?
neonate A newborn child.
>s Unlearned, involuntary
responses that occur automatically in
the presence of certain stimuli.
ae
MARA :
in £8 2%
Many of the reflexes that a neonate is born with are critical for survival
and unfold naturally as a part of an infant's ongoing maturation. Do
you think humans have more or fewer reflexes than other animals?
393
394 Chapter 12 Development
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The basic reflexes—
unlearned, involuntary
responses—include the
rooting reflex, the sucking
reflex, the gag reflex, the
startle reflex, and the
Babinski reflex.
support and finger
FIGURE 1 Although at birth a neonate can make only jerky, limited voluntary movements,
during the first year of life the ability to move independently grows enormously. The ages
indicate the time when 50% of children are able to perform each skill. Remember, however,
that the time when each skill appears can vary considerably. For example, 25% of children are
able to walk well at age 11 months; by 15 months 90% of children are walking well. (Source:
Frankenburg et al., 1992)
noise), and the Babinski reflex (a baby’s toes fan out when the outer edge of the sole
of the foot is stroked).
Infants lose these primitive reflexes after the first few months of life and replace
them with more complex and organized behaviors. Although at birth a neonate is
capable of only jerky, limited voluntary movements, the ability to move indepen-
dently grows enormously during the first year of life. The typical baby rolls over by
the age of about 3 months, sits without support at about 6 months, stands alone at
about 11 months, and walks at just over a year old. Not only does the ability to make
large-scale movements improve during this time, but fine-muscle movements also
become increasingly sophisticated (see Figure 1).
DEVELOPMENT OF THE SENSES: TAKING IN THE WORLD
When proud parents peer into the eyes of their neonate, is the child able to return
their gaze? Although it was thought for some time that newborns can see only a
hazy blur, most current findings indicate that neonates’ capabilities are far more
impressive. Although their eyes have a limited capacity to focus on objects that are
not within a seven- to eight-inch distance from the face, neonates can follow objects
moving within their field of vision. They also show the rudiments of depth percep-
tion as they react by raising their hands when an object appears to be moving rapidly
toward the face (Gelman & Kit-Fong Au, 1996; Maurer et al., 1999).
You might think that it would be hard to figure out just how well neonates can
see because their lack of both language and reading ability clearly prevents them
from saying what direction the E on a vision chart is facing. However, researchers
have devised a number of ingenious methods that rely on the newborn’s biological
responses and innate reflexes to test perceptual skills.
For instance, infants who see a novel stimulus typically pay close attention to it;
as a consequence, their heart rates increase. But if they repeatedly see the same
stimulus, their attention to it decreases, as indicated by a return to a slower heart
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Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 395
rate. This phenomenon is known as habituation, the decrease in the response to a
stimulus that occurs after repeated presentations of the same stimulus. By studying
habituation, developmental psychologists can tell when a child who is too young to
speak can detect and discriminate a stimulus (Grunwald et al., 2003; Hannon &
Johnson, 2005; del Rosal, Alonso, & Moreno, 2006).
Researchers have developed many other methods for measuring neonate and
infant perception. One technique, for instance, involves babies sucking on a nipple
attached to a computer. A change in the rate and vigor with which the babies suck
helps researchers infer that babies can perceive variations in stimuli. Other
approaches include examining babies’ eye movements and observing which way
babies move their heads in response to a visual stimulus (George, 1999; Franklin,
Pilling, & Davies, 2005).
Through the use of such research techniques, we now know that infants’ visual
perception is remarkably sophisticated from the start of life. At birth, babies prefer
patterns with contours and edges over less distinct patterns, indicating that they can
respond to the configuration of stimuli. Furthermore, even newborns are aware of
size constancy because they are apparently sensitive to the phenomenon by which
objects stay the same size even though the image on the retina may change size as
the distance between the object and the retina varies (Norcia et al., 2005; Moore,
Goodwin, & George, 2007).
In fact, neonates can discriminate facial expressions—and even imitate them. As
you can see in Figure 2, newborns can produce a good imitation of an adult’s expres-
sions. Even very young infants, then, can respond to the emotions and moods that
their caregivers’ facial expressions reveal. This capability provides the foundation for
social interaction skills in children (Meltzoff, 1996; Lavelli & Fogel, 2005; Grossmann,
Striano, & Friederici, 2007).
Other visual abilities grow rapidly after birth. By the end of their first month,
babies can distinguish some colors from others; after 4 months they can focus on
FIGURE 2 This newborn infant is clearly
imitating the expressions of the adult
model in these amazing photos. How
does this ability contribute to social
development? (Source: Courtesy of
Dr. Tiffany Field.)
habituation The decrease in the
response to a stimulus that occurs after
repeated presentations of the same
stimulus.
396
Chapter 12 Development
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Young Infants
Recognize Emotions Early in Life
FIGURE 3 Using a method that measures electrophysiological responses in the brain
(event-related potentials), researchers have found that by 7 months of age infants show
distinct responses to happy, fearful, and neutral facial expressions using different regions
of their brain (specifically, the medial, semimedial, and lateral regions). For example,
approximately 400 milliseconds after seeing a fearful face (see arrow), infants show greater
brain activity than when seeing either a neutral or happy face. This demonstrates that infants
recognize differences between these facial expressions. (Source: Leppanen et al., 2007, Figure 2.)
—40 uV
Left medial Right medial
100 300 500 700 900 100 300 500 700 900
—40 uV
Left Right
semi-medial semi-medial
100 300 500 700 900 100 300 500 700 90
Left lateral Right lateral
100 300 500 700 900 100 300 500 700 900
= Fearful
— Happy
— Neutral
near or far objects. By the age of 4 or 5 months, they are able to recognize two- and
three-dimensional objects, and they can perceive the gestalt organizing principles
discovered by psychologists who study perception. By the age of 7 months, neural
systems related to the processing of information about facial expressions are highly
sophisticated and cause babies to respond differently to specific facial expressions
(see Figure 3). Overall, their perceptual abilities rapidly improve: Sensitivity to visual
stimuli, for instance, becomes three to four times greater at 1 year of age than it was
at birth Johnson, 2004; Striano & Vaish, 2006; Leppanen et al., 2007).
In addition to vision, infants display other impressive sensory capabilities.
Newborns can distinguish different sounds to the point of being able to recognize
their own mothers’ voices at the age of 3 days. They can also make the subtle
perceptual distinctions that underlie language abilities. For example, at 2 days of
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Module 37
age, infants can distinguish between their native tongue and foreign languages, and
they can discriminate between such closely related sounds as ba and pa when they
are 4 days old. By 6 months of age, they can discriminate virtually any difference
in sound that is relevant to the production of language. Moreover, they can recog-
nize different tastes and smells at a very early age. There even seems to be some-
thing of a built-in sweet tooth: Neonates prefer liquids that have been sweetened
with sugar over their unsweetened counterparts (Cohen & Cashon, 2003; Rivera-
Gaxiola et al., 2005).
Infancy Through Childhood
It was during the windy days of March that the problem in the day-care center first
arose. Its source: 10-month-old Russell Ruud. Otherwise a model of decorum, Russell
had somehow learned how to unzip the Velcro chin strap to his winter hat. He would
remove the hat whenever he got the urge, seemingly oblivious to the potential health
problems that might follow.
But that was just the start of the real difficulty. To the chagrin of the teachers in
the day-care center, not to speak of the children’s parents, soon other children were
following his lead, removing their own caps at will. Russell’s mother, made aware of
the anarchy at the day-care center—and the other parents’ distress over Russell’s
behavior—pleaded innocent. “I never showed Russell how to unzip the Velcro,” claimed
his mother, Judith Ruud, an economist with the Congressional Budget Office in
Washington, DC. “He learned by trial and error, and the other kids saw him do it one
day when they were getting dressed for an outing.” (Goleman, 1993, C10)
At the age of 10 months, Russell asserted his personality, illustrating the tremendous
growth that occurs in a variety of domains during the first year of life. Throughout
the remainder of childhood, moving from infancy into middle childhood and the
start of adolescence around age 11 or 12, children develop physically, socially, and
cognitively in extraordinary ways. In the remainder of this module, we’ll consider
this development.
PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT
Children’s physical growth provides the most obvious sign of development. During
the first year of life, children typically triple their birthweight, and their height
increases by about half. This rapid growth slows down as the child gets older—think
how gigantic adults would be if that rate of growth was constant. From age 3 to the
beginning of adolescence at around age 13, growth averages a gain of about 5 pounds
and 3 inches a year (see Figure 4).
The physical changes that occur as children develop are not just a matter of
increasing growth; the relationship of the size of the various body parts to one another
changes dramatically as children age. As you can see in Figure 5, the head of a fetus
(and a newborn) is disproportionately large. However, the head soon becomes more
proportional in size to the rest of the body as growth occurs mainly in the trunk
and legs.
DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR:
TAKING ON THE WORLD
As anyone who has seen infants smiling at the sight of their mothers can guess, at
the same time that infants grow physically and hone their perceptual abilities, they
also develop socially. The nature of a child’s early social development provides the
foundation for social relationships that will last a lifetime.
Infancy and Childhood
397
398 Chapter 12 Development
FIGURE 4 The average heights and
weights of males and females in the
United States from birth through age 20.
At what ages are girls typically heavier
and taller than boys? (Source: National
Center for Health Statistics, 2000.)
FIGURE 5 As development progresses,
the size of the head relative to the rest of
the body decreases until the individual
reaches adulthood. Why do you think the
head starts out so large? (Source: Adapted
from Figure 5 from W. J. Robbins, Growth.
Copyright © 1928 Yale University Press. Used
by permission of Yale University Press.)
attachment The positive emotional
bond that develops between a child
and a particular individual.
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160
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2345 67 8 9 1011 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
Age (years)
Attachment, the positive emotional bond that develops between a child and a
particular individual, is the most important form of social development that occurs
during infancy. The earliest studies of attachment were carried out by animal ethologist
Konrad Lorenz (1966). Lorenz focused on newborn goslings, which under normal
circumstances instinctively follow their mother, the first moving object they perceive
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Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 399
after birth. Lorenz found that goslings whose eggs were raised in an incubator and
which viewed him immediately after hatching would follow his every movement as
if he were their mother. He labeled this process imprinting, behavior that takes place
during a critical period and involves attachment to the first moving object that is
observed.
Our understanding of attachment progressed when psychologist Harry Harlow,
in a classic study, gave infant monkeys the choice of cuddling a wire “monkey”
that provided milk or a soft, terry-cloth “monkey” that was warm but did not
provide milk. Their choice was clear: They spent most of their time clinging to the
warm cloth “monkey,” although they made occasional forays to the wire monkey
to nurse. Obviously, the cloth monkey provided greater comfort to the infants; milk
alone was insufficient to create attachment (Harlow & Zimmerman, 1959; Blum,
2002; see Figure 6).
Building on this pioneering work with nonhumans, developmental psychologists
have suggested that human attachment grows through the responsiveness of infants’
caregivers to the signals the babies provide, such as crying, smiling, reaching, and
clinging. The greater the caregiver’s responsiveness to the child’s signals, the more
likely it is that the child will become securely attached. Full attachment eventually
develops as a result of the complex series of interactions between caregiver and child.
In the course of these interactions, the infant plays as critical and active of a role as
the caregiver in the formation of the bond. Infants who respond positively to a
caregiver produce more positive behavior on the caregiver’s part, which, in turn,
produces an even stronger degree of attachment in the child.
Assessing Attachment. Developmental psychologists have devised a quick and
direct way to measure attachment. Developed by Mary Ainsworth, the Ainsworth
strange situation consists of a sequence of events involving a child and (typically)
his or her mother. Initially, the mother and baby enter an unfamiliar room, and
the mother permits the baby to explore while she sits down. An adult stranger
then enters the room; after this the mother leaves. The mother returns, and the
stranger leaves. The mother once again leaves the baby alone, and the stranger
returns. Finally, the stranger leaves, and the mother returns (Ainsworth et al.,
1978; Izard & Abe, 2004; Combrink-Graham & McKenna, 2006).
Babies’ reactions to the experimental situation vary drastically, depending, accord-
ing to Ainsworth, on their degree of attachment to the mother. One-year-old children
who are securely attached employ the mother as a kind of home base; they explore
independently but return to her occasionally. When she leaves, they exhibit distress,
and they go to her when she returns. Avoidant children do not cry when the mother
leaves, and they seem to avoid her when she returns as if indifferent to her. Ambivalent
children display anxiety before they are separated and are upset when the mother
leaves, but they may show ambivalent reactions to her return, such as seeking close
contact but simultaneously hitting and kicking her. A fourth reaction is disorganized-
disoriented; these children show inconsistent and often contradictory behavior.
The nature of attachment between children and their mothers has far-reaching
consequences for later development. For example, children who are securely attached
to their mothers tend to be more socially and emotionally competent than are their
less securely attached peers, and others find them more cooperative, capable, and
playful. Furthermore, children who are securely attached at age 1 show fewer psy-
chological difficulties when they grow older compared with avoidant and ambivalent
youngsters. As adults, children who are securely attached tend to have more success-
ful romantic relationships. On the other hand, being securely attached at an early
age does not guarantee good adjustment later; conversely, children who lack secure
attachment do not always have difficulties later in life (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2005;
Roisman et al., 2005; Hardy, 2007).
The Father’s Role. Although early developmental research focused largely on the
mother-child relationship, more recent research has highlighted the father’s role in
FIGURE 6 Although the wire “mother”
dispensed milk to the hungry infant
monkey, the infant preferred the soft,
terry-cloth “mother.” Do you think
human babies would react the same
way? What does this experiment tell us
about attachment? (Source: Harry Harlow
Primate Laboratory/University of Wisconsin.)
Alert
Attachment—the positive
emotional bond that devel-
ops between a child and a
particular individual—is a
key concept in understand-
ing the social development of
children.
400
Chapter 12 Development
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parenting—and with good reason: The number of fathers who are primary caregivers
for their children has grown significantly, and fathers play an increasingly important
role in their children’s lives. For example, in almost 13% of families with children,
the father is the parent who stays at home to care for preschoolers (Parke, 2004; Day
& Lamb, 2004; Halford, 2006).
When fathers interact with their children, their play often differs from mothers’
play. Fathers engage in more physical, rough-and-tumble sorts of activities, whereas
mothers play more verbal and traditional games, such as peekaboo. Despite such
behavioral differences, the nature of attachment between fathers and children com-
pared with that between mothers and children can be similar. In fact, children can
form multiple attachments simultaneously (Borisenko, 2007; Pellis & Pellis, 2007;
Diener et al., 2008).
Social Relationships with Peers. By the time they are 2 years old, children become
less dependent on their parents, more self-reliant, and increasingly prefer to play
with friends. Initially, play is relatively independent: Even though they may be sitting
side by side, 2-yearolds pay more attention to toys than to one another when playing.
Later, however, children actively interact, modify one another’s behavior, and
exchange roles during play (Lindsey & Colwell, 2003; Colwell & Lindsey, 2005).
Cultural factors also affect children’s styles of play. For example, Korean-American
children engage in less pretend play than their Anglo-American counterparts (Bai,
2005; Drewes, 2005; Suizzo & Bornstein, 2006).
As children reach school age, their social interactions begin to follow set patterns
and become more frequent. They may engage in elaborate games involving teams
and rigid rules. This play serves purposes other than mere enjoyment. It allows
children to become increasingly competent in their social interactions with others.
Through play they learn to take the perspective of other people and to infer others’
thoughts and feelings, even when those thoughts and feelings are not directly
expressed (Royzman, Cassidy, & Baron, 2003).
In short, social interaction helps children interpret the meaning of others’ behav-
ior and develop the capacity to respond appropriately. Furthermore, children learn
physical and emotional self-control: They learn to avoid hitting a playmate who
beats them at a game. They learn to be polite and to control their emotional displays
and facial expressions (e.g., smiling even when receiving a disappointing gift). Situ-
ations that provide children with opportunities for social interaction, then, may
enhance their social development (Feldman, 1993; Talukdar & Shastri, 2006; White-
bread et al., 2009).
The Consequences of Child Care Outside the Home. Research on the importance
of social interaction is corroborated by work that examines the benefits of child care
out of the home, which is an important part of an increasing number of children’s
lives. For instance, almost 30% of preschool children whose mothers work outside
the home spend their days in child-care centers. By the age of 6 months, almost
two-thirds of infants are cared for by people other than their mothers for part of the
day. Most of these infants begin child care before the age of 4 months and are cared
for by people other than their mothers almost 30 hours per week (NICHD Early
Child Care Research Network, 2006; National Research Council, 2001; see Figure 7).
Do child-care arrangements outside the home benefit children’s development? If
the programs are of high quality, they can. According to the results of a large study
supported by the U.S. National Institute of Child Health and Development, children
who attend high-quality child-care centers may not only do as well as children who
stay at home with their parents, but in some respects they may actually do better.
Children in child care are generally more considerate and sociable than other children
are, and they interact more positively with teachers. They may also be more compliant
and regulate their own behavior more effectively. And their mothers show increased
sensitivity to their children (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, 1999, 2001).
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Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 401
11% 12% 54% 12% 7% 4%
4⁄2 Years ites | |
: a
5 21% 20% 31% 13% 8% 7%
So
<
36% 22% 9% 13% 10% 10%
| | | | | | | ] T
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Percentage of Children
| Mother Child care home Center
a Father Ea Grandparent In home
In addition, especially for children from poor or disadvantaged homes, child care
in specially enriched environments—those with many toys, books, a variety of chil-
dren, and high-quality providers—often proves to be more intellectually stimulating
than the home environment. Such child care can lead to increased intellectual achieve-
ment, demonstrated in higher IQ scores, and better language development. In fact,
children in care centers sometimes are found to score higher on tests of cognitive
abilities than those who are cared for by their mothers or by sitters or home day-care
providers—effects that last into adulthood (Wilgoren, 1999; Burchinal, Roberts, &
Riggins, 2000; Dearing, McCartney, & Taylor, 2009).
However, child care outside the home does not have universally positive out-
comes. Children may feel insecure after placement in low-quality child care or in
multiple child-care settings. Furthermore, some research suggests that infants who
are involved in outside care more than 20 hours a week in the first year show less
secure attachment to their mothers than do those who have not been in child care
outside the home. Finally, children who spent long hours in child care as infants and
preschoolers may have a reduced ability to work independently and to manage their
time effectively when they reach elementary school (NICHD Early Child Care
Research Network, 2001; Vandell et al., 2005; Pluess & Belsky, 2009).
The key to the success of nonparental child care is its quality. High-quality child
care produces benefits; low-quality child care provides little or no gain and may even
hinder children’s development. In short, significant benefits result from the social
interaction and intellectual stimulation provided by high-quality child-care centers—
especially for children from impoverished environments (NICHD Early Child Care
Research Network, 2000, 2002; National Association for the Education of Young Chil-
dren, 2005; Zaslow, Halle, & Martin, 2006).
Parenting Styles and Social Development. Parents’ child-rearing practices are
critical in shaping their children’s social competence. According to classic research
by developmental psychologist Diana Baumrind, four main categories describe
different parenting styles (Figure 8). Rigid and punitive, authoritarian parents
value unquestioning obedience from their children. They have strict standards and
discourage expressions of disagreement. Permissive parents give their children
relaxed or inconsistent direction and, although they are warm, require little of
FIGURE 7 According to a study by the
National Institute of Child Health and
Human Development, children were
more likely to spend time in some kind
of child care outside the home or family
as they got older. (Source: NICHD, 2006).
authoritarian parents Parents who are
rigid and punitive and value unques-
tioning obedience from their children.
permissive parents Parents who give
their children relaxed or inconsistent
direction and, although they are warm,
require little of them.
402 Chapter 12 Development
authoritative parents Parents who are
firm, set clear limits, reason with their
children, and explain things to them.
uninvolved parents Parents who
show little interest in their children
and are emotionally detached.
> Study Alert
Know the four major types of
child-rearing practices—
authoritarian, permissive,
authoritative, and
uninvolved—and their
effects.
temperament Basic, innate disposition.
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Type of Behavior
Parenting Style Parent Behavior Produced in Child
Authoritarian Rigid, punitive, strict standards (example: Unsociable, unfriendly, withdrawn
“If you don't clean your room, I'm going
to take away your iPod for good and
ground you.’)
Permissive Lax, inconsistent, undemanding (example: Immature, moody, dependent,
“It might be good to clean your room, but low self-control
| guess it can wait.’)
Authoritative Firm, sets limits and goals, uses reasoning, Good social skills, likable,
encourages independence (example:"You'll self-reliant, independent
need to clean your room before we can
go out to the restaurant. As soon as you
finish, we'll leave.)
Uninvolved Detached emotionally, sees role only as Indifferent, rejecting behavior
providing food, clothing, and shelter
(example: “I couldn't care less if your room
is a pigsty.’)
FIGURE 8 According to developmental psychologist Diana Baumrind (1971), four main
parenting styles characterize child rearing.
them. In contrast, authoritative parents are firm and set limits for their children.
As the children get older, these parents try to reason and explain things to them.
They also set clear goals and encourage their children’s independence. Finally,
uninvolved parents show little interest in their children. Emotionally detached,
they view parenting as nothing more than providing food, clothing, and shelter
for children. At their most extreme, uninvolved parents are guilty of neglect, a
form of child abuse (Baumrind, 2005; Winsler, Madigan, & Aquilino, 2005; Lagacé-
Séguin & d’Entremont, 2006).
As you might expect, the four kinds of child-rearing styles seem to produce very
different kinds of behavior in children (with many exceptions, of course). Children
of authoritarian parents tend to be unsociable, unfriendly, and relatively withdrawn.
In contrast, permissive parents’ children show immaturity, moodiness, dependence,
and low self-control. The children of authoritative parents fare best: With high social
skills, they are likable, self-reliant, independent, and cooperative. Worst off are the
children of uninvolved parents; they feel unloved and emotionally detached, and
their physical and cognitive development are impeded (Saarni, 1999; Snyder, Cramer,
& Afrank, 2005; Berk, 2005).
Before we rush to congratulate authoritative parents and condemn authoritarian,
permissive, and uninvolved ones, it is important to note that in many cases non-
authoritative parents also produce perfectly well-adjusted children. Moreover, children
are born with a particular temperament—a basic, innate disposition. Some children
are naturally easygoing and cheerful, whereas others are irritable and fussy or pen-
sive and quiet. The kind of temperament a baby is born with may in part bring about
specific kinds of parental child-rearing styles (Majdandzic & van den Boom, 2007;
Miner & Clarke-Stewart, 2008; Coplan, Reichel, & Rowan, 2009).
In addition, children vary considerably in their degree of resilience, the ability to
overcome circumstances that place them at high risk for psychological or even phys-
ical harm. Highly resilient children have temperaments that evoke positive responses
from caregivers. Such children display unusual social skills: outgoingness, intelli-
gence, and a feeling that they have control over their lives. In a sense, resilient chil-
dren try to shape their own environment rather than being victimized by it (Luthar,
Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000; Deater-Deckard, Ivy, & Smith, 2005; Vellacott, 2007). (Also
see PsychWork.)
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Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 403
Children are among the most vulnerable members of society.
When they face abuse or neglect, a child protective services Psyc hWo rk
agency intervenes, and a caseworker is assigned to advocate CHILD PROTECTION CASEWORKER
for the child.
Jason Larson, a child protection caseworker with the Child
and Family Services Division of the Montana Department of
Public Health and Human Services, notes that every case is Name o onia on
unique. “The age of the children, the physical condition of the Position: Child Protection Caseworker
parents or caretakers, the physical condition of the home, Education: BS in Human Services, Montana
whether the alleged perpetrator is living in the home or has State University
access to the child are all factors to be considered,” he said.
“In addition, whether or not I can corroborate the information quickly enough to
gauge whether or not a child can stay in the home or needs to be removed is impor-
tant as well,” he added.
Larson, who has been a caseworker for the past 15 years, works in a remote area
of Montana which provides its own set of challenges. “Living and serving the rural
part of Montana I have to be very creative with the services we have, as we are very
limited in a lot of small towns across Montana,” Larson noted. “As a result, we use
many different approaches to protect children.”
One of those approaches, according to Larson, is a process called Family Group
Decision Making, meetings in which the parents and all the service providers are at
one table discussing the children and the family’s situation.
“Everyone goes around the room and explains their concerns, and once this is
complete, a plan is made for them to follow,” he notes. “These meetings are very effec-
tive in assisting the family as a whole so that we can apply all the resources available.”
We also need to keep in mind that these findings regarding child rearing styles
apply primarily to U.S. society, which highly values children’s growing indepen-
dence and diminishing reliance on their parents. In contract, Japanese parents encour-
age dependence to promote the values of cooperation and community life. These
differences in cultural values result in very different philosophies of child rearing.
For example, Japanese mothers believe it is a punishment to make a young child
sleep alone; thus, many children sleep next to their mothers throughout infancy and
toddlerhood (Kawasaki et al., 1994; Dennis et al., 2002; Jones, 2007).
In sum, a child’s upbringing results from the child-rearing philosophy parents
hold, the specific practices they use, and the nature of their own and their child’s
personalities. As is the case with other aspects of development, then, behavior is a
function of a complex interaction of environmental and genetic factors.
Erikson’s Theory of Psychosocial Development. In tracing the course of social
development, some theorists have considered how the challenges of society and cul-
ture change as an individual matures. Following this path, psychoanalyst Erik Erik-
son developed one of the more comprehensive theories of social development.
Erikson (1963) viewed the developmental changes that occur throughout life as a
series of eight stages of psychosocial development; of these, four occur during child-
hood. Psychosocial development involves changes in our interactions and under-
standing of one another as well as in our knowledge and understanding of ourselves
as members of society.
Erikson suggests that passage through each of the stages necessitates the resolu-
tion of a crisis or conflict. Accordingly, Erikson represents each stage as a pairing of
the most positive and most negative aspects of the crisis of that period. Although
each crisis is never resolved entirely—life becomes increasingly complicated as we
grow older—it has to be resolved sufficiently to equip us to deal with demands made
during the following stage of development.
psychosocial development Develop-
ment of individuals’ interactions and
understanding of each other and of
their knowledge and understanding of
themselves as members of society.
404
© Lee Lorenz/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
Chapter 12 Development
“Please, Jason. Don’t you want to grow up
to be an autonomous person?”
trust-versus-mistrust stage According
to Erikson, the first stage of psycho-
social development, occurring from
birth to age 1% years, during which
time infants develop feelings of trust
or lack of trust.
autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt
stage The period during which,
according to Erikson, toddlers (ages
1% to 3 years) develop independence
and autonomy if exploration and
freedom are encouraged or shame and
self-doubt if they are restricted and
overprotected.
initiative-versus-guilt stage Accord-
ing to Erikson, the period during
which children ages 3 to 6 years
experience conflict between indepen-
dence of action and the sometimes
negative results of that action.
industry-versus-inferiority stage
According to Erikson, the last stage of
childhood, during which children age 6
to 12 years may develop positive social
interactions with others or may feel
inadequate and become less sociable.
y Alert
Four of Erikson’s stages of
psychosocial development
occur during childhood:
trust-versus-mistrust,
autonomy-versus-shame-
and-doubt, initiative-versus-guilt,
and industry-versus inferiority.
cognitive development The process
by which a child’s understanding of
the world changes as a function of
age and experience.
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In the first stage of psychosocial development, the trust-versus-mistrust
stage (ages birth to 1% years), infants develop feelings of trust if their physical
requirements and psychological needs for attachment are consistently met and
their interactions with the world are generally positive. In contrast, inconsistent
care and unpleasant interactions with others can lead to mistrust and leave an
infant unable to meet the challenges required in the next stage of development.
In the second stage, the autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt stage (ages 114
to 3 years), toddlers develop independence and autonomy if exploration and
freedom are encouraged, or they experience shame, self-doubt, and unhappi-
ness if they are overly restricted and protected. According to Erikson, the key
to the development of autonomy during this period is that the child’s caregiv-
ers provide the appropriate amount of control. If parents provide too much
control, children cannot assert themselves and develop their own sense of con-
trol over their environment; if parents provide too little control, the children
become overly demanding and controlling.
Next, children face the crises of the initiative-versus-guilt stage (ages 3 to 6). In
this stage, children’s desire to act independently conflicts with the guilt that comes
from the unintended and unexpected consequences of such behavior. Children in this
period come to understand that they are persons in their own right, and they begin
to make decisions about their behavior. If parents react positively to children’s
attempts at independence, they will help their children resolve the initiative-versus-
guilt crisis positively.
The fourth and last stage of childhood is the industry-versus-inferiority stage
(ages 6 to 12). During this period, increasing competency in all areas, whether social
interactions or academic skills, characterizes successful psychosocial development. In
contrast, difficulties in this stage lead to feelings of failure and inadequacy.
Erikson’s theory suggests that psychosocial development continues throughout
life, and he proposes four more crises that are faced after childhood (described in
the next module). Although his theory has been criticized on several grounds—such
as the imprecision of the concepts he employs and his greater emphasis on male
development than female development—it remains influential and is one of the few
theories that encompass the entire life span.
COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT: CHILDREN’S
THINKING ABOUT THE WORLD
Suppose you had two drinking glasses of different shapes—one short and broad and
one tall and thin. Now imagine that you filled the short, broad one with soda about
halfway and then poured the liquid from that glass into the tall one. The soda would
appear to fill about three-quarters of the second glass. If someone asked you whether
there was more soda in the second glass than there had been in the first, what would
you say?
You might think that such a simple question hardly deserves an answer; of
course, there is no difference in the amount of soda in the two glasses. However,
most 4-year-olds would be likely to say that there is more soda in the second glass.
If you then poured the soda back into the short glass, they would say there is now
less soda than there was in the taller glass.
Why are young children confused by this problem? The reason is not immedi-
ately obvious. Anyone who has observed preschoolers must be impressed by how
far they have progressed from the early stages of development. They speak with ease,
know the alphabet, count, play complex games, use computers, tell stories, and com-
municate ably. Yet despite this seeming sophistication, there are deep gaps in chil-
dren’s understanding of the world. Some theorists have suggested that children
cannot understand certain ideas and concepts until they reach a particular stage of
cognitive development—the process by which a child’s understanding of the world
changes as a function of age and experience. In contrast to the theories of physical
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Module 37
Cognitive Stage Approximate Age Range
Sensorimotor Birth—2 years
Preoperational 2-7 years
Concrete operational 7—|2 years
Formal operational 12 years—adulthood
FIGURE 9 According to Piaget, all children pass through four stages of cognitive development.
and social development discussed earlier (such as those of Erikson), theories of
cognitive development seek to explain the quantitative and qualitative intellectual
advances that occur during development.
Piaget’s Theory of Cognitive Development. No theory of cognitive development
has had more impact than that of Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget. Piaget (1970) sug-
gested that children around the world proceed through a series of four stages in a
fixed order. He maintained that these stages differ not only in the quantity of infor-
mation acquired at each stage but in the quality of knowledge and understanding as
well. Taking an interactionist point of view, he suggested that movement from one
stage to the next occurs when a child reaches an appropriate level of maturation and
is exposed to relevant types of experiences. Piaget assumed that, without having such
experiences, children cannot reach their highest level of cognitive growth.
Piaget proposed four stages: the sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete opera-
tional, and formal operational (see Figure 9). Let’s examine each of them and the
approximate ages that they span.
Sensorimotor Stage: Birth to 2 Years. During the sensorimotor stage, children base
their understanding of the world primarily on touching, sucking, chewing, shaking,
and manipulating objects. In the initial part of the stage, children have relatively little
competence in representing the environment by using images, language, or other
kinds of symbols. Consequently, infants lack what Piaget calls object permanence, the
awareness that objects—and people—continue to exist even if they are out of sight.
How can we know that children lack object permanence? Although we cannot
ask infants, we can observe their reactions when a toy they are playing with is hid-
den under a blanket. Until the age of about 9 months, children will make no attempt
to locate the hidden toy. However, soon after that age they will begin an active
search for the missing object, indicating that they have developed a mental repre-
sentation of the toy. Object permanence, then, is a critical development during the
sensorimotor stage.
Preoperational Stage: 2 to 7 Years. The most important development during the
preoperational stage is the use of language. Children develop internal representa-
tional systems that allow them to describe people, events, and feelings. They even use
symbols in play, pretending, for example, that a book pushed across the floor is a car.
Although children use more advanced thinking in this stage than they did in the
earlier sensorimotor stage, their thinking is still qualitatively inferior to that of adults.
We see this when we observe a preoperational child using egocentric thought, a way
of thinking in which the child views the world entirely from his or her own perspective.
Preoperational children think that everyone shares their perspective and knowledge.
Infancy and Childhood 405
Major Characteristics
Development of object permanence,
development of motor skills, little
or no capacity for symbolic
representation
Development of language and
symbolic thinking, egocentric thinking
Development of conservation, mastery
of concept of reversibility
Development of logical and abstract
thinking
y Alert
Use Figure 9 to help remem-
ber Piaget's stages of
cognitive development.
sensorimotor stage According to
Piaget, the stage from birth to 2 years,
during which a child has little compe-
tence in representing the environment
by using images, language, or other
symbols.
object permanence The awareness
that objects—and people—continue to
exist even if they are out of sight.
preoperational stage According to
Piaget, the period from 2 to 7 years of
age that is characterized by language
development.
egocentric thought A way of thinking
in which a child views the world
entirely from his or her own perspective.
406 Chapter 12 Development
Children who have not mastered the
principle of conservation assume that
the volume of a liquid increases when it
is poured from a short, wide container
to a tall, thin one. What other tasks
might a child under age 7 have difficulty
comprehending?
principle of conservation The
knowledge that quantity is unrelated
to the arrangement and physical
appearance of objects.
concrete operational stage According
to Piaget, the period from 7 to 12 years
of age that is characterized by logical
thought and a loss of egocentrism.
formal operational stage According
to Piaget, the period from age 12 to
adulthood that is characterized by
abstract thought.
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Thus, children’s stories and explanations to adults can be maddeningly uninformative
because they are delivered without any context. For example, a preoperational child
may start a story with, “He wouldn't let me go,” neglecting to mention who “he” is or
where the storyteller wanted to go. We also see egocentric thinking when children at
the preoperational stage play hiding games. For instance, 3-year-olds frequently hide
with their faces against a wall and covering their eyes—although they are still in plain
view. It seems to them that if they cannot see, then no one else will be able to see them
because they assume that others share their view.
In addition, preoperational children have not yet developed the ability to under-
stand the principle of conservation, which is the knowledge that quantity is unre-
lated to the arrangement and physical appearance of objects. Children who have not
mastered this concept do not know that the amount, volume, or length of an object
does not change when its shape or configuration changes. The question about the
two glasses—one short and broad and the other tall and thin—with which we began
our discussion of cognitive development illustrates this point clearly. Children who
do not understand the principle of conservation invariably state that the amount of
liquid changes as it is poured back and forth. They cannot comprehend that a trans-
formation in appearance does not imply a transformation in amount. Instead, it
seems as reasonable to the child that there is a change in quantity as it does to the
adult that there is no change.
In a number of other ways, some quite startling, the failure to understand the
principle of conservation affects children’s responses. Research demonstrates that chil-
dren during the preoperational period may completely misunderstand principles that
are obvious to and unquestioned by adults and that children do not grasp the concept
of conservation until the next stage of cognitive development (see Figure 10).
Concrete Operational Stage: 7 to 12 Years. Mastery of the principle of conservation
marks the beginning of the concrete operational stage. However, children do not
fully understand some aspects of conservation—such as conservation of weight and
volume—for a number of years.
During the concrete operational stage, children develop the ability to think in a
more logical manner and begin to overcome some of the egocentrism characteristic
of the preoperational period. One of the major principles children learn during this
stage is reversibility, the idea that some changes can be undone by reversing an
earlier action. For example, they can understand that when someone rolls a ball of
clay into a long sausage shape, that person can recreate the original ball by reversing
the action. Children can even conceptualize this principle in their heads without
having to see the action performed before them.
Although children make important advances in their logical capabilities during
the concrete operational stage, their thinking still displays one major limitation: They
are largely bound to the concrete, physical reality of the world. For the most part,
they have difficulty understanding questions of an abstract or hypothetical nature.
Formal Operational Stage: 12 Years to Adulthood. The formal operational stage
produces a new kind of thinking that is abstract, formal, and logical. Thinking is no
longer tied to events that individuals observe in the environment but makes use of
logical techniques to resolve problems.
The way in which children approach the “pendulum problem” devised by Piaget
(Piaget & Inhelder, 1958) illustrates the emergence of formal operational thinking. The
problem solver is asked to figure out what determines how fast a pendulum swings.
Is it the length of the string, the weight of the pendulum, or the force with which the
pendulum is pushed? (For the record, the answer is the length of the string.)
Children in the concrete operational stage approach the problem haphazardly
without a logical or rational plan of action. For example, they may simultaneously
change the length of the string, the weight on the string, and the force with which
they push the pendulum. Because they are varying all the factors at once, they can-
not tell which factor is the critical one. In contrast, people in the formal operational
stage approach the problem systematically. Acting as if they were scientists conducting
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Conservation Modality Change in Average age
of... physical appearance at full mastery
Number Number of elements Rearranging or 6-7 years
in a collection dislocating elements
eeeeeeecece 0000000000
eoeeeeecece eoeeeeeece
Substance Amount of a Altering shape 7-8 years
(mass) malleable substance
(e.g., clay
or liquid) C a
Length Length of a line or Altering shape or 7-8 years
object configuration
eeoeeeeeecce £} $
Area Amount of surface Rearranging the figures 8-9 years
covered by a set of
plane figures E] m
al eh
Ses ET lu
Weight Weight of an object Altering shape 9-10 years
=
pe i | |
=
Volume Volume of an object Altering shape 14-15 years
(in terms of water
displacement)
an experiment, they examine the effects of changes in one variable at a time. This
ability to rule out competing possibilities characterizes formal operational thought.
Although formal operational thought emerges during the teenage years, some
individuals use this type of thinking only infrequently. Moreover, it appears that
many individuals never reach this stage at all; most studies show that only 40-60%
of college students and adults fully reach it, with some estimates running as low as
25% of the general population. In addition, in certain cultures—particularly those
that are less technically oriented than Western societies—almost no one reaches the
formal operational stage (Keating & Clark, 1980; Super, 1980; Genovese, 2006).
Stages Versus Continuous Development: Is Piaget Right? No other theorist has given
us as comprehensive of a theory of cognitive development as Piaget. Still, many
contemporary theorists suggest that a better explanation of how children develop
cognitively can be provided by theories that do not involve a stage approach. For
instance, children are not always consistent in their performance of tasks that—if
Piaget’s theory is accurate—ought to be performed equally well at a particular stage
(Feldman, 2003, 2004).
Furthermore, some developmental psychologists suggest that cognitive develop-
ment proceeds in a more continuous fashion than Piaget’s stage theory implies. They
Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 407
FIGURE 10 These tests are frequently
used to assess whether children have
learned the principle of conservation
across a variety of dimensions. Do you
think children in the preoperational stage
can be taught to avoid conservation
mistakes before the typical age of
mastery?
408 Chapter 12 Development
information processing The way in
which people take in, use, and store
information.
metacognition An awareness and
understanding of one’s own cognitive
processes.
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propose that cognitive development is primarily quantitative rather than qualitative.
They argue that although there are differences in when, how, and to what extent a
child can use specific cognitive abilities—reflecting quantitative changes, the under-
lying cognitive processes change relatively little with age (Gelman & Baillargeon,
1983; Case & Okamoto, 1996).
Piaget also underestimated the age at which infants and children can understand
specific concepts and principles; in fact, they seem to be more sophisticated in their
cognitive abilities than Piaget believed. For instance, some evidence suggests that
infants as young as 5 months have rudimentary mathematical skills (Wynn, Bloom,
& Chiang, 2002; McCrink & Wynn, 2007; van Marle & Wynn, 2009).
Despite such criticisms, most developmental psychologists agree that although
the processes that underlie changes in cognitive abilities may not unfold in the man-
ner Piaget’s theory suggests, he has generally provided us with an accurate account
of age-related changes in cognitive development. Moreover, his theory has had an
enormous influence in education. For example, Piaget suggests that individuals can-
not increase their cognitive performance unless both cognitive readiness brought
about by maturation and appropriate environmental stimulation are present. This
view has inspired the nature and structure of educational curricula and teaching
methods. Researchers have also used Piaget’s theory and methods to investigate
issues surrounding animal cognition, such as whether primates show object perma-
nence (they seem to; Hauser, 2000; Egan, 2005; Cunningham, 2006).
INFORMATION-PROCESSING APPROACHES:
CHARTING CHILDREN’S MENTAL PROGRAMS
If cognitive development does not proceed as a series of stages as Piaget suggested,
what does underlie the enormous growth in children’s cognitive abilities that even
the most untutored eye can observe? To many developmental psychologists, changes
in information processing, the way in which people take in, use, and store informa-
tion, account for cognitive development (Lacerda, von Hofsten, & Heimann, 2001;
Cashon & Cohen, 2004; Munakata, 2006).
According to this approach, quantitative changes occur in children’s ability to
organize and manipulate information. From this perspective, children become
increasingly adept at information processing, much as a computer program may
become more sophisticated as a programmer modifies it on the basis of experience.
Information-processing approaches consider the kinds of “mental programs” that
children invoke when approaching problems.
Several significant changes occur in children’s information-processing capabili-
ties. For one thing, speed of processing increases with age as some abilities become
more automatic. The speed at which children can scan, recognize, and compare stim-
uli increases with age. As they grow older, children can pay attention to stimuli
longer and discriminate between different stimuli more readily, and they are less
easily distracted (Myerson et al., 2003; Van den Wildenberg & Van der Molen, 2004).
Memory also improves dramatically with age. Preschoolers can hold only two
or three chunks of information in short-term memory, 5-year-olds can hold four, and
7-year-olds can hold five. (Adults are able to keep seven, plus or minus two, chunks
in short-term memory.) The size of the chunks also grows with age, as does the
sophistication and organization of knowledge stored in memory (see Figure 11). Still,
memory capabilities are impressive at a very early age: Even before they can speak,
infants can remember for months events in which they actively participated (Cowan
et al., 2003; Bayliss et al., 2005a).
Finally improvement in information processing relates to advances in metacognition,
an awareness and understanding of one’s own cognitive processes. Metacognition
involves the planning, monitoring, and revising of cognitive strategies. Younger chil-
dren, who lack an awareness of their own cognitive processes, often do not realize
their incapabilities. Thus, when they misunderstand others, they may fail to recognize
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Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 409
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their own errors. It is only later, when metacognitive abilities become more sophisti-
cated, that children are able to know when they don’t understand. Such increasing
sophistication reflects a change in children’s theory of mind, their knowledge and
beliefs about the way the mind operates (Bernstein, Loftus, & Meltzoff, 2005; Matthews
& Funke, 2006; Lockl & Schneider, 2007).
Vygotsky’s View of Cognitive Development: Considering Culture. According to
Russian developmental psychologist Lev Vygotsky, the culture in which we are raised
significantly affects our cognitive development. In an increasingly influential view,
Vygotsky suggests that the focus on individual performance of both Piagetian and
information-processing approaches is misplaced. Instead, he holds that we cannot
understand cognitive development without taking into account the social aspects of
learning (Vygotsky, 1926/1997; Maynard & Martini, 2005; Rieber & Robinson, 2006).
Vygotsky argues that cognitive development occurs as a consequence of social
interactions in which children work with others to jointly solve problems. Through
such interactions, children’s cognitive skills increase, and they gain the ability to
function intellectually on their own. More specifically, he suggests that children’s
cognitive abilities increase when they encounter information that falls within their
zone of proximal development. The zone of proximal development (ZPD) is the
level at which a child can almost, but not fully, comprehend or perform a task on
his or her own. When children receive information that falls within the ZPD, they
can increase their understanding or master a new task. In contrast, if the information
lies outside children’s ZPD, they will not be able to master it (see Figure 12).
Performance
Performance
Unaided Aided
Child A
Unaided Aided
Child B
FIGURE 11 Memory span increases
with age for both numbers and letters.
(Source: Adapted from Dempster, 1981.)
zone of proximal development
(ZPD) According to Vygotsky, the
level at which a child can almost, but
not fully, comprehend or perform a
task on his or her own.
FIGURE 12 Although the performances
of the two children working at a task
without aid are similar, the second child
benefits more from aid and thus has a
larger zone of proximal development
(ZPD).
410 Chapter 12 Development
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In short, cognitive development occurs when parents, teachers, or skilled peers
assist a child by presenting information that is both new and within the ZPD. This
type of assistance, called scaffolding, provides support for learning and problem solv-
ing that encourages independence and growth. Vygotsky claims that scaffolding not
only promotes the solution of specific problems, but also aids in the development of
overall cognitive abilities (Schaller & Crandall, 2004).
More than other approaches to cognitive development, Vygotsky’s theory consid-
ers how an individual’s specific cultural and social context affects intellectual growth.
The way in which children understand the world grows out of interactions with
parents, peers, and other members of a specific culture (John-Steiner & Mahn, 2003;
Kozulin et al., 2003).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the major competencies of newborns?
e Newborns, or neonates, have reflexes—unlearned,
involuntary responses that occur automatically in the
presence of certain stimuli. (p. 393)
e Sensory abilities also develop rapidly; infants can distin-
guish color, depth, sound, tastes, and smells relatively
soon after birth. (p. 394)
e After birth, physical development is rapid; children
typically triple their birthweight in a year. (p. 397)
What are the milestones of physical and social development
during childhood?
e Attachment—the positive emotional bond between a
to 2 years), the preoperational stage (2 to 7 years), the
concrete operational stage (7 to 12 years), and the formal
operational stage (12 years to adulthood). (p. 404)
e Information-processing approaches suggest that quanti-
tative changes occur in children’s ability to organize and
manipulate information about the world, such as signifi-
cant increases in speed of processing, attention span, and
memory. In addition, children advance in metacognition,
the awareness and understanding of one’s own cognitive
processes. (p. 408)
e Vygotsky argued that children’s cognitive development
occurs as a consequence of social interactions in which
children and others work together to solve problems.
(p. 409)
child and a particular individual—marks social develop-
ment in infancy. Measured in the laboratory by means of
EVALUATE
the Ainsworth stranger situation, attachment relates to
later social and emotional adjustment. (p. 398)
1. Researchers studying newborns use , or the
e As children become older, the nature of their social inter-
actions with peers changes. Initially play occurs rela-
tively independently, but it becomes increasingly
cooperative. (p. 400)
The different child-rearing styles include authoritarian,
permissive, authoritative, and uninvolved. (p. 401)
According to Erikson, eight stages of psychosocial devel-
opment involve people’s changing interactions and
understanding of themselves and others. During child-
hood, the four stages are trust-versus-mistrust (birth to
1% years), autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt (1% to
3 years), initiative-versus-guilt (3 to 6 years), and industry-
versus-inferiority (6 to 12 years). (p. 403)
How does cognitive development proceed during childhood?
Piaget’s theory suggests that cognitive development
proceeds through four stages in which qualitative
changes occur in thinking: the sensorimotor stage (birth
. Erikson’s theory of
decrease in the response to a stimulus that occurs after re-
peated presentations of the same stimulus, as an indicator
of a baby’s interest.
. The emotional bond that develops between a child and its
caregiver is known as
. Match the parenting style with its definition:
1. Permissive a. Rigid; highly punitive;
2. Authoritative demanding obedience
3. Authoritarian b. Gives little direction; lax on
4, Uninvolved obedience
c. Firm but fair; tries to explain paren-
tal decisions
d. Emotionally detached and unloving
development involves a
series of eight stages, each of which must be resolved for a
person to develop optimally.
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5. Match the stage of development with the thinking style
characteristic of that stage:
1. Egocentric thought a. Sensorimotor
2. Object permanence b. Formal operational
3. Abstract reasoning c. Preoperational
4. Conservation; d. Concrete operational
reversibility
6. - theories of development suggest
that the way in which a child handles information is criti-
cal to his or her development.
7. According to Vygotsky, information that is within a child’s
is most
likely to result in cognitive development.
KEY TERMS
trust-versus-mistrust
stage p. 404
autonomy-versus-shame-
and-doubt stage p. 404
initiative-versus-guilt
neonate p. 393
reflexes p. 393
habituation p. 395
attachment p. 398
authoritarian parents p. 401
Module 37 Infancy and Childhood 411
RETHINK
1. Do you think the widespread use of IQ testing in the
United States contributes to parents’ views that their chil-
dren’s academic success is due largely to the children’s in-
nate intelligence? Why? Would it be possible (or desirable)
to change this view?
2. From the perspective of a child-care provider: If a parent was
not sure whether to enroll his or her child in your pro-
gram, what advice would you give about the possible pos-
itive and negative consequences about day care?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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‘2-1 °g ‘Teosoypdsd ‘p ‘p-p ‘e-¢ o-z ‘q-q 'e QuauTYpeHe ‘z ‘uoyenyqey T
sensorimotor stage p. 405 formal operational
object permanence p. 405 stage p. 406
preoperational information
stage p.405 processing p. 408
egocentric thought p. 405 metacognition p. 408
permissive parents p. 401
authoritative parents p. 402
uninvolved parents p. 402
temperament p. 402
psychosocial
development p. 403
stage p. 404
industry-versus-inferiority
stage p. 404
cognitive development p. 404
principle of
conservation p. 406
concrete operational
stage p. 406
zone of proximal
development
(ZPD) p. 409
What major physical, social,
and cognitive transitions
characterize adolescence?
adolescence The developmental stage
between childhood and adulthood.
412
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Joseph Charles, Age 13: Being 13 is very hard at school. I have to be bad in order to be
considered cool. I sometimes do things that aren’t good. I have talked back to my
teachers and been disrespectful to them. I do want to be good, but it’s just too hard.
(Gibbs, 2005, p. 51)
Trevor Kelson, Age 15: “Keep the Hell Out of my Room!” says a sign on Trevor’s
bedroom wall, just above an unmade bed, a desk littered with dirty T-shirts and candy
wrappers, and a floor covered with clothes. Is there a carpet? “Somewhere,” he says
with a grin. “I think it’s gold.” (Fields-Meyer, 1995, p. 53)
Lauren Barry, Age 18: “I went to a National Honor Society induction. The parents were
just staring at me. I think they couldn’t believe someone with pink hair could be smart.
I want to be a high-school teacher, but I’m afraid that, based on my appearance, they
won't hire me.” (Gordon et al., 1999, p. 47)
Although Joseph, Trevor, and Lauren have never met, they share anxieties that are
common to adolescence—concerns about friends, parents, appearance, independence,
and their futures. Adolescence, the developmental stage between childhood and
adulthood, is a crucial period. It is a time of profound changes and, occasionally,
turmoil. Considerable biological change occurs as adolescents attain sexual and phys-
ical maturity. At the same time and rivaling these physiological changes, important
social, emotional, and cognitive changes occur as adolescents strive for independence
and move toward adulthood.
Because many years of schooling precede most people’s entry into the workforce
in Western societies, the stage of adolescence is fairly long; it begins just before the
teenage years and ends just after them. Adolescents are no longer children, yet soci-
ety doesn’t quite consider them adults. They face a period of rapid physical, cogni-
tive, and social change that affects them for the rest of their lives.
Dramatic changes in society also affect adolescents’ development. More than half
of all children in the United States will spend all or some of their childhood and
adolescence in single-parent families. Furthermore, adolescents spend considerably
less time with their parents and more with their peers than they did several decades
ago. Finally, the ethnic and cultural diversity of adolescents as a group is increasing
dramatically. A third of all adolescents today are of non-European descent; by the
year 2050 the number of adolescents of Hispanic, African-American, Native-American,
and Asian origin collectively will surpass that of whites (National Adolescent Health
Information Center, 2003).
Physical Development:
The Changing Adolescent
If you think back to the start of your own adolescence, the most dramatic changes
you probably remember are physical. A spurt in height, the growth of breasts in
girls, deepening voices in boys, the development of body hair, and intense sexual
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Module 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult 413
Height spurt
Penis growth
First
ejaculation
Pubic hair
Age (years)
Average male
Height spurt
Onset of
menstruation
Breast
development
Pubic hair
Age (years)
Average female
feelings cause curiosity, interest, and sometimes embarrassment for individuals
entering adolescence.
The physical changes that occur at the start of adolescence result largely from
the secretion of various hormones, and they affect virtually every aspect of an ado-
lescent’s life. Not since infancy has development been so dramatic. Weight and height
increase rapidly because of a growth spurt that typically begins around age 10 for
girls and age 12 for boys. Adolescents may grow as much as 5 inches in one year.
Puberty, the period at which maturation of the sexual organs occurs, begins at
about age 11 or 12 for girls, when menstruation starts. However, there are wide
variations (see Figure 1). For example, some girls begin to menstruate as early as age
8 or 9 or as late as age 16. Furthermore, in Western cultures, the average age at which
adolescents reach sexual maturity has been steadily decreasing over the last century
most likely as a result of improved nutrition and medical care. Sexual attraction to
others begins even before the maturation of the sexual organs at around age 10 (see
Figure 1; Tanner, 1990; Finlay, Jones, & Coleman, 2002).
For boys, the onset of puberty is marked by their first ejaculation, known as
spermarche. Spermarche usually occurs around the age of 13 (see Figure 1). At first,
relatively few sperm are produced during an ejaculation, but the amount increases
significantly within a few years.
The age at which puberty begins has implications for the way adolescents feel
about themselves—as well as the way others treat them. Early-maturing boys have
a distinct advantage over later-maturing boys. They do better in athletics, are gener-
ally more popular with peers, and have more positive self-concepts (Ge et al., 2003;
Becker & Luthar, 2007).
FIGURE 1 The range of ages during
which major sexual changes occur during
adolescence is shown by the colored
bars. (Source: Based on Tanner, 1978.)
puberty The period at which matura-
tion of the sexual organs occurs,
beginning at about age 11 or 12 for
girls and 13 or 14 for boys.
414 Chapter 12 Development
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The picture differs for girls. Although early-maturing girls
are more sought after as dates and have better self-esteem than
later-maturing girls, some consequences of early physical mat-
uration may be less positive. For example, early breast devel-
opment may set them apart from their peers and be a source
of ridicule (Franko & Striegel-Moore, 2002; Olivardia & Pope,
2002; Nadeem & Graham, 2005).
Late physical maturation may produce certain psycho-
logical difficulties for both boys and girls. Boys who are
smaller and less coordinated than their more mature peers
tend to feel ridiculed and less attractive. Similarly, late-matur-
ing girls are at a disadvantage in middle school and early high
school. They hold relatively low social status and may be over-
looked in dating (Lanza & Collins, 2002).
Clearly, the rate at which physical changes occur during
Although puberty begins around 11 or 12 for girls and 13 or 14 for adolescence can affect the way in which people are viewed by
boys, there are wide variations. What are some of the advantages others and the way they view themselves. Just as important
and disadvantages of early puberty?
as physical changes, however, are the psychological and social
changes that unfold during adolescence.
Moral and Cognitive
Development: Distinguishing
Right from Wrong
In a European country, a woman is near death from a special kind of cancer. The one drug
that the doctors think might save her is a medicine that a medical researcher has recently
discovered. The drug is expensive to make, and the researcher is charging ten times the
cost, or $5,000, for a small dose. The sick woman’s husband, Henry, approaches everyone
he knows in hope of borrowing money, but he can get together only about $2,500. He tells
the researcher that his wife is dying and asks him to lower the price of the drug or let him
pay later. The researcher says, “No, I discovered the drug, and I’m going to make money
from it.” Henry is desperate and considers stealing the drug for his wife.
What would you tell Henry to do?
KOHLBERG’S THEORY OF MORAL DEVELOPMENT
In the view of psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg, the advice you give Henry reflects
your level of moral development. According to Kohlberg, people pass through a
series of stages in the evolution of their sense of justice and in the kind of reasoning
they use to make moral judgments (Kohlberg, 1984). Largely because of the various
cognitive limitations that Piaget described, preadolescent children tend to think
either in terms of concrete, unvarying rules (“It is always wrong to steal” or “TIl be
punished if I steal”) or in terms of the rules of society (“Good people don’t steal” or
“What if everyone stole?”).
Adolescents, however, have typically reached Piaget’s formal operational stage of
cognitive development and can reason on a higher plane. Because they are able to com-
prehend broad moral principles, they can understand that morality is not always black
and white and that conflict can exist between two sets of socially accepted standards.
Kohlberg (1984) suggests that the changes in moral reasoning can be understood
best as a three-level sequence (see Figure 2). His theory assumes that people move
through the levels in a fixed order and that they cannot reach the highest level until
about age 13—primarily because of limitations in cognitive development before that
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Level
Level | Preconventional
morality: At this level, the
concrete interests of the
individual are considered in
terms of rewards and
punishments.
Level 2 Conventional morality:
At this level, people approach
moral problems as members
of society. They are interested
in pleasing others by acting as
good members of society.
Level 3 Postconventional
morality: At this level, people
use moral principles which are
Module 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult
Sample Moral Reasoning of Subjects
In Favor of Stealing the Drug
“If you let your wife die, you will get
in trouble. You'll be blamed for not
spending the money to save her,
and there'll be an investigation of
you and the druggist for your wife's
death.”
“If you let your wife die, you'll never
be able to look anybody in the face
again.”
“If you don't steal the drug, and if
you let your wife die, you'll always
condemn yourself for it afterward.
seen as broader than those of
any particular society.
You won't be blamed and you'll
the law, but you won't have lived
up to your own conscience and
standards of honesty.”
FIGURE 2 Developmental psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg theorized that people move
through a three-level sequence of moral reasoning in a fixed order. However, he contended
that few people ever reach the highest level of moral reasoning.
age. However, many people never reach the highest level of moral reasoning. In fact,
Kohlberg found that only a relatively small percentage of adults rise above the sec-
ond level of his model (Kohlberg & Ryncarz, 1990; Hedgepeth, 2005; Powers, 2006).
Although Kohlberg’s theory has had a substantial influence on our understand-
ing of moral development, the research support is mixed. One difficulty with the
theory is that it pertains to moral judgments, not moral behavior. Knowing right from
wrong does not mean that we will always act in accordance with our judgments. In
addition, the theory applies primarily to Western society and its moral code; cross-
cultural research conducted in cultures with different moral systems suggests that
Kohlberg’s theory is not necessarily applicable (Coles, 1997; Damon, 1999; Nucci,
2002; Barandiaran, Pascual, & Samaniego, 2006).
MORAL DEVELOPMENT IN WOMEN
One glaring shortcoming of Kohlberg’s research is that he primarily used male par-
ticipants. Furthermore, psychologist Carol Gilligan (1996) argues that because of men’s
and women’s distinctive socialization experiences, a fundamental difference exists in
the way each gender views moral behavior. According to Gilligan, men view morality
primarily in terms of broad principles, such as justice and fairness. In contrast, women
see it in terms of responsibility toward individuals and willingness to make sacrifices
to help a specific individual within the context of a particular relationship. Compassion
for individuals is a more salient factor in moral behavior for women than it is for men.
Because Kohlberg’s model defines moral behavior largely in terms of abstract
principles such as justice, Gilligan finds that it inadequately describes females’ moral
development. She suggests that women’s morality centers on individual well-being
and social relationships—a morality of caring. In her view, compassionate concern
for the welfare of others represents the highest level of morality.
have lived up to the outside rule of
Against Stealing the Drug
“You shouldn't steal the drug because
you'll be caught and sent to jail if
you do. If you do get away, your
conscience will bother you thinking
how the police will catch up with you
at any minute.’
“After you steal the drug, you'll feel
bad thinking how you've brought
dishonor on your family and yourself;
you won't be able to face anyone
again.”
“If you steal the drug, you won't be
blamed by other people, but you'll
condemn yourself because you won't
have lived up to your own conscience
and standards of honesty.’
415
416 Chapter 12 Development
y Alert
The difference between the
Kohlberg and Gilligan
approaches to moral
development is significant.
Kohlberg’s theory focuses
on stages and Gilligan's rests
on gender differences.
identity-versus-role-confusion
stage According to Erikson, a time in
adolescence of major testing to
determine one’s unique qualities.
identity The distinguishing character
of the individual: who each of us is,
what our roles are, and what we are
capable of.
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The fact that Gilligan’s conception of morality differs greatly from Kohlberg’s
suggests that gender plays an important role in determining what a person sees as
moral. Although the research evidence is not definitive, it seems plausible that their
differing conceptions of what constitutes moral behavior may lead men and women
to regard the morality of a specific behavior in different ways (Jorgensen, 2006;
Sherblom, 2008; Walker & Frimer, 2009).
Social Development: Finding
One's Self in a Social World
“Who am 1?” “How do I fit into the world?” “What is life all about?”
Questions such as these assume special significance during the teenage years, as
adolescents seek to find their place in the broader social world. As we will see, this
quest takes adolescents along several routes.
ERIKSON’S THEORY OF PSYCHOSOCIAL
DEVELOPMENT: THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development emphasizes the search for identity
during the adolescent years. As noted earlier, psychosocial development encom-
passes the way people’s understanding of themselves, one another, and the world
around them changes during the course of development (Erikson, 1963).
The fifth stage of Erikson’s theory (summarized, with the other stages, in Figure 3),
the identity-versus-role-confusion stage, encompasses adolescence. During this stage,
a time of major testing, people try to determine what is unique about themselves. They
attempt to discover who they are, what their strengths are, and what kinds of roles
they are best suited to play for the rest of their lives—in short, their identity. A person
confused about the most appropriate role to play in life may lack a stable identity,
Stage
|. Trust-vs.-mistrust
confusion
8. Ego-integrity-vs.-
despair
2. Autonomy-vs.-shame-
and-doubt
3. Initiative-vs.-guilt
4. Industry-vs.-inferiority
5. Identity-vs.-role-
6. Intimacy-vs.-isolation
7. Generativity-vs.-
stagnation
Approximate Age
Birth—|'/2 years
| '/2-3 years
3—6 years
6-12 years
Adolescence
Early adulthood
Middle adulthood
Late adulthood
Positive Outcomes
Feelings of trust from
environmental support
Self-sufficiency if exploration is
encouraged
Discovery of ways to initiate
actions
Development of sense of
competence
Awareness of uniqueness of self,
knowledge of role to be followed
Development of loving, sexual
relationships and close friendships
Sense of contribution to
continuity of life
Sense of unity in life's
accomplishments
Negative Outcomes
Fear and concern
regarding others
Doubts about self, lack
of independence
Guilt from actions and
thoughts
Feelings of inferiority,
no sense of mastery
Inability to identify
appropriate roles in life
Fear of relationships
with others
Trivialization of one's
activities
Regret over lost
opportunities of life
FIGURE 3 Erikson’s stages of psychosocial development. According to Erikson, people
proceed through eight stages of psychosocial development across their lives. He suggested
that each stage requires the resolution of a crisis or conflict and may produce both positive
and negative outcomes.
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Module 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult 417
adopt an unacceptable role such as that of a social deviant, or have
difficulty maintaining close personal relationships later in life |
(Updegraff et al., 2004; Vleioras & Bosma, 2005; Goldstein, 2006). i
During the identity-versus-role-confusion period, an adolescent
feels pressure to identify what to do with his or her life. Because these
pressures come at a time of major physical changes as well as impor-
tant changes in what society expects of them, adolescents can find the
period an especially difficult one. The identity-versus-role-confusion
stage has another important characteristic: declining reliance on adults
for information with a shift toward using the peer group as a source
of social judgments. The peer group becomes increasingly important,
enabling adolescents to form close, adult-like relationships and help-
ing them clarify their personal identities. According to Erikson, the
identity-versus-role-confusion stage marks a pivotal point in psycho-
social development, paving the way for continued growth and the
future development of personal relationships.
During early adulthood, people enter the intimacy-versus-
isolation stage. Spanning the period of early adulthood (from post-
adolescence to the early 30s), this stage focuses on developing close
relationships with others. Difficulties during this stage result in feel-
ings of loneliness and a fear of such relationships; successful reso-
lution of the crises of this stage results in the possibility of forming relationships
that are intimate on a physical, intellectual, and emotional level.
Development continues during middle adulthood as people enter the generativity-
versus-stagnation stage. Generativity is the ability to contribute to one’s family,
community, work, and society and to assist the development of the younger genera-
tion. Success in this stage results in a person’s feeling positive about the continuity
of life; difficulties in this stage lead a person to feel that his or her activities are
trivial or stagnant and have done nothing for upcoming generations. In fact, if a
person has not successfully resolved the identity crisis of adolescence, he or she may
still be foundering, for example, in identifying an appropriate career.
Finally, the last stage of psychosocial development, the ego-integrity-versus-
despair stage, spans later adulthood and continues until death. Now a sense of
accomplishment signifies success in resolving the difficulties presented by this stage
of life; failure to resolve the difficulties results in regret over what might have been
achieved but was not.
Notably, Erikson’s theory suggests that development does not stop at adoles-
cence but continues throughout adulthood. A substantial amount of research now
confirms this view. For instance, a 22-year study by psychologist Susan Whitbourne
found considerable support for the fundamentals of Erikson’s theory; the study
determined that psychosocial development continues through adolescence and adult-
hood. In sum, adolescence is not an end point but rather a way station on the path
of psychosocial development (Whitbourne et al., 1992; McAdams et al., 1997).
Although Erikson’s theory provides a broad outline of identity development,
critics have pointed out that his approach is anchored in male-oriented concepts of
individuality and competitiveness. In an alternative conception, psychologist Carol
Gilligan suggests that women may develop identity through the establishment of
relationships. In her view, a primary component of women’s identity is the construc-
tion of caring networks among themselves and others (Gilligan, 2004).
Lest gener ia
the world-
STORMY ADOLESCENCE: MYTH OR REALITY?
Does puberty invariably foreshadow a stormy, rebellious period of adolescence?
At one time, psychologists thought that most children entering adolescence were
beginning a period fraught with stress and unhappiness. However, research now
shows that this characterization is largely a myth, that most young people pass
ee! We buy you the VS
THE WORLD'S FIRST GENETICALLY ENGINEERED
HUMAN HITS ADOLESCENCE
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intimacy-versus-isolation
stage According to Erikson, a period
during early adulthood that focuses on
developing close relationships.
generativity-versus-stagnation
stage According to Erikson, a period
in middle adulthood during which we
take stock of our contributions to
family and society.
ego-integrity-versus-despair
stage According to Erikson, a period
from late adulthood until death during
which we review life’s accomplish-
ments and failures.
418 Chapter 12 Development
y Alert
The characterization of a
stormy adolescence is a
myth for most adolescents.
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through adolescence without appreciable turmoil in their lives, and that parents
speak easily—and fairly often—with their children about a variety of topics (van Wel,
Linssen, & Abma, 2000; Granic, Hollenstein, & Dishion, 2003).
Not that adolescence is completely calm! In most families with adolescents, the
amount of arguing and bickering clearly rises. Most young teenagers, as part of their
search for identity, experience tension between their attempts to become independent
from their parents and their actual dependence on them. They may experiment with
a range of behaviors and flirt with a variety of activities that their parents, and even
society as a whole, find objectionable. Happily, though, for most families such ten-
sions stabilize during middle adolescence—around age 15 or 16—and_ eventually
decline around age 18 (Smetana, Daddis, & Chuang, 2003; Smetana, 2005).
One reason for the increase in discord during adolescence appears to be the pro-
tracted period in which children stay at home with their parents. In prior historical
periods—and in some non-Western cultures today—children leave home immediately
after puberty and are considered adults. Today, however, sexually mature adolescents
may spend as many as seven or eight years with their parents. Current social trends
even hint at an extension of the conflicts of adolescence beyond the teenage years
because a significant number of young adults—known as boomerang children—return
to live with their parents, typically for economic reasons, after leaving home for some
period. Although some parents welcome the return of their children, others are less
sympathetic, which opens the way to conflict (Bianchi & Casper, 2000; Lewin, 2003).
Another source of strife with parents lies in the way adolescents think. Adolescence
fosters adolescent egocentrism, a state of self-absorption in which a teenager views the
world from his or her own point of view. Egocentrism leads adolescents to be highly
critical of authority figures, unwilling to accept criticism, and quick to fault others. It
also makes them believe that they are the center of everyone else’s attention, which
leads to self-consciousness. Furthermore, they develop personal fables, the belief that their
experience is unique, exceptional, and shared by no one else. Such personal fables may
make adolescents feel vulnerable to the risks that threaten others (Tucker Blackwell,
2006; Alberts, Elkind, & Ginsberg, 2007; Schwartz, Maynard, & Uzelac, 2008).
Finally, parent-adolescent discord occurs because adolescents are much more apt
to engage in risky behavior than later in life. In large part, their riskiness is due to
the immaturity of brain systems that regulate impulse control, some of which do not
fully develop until people are in their 20s (Steinberg, 2007).
ADOLESCENT SUICIDE
Although the vast majority of teenagers pass through adolescence without major
psychological difficulties, some experience unusually severe psychological problems.
Sometimes those problems become so extreme that adolescents
take their own lives. Suicide is the third leading cause of death for
adolescents (after accidents and homicide) in the United States.
More teenagers and young adults die from suicide than from can-
cer, heart disease, AIDS, birth defects, stroke, pneumonia and influ-
enza, and chronic lung disease combined (CDC, 2004b).
A teenager commits suicide every 90 minutes. Furthermore, the
reported rate of suicide may actually be understated because medical
personnel hesitate to report suicide as a cause of death. Instead, they
frequently label a death as an accident in an effort to protect the sur-
vivors. Overall, as many as 200 adolescents may attempt suicide for
every one who actually takes his or her own life (CDC, 2000; Brausch
& Gutierrez, 2009).
Male adolescents are five times more likely to commit suicide
These students are kneeling by a friend’s tombstone. The rate than females, although females attempt suicide more often than
of suicide among teenagers has risen significantly over the males. The rate of adolescent suicide is significantly greater
last few decades. Can you think of any reasons for this among whites than among nonwhites. However, the suicide rate
phenomenon? of African-American males has increased much more rapidly than
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Module 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult
Family problems
Peer relationships
Self-esteem
Just to talk
Drugs and alcohol
Abuse
Sexuality
School problems
Death
Mental illness
Spirituality
Pregnancy
Other
Legal issue
Eating disorder
AIDS
o
om
o
15 20 25 30
Percentage of calls mentioning the concern
FIGURE 4 According to a review of phone calls to one telephone help line, adolescents who
were considering suicide most often mentioned family, peer relationships, and self-esteem
problems. (Source: Boehm & Campbell, 1995.)
that of white males over the last two decades. Native Americans have the highest
suicide rate of any ethnic group in the United States, and Asian Americans have the
lowest rate (CDC, 2004b; Gutierrez et al., 2005; Boden, Fergusson, & Horwood, 2007).
Although the rate of suicide has slowly declined, the rates are still higher for
adolescents than any other age group except for the elderly. Some psychologists sug-
gest that the sharp rise in stress that teenagers experience—in terms of academic and
social pressure, alcoholism, drug abuse, and family difficulties—provokes the most
troubled adolescents to take their own lives. However, that is not the whole story
because the suicide rate for other age groups has remained fairly stable in the last
few decades. It is unlikely that stress has increased only for adolescents and not for
the rest of the population (Lubell et al., 2004).
Although the question of why adolescent suicide rates are so high remains unan-
swered, several factors put adolescents at risk. One factor is depression, characterized
by unhappiness, extreme fatigue, and—a variable that seems especially important—a
profound sense of hopelessness. In other cases, adolescents who commit suicide are
perfectionists who are inhibited socially and prone to extreme anxiety when they face
any social or academic challenge (see Figure 4; CDC, 2004b; Richardson et al., 2005;
Caelian, 2006).
Family background and adjustment difficulties are also related to suicide. A long-
standing history of conflicts between parents and children may lead to adolescent
behavior problems, such as delinquency, dropping out of school, and aggressive
tendencies. In addition, teenage alcoholics and abusers of other drugs have a relatively
high rate of suicide (Winstead & Sanchez, 2005; Bagge & Sher, 2008; Hardt et al., 2008).
35
40
45
419
420 Chapter 12 Development
Around the World
Rites of Passage: Coming of Age
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Several warning signs indicate when a teenager’s problems may be severe
enough to warrant concern about the possibility of a suicide attempt. They include
the following:
e School problems, such as missing classes, truancy, and a sudden change in grades
e Frequent incidents of self-destructive behavior, such as careless accidents
e Loss of appetite or excessive eating
e Withdrawal from friends and peers
e Sleeping problems
e Signs of depression, tearfulness, or overt indications of psychological difficulties,
such as hallucinations
e A preoccupation with death, an afterlife, or what would happen “if I died”
e Putting affairs in order, such as giving away prized possessions or making
arrangements for the care of a pet
e An explicit announcement of thoughts of suicide
If you know someone who shows signs that he or she is suicidal, urge that per-
son to seek professional help. You may need to take assertive action, such as enlist-
ing the assistance of family members or friends. Talk of suicide is a serious signal
for help and not a confidence to be kept.
For immediate help with a suicide-related problem, call (800) 273-8255, a national
hotline staffed with trained counselors, or access www.suicidepreventionlifeline.org.
i It is not easy for male members of the Awa tribe in New Guinea
Exploring DIVERSITY
to make the transition from childhood to adulthood. First come
whippings with sticks and prickly branches both for the boys’
own past misdeeds and in honor of those tribesmen who were
killed in warfare. In the next phase of the ritual, adults jab
sharpened sticks into the boys’ nostrils. Then they force a five-
foot length of vine into the boys’ throats until they gag and vomit. Finally, tribesmen
cut the boys’ genitals, causing severe bleeding.
Although the rites that mark the coming of age of boys in the Awa tribe sound
horrifying to Westerners, they are comparable to those in other cultures. In some,
youths must kneel on hot coals without displaying pain. In others, girls must toss wads
of burning cotton from hand to hand and allow themselves to be bitten by hundreds of
ants (Selsky, 1997).
Other cultures have less fearsome although no less important ceremonies that mark
the passage from childhood to adulthood. For instance, when a girl first menstruates in
traditional Apache tribes, the event is marked by dawn-to-dusk chanting. Western
religions, too, have several types of celebrations, including bar mitzvahs and bat
mitzvahs at age 13 for Jewish boys and girls, respectively, and confirmation ceremonies
for children in many Christian denominations (Magida, 2006).
In most societies, males are the focus of coming-of-age ceremonies. The renowned
anthropologist Margaret Mead remarked, only partly in jest, that the preponderance of
male ceremonies might reflect the fact that “the worry that boys will not grow up to be
men is much more widespread than that girls will not grow up to be women” (1949,
p. 195). Said another way, it may be that in most cultures men traditionally have higher
status than women, and therefore those cultures regard boys’ transition into adulthood
as more important.
However, another fact may explain why most cultures place greater emphasis on
male rather than female rites. For females, the transition from childhood is marked by
a definite biological event: menstruation. For males, in contrast, no single event can be
used to pinpoint entry into adulthood. Thus, men are forced to rely on culturally
determined rituals to acknowledge their arrival into adulthood.
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Module 38 Adolescence: Becoming an Adult 421
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. ______ proposed a set of three levels of moral
development ranging from reasoning based on rewards
What major physical, social, and cognitive transitions charac- ancl parnighnaranis io EEE O imeobane aonanale
terize adolescence?
; of justice.
$ Adolescence the developmental Peene ca 4. Erikson believed that during adolescence, people must
hood and adulthood, is marked by the onset of puberty, A
search for —— ~ , whereas during the early adult-
the point at which sexual maturity occurs. The age at
which puberty begins has implications for the way
people view themselves and the way others see
them. (p. 412) RETHINK
e Moral judgments during adolescence increase in sophis-
tication, according to Kohlberg’s three-level model.
Although Kohlberg’s levels provide an adequate de-
scription of males’ moral judgments, Gilligan suggests
that women view morality in terms of caring for individ-
uals rather than in terms of broad general principles of
justice. (p. 414)
e According to Erikson’s model of psychosocial develop-
ment, adolescence may be accompanied by an identity
crisis. Adolescence is followed by three more stages of
psychosocial development that cover the remainder
hood, the major task is
1. In what ways do school cultures help or hurt teenage
students who are going through adolescence? What school
policies might benefit early-maturing girls and late-
maturing boys? Explain how same-sex schools could help
students going through adolescence, as some have argued.
2. From the perspective of a social worker: How might you
determine if an adolescent is at risk for suicide? What
strategies would you use to prevent the teen from
committing suicide? Would you use different strategies
depending on the teenager’s gender?
of the life span. (p. 416) Answers to Evaluate Questions
e Suicide is the third leading cause of death in Aeuur ‘ApHUApt p BION *¢ 127 amyeur
adolescents. (p. 418) Aau} FI Jayyns syusosapope eyeuray pue sfeur y0q ‘asTey Z ‘Ayszaqnd ‘Tf
EVALUATE
T. is the period during which the sexual organs
begin to mature.
2. Delayed maturation typically provides both males and
females with a social advantage. True or false?
KEY TERMS
adolescence p. 412 identity p. 416 generativity-versus- ego-integrity-versus-despair
puberty p. 413 intimacy-versus-isolation stagnation stage p. 417 stage p. 417
identity-versus-role- stage p. 417
confusion stage p. 416
What are the principal kinds
of physical, social, and intel-
lectual changes that occur in
early and middle adulthood,
and what are their causes?
How does the reality of late
adulthood differ from the
stereotypes about that
period?
How can we adjust to death?
emerging adulthood The period
beginning in the late teenage years and
extending into the mid-20s.
422
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I thought I got better as I got older. I found out that wasn’t the case in a real hurry last
year. After going twelve years in professional football and twelve years before that in
amateur football without ever having surgery performed on me, the last two seasons of
my career I went under the knife three times. It happened very quickly and without
warning, and I began to ask myself, “Is this age? Is this what’s happening?” Because up
until that moment, I’d never realized that I was getting older. (Kotre & Hall, 1990,
pp. 257, 259-260)
As a former professional football player, Brian Sipes intensely felt the changes in his
body brought about by aging. But the challenges he experienced are part of a normal
process that affects all people as they move through adulthood.
Psychologists generally agree that early adulthood begins around age 20 and
lasts until about age 40 to 45 when middle adulthood begins and continues until
around age 65. Despite the enormous importance of these periods of life in terms
of both the accomplishments that occur in them and their overall length (together
they span some 44 years), they have been studied less than has any other stage.
For one reason, the physical changes that occur during these periods are less
apparent and more gradual than those at other times during the life span. In
addition, the diverse social changes that arise during this period defy simple
categorization.
The variety of changes that occur in early adulthood have led many develop-
mental psychologists to view the start of the period as a transitional phase called
emerging adulthood. Emerging adulthood is the period beginning in the late teen-
age years and extending into the mid-20s. During emerging adulthood, people are
no longer adolescents, but they haven’t fully taken on the responsibilities of adult-
hood. Instead, they are still engaged in determining who they are and what their
life and career paths should be (Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005; Bukobza, 2009;
Lamborn & Groh, 2009).
The view that adulthood is preceded by an extended period of emerging
adulthood reflects the reality that the economies of industrialized countries have
shifted away from manufacturing to an economy that focuses on technology and
information and thus requires increases in time spent in educational training. Fur-
thermore, the age at which most people marry and have children has risen sig-
nificantly (Arnett, 2007).
There’s also an increasing ambivalence about reaching adulthood. When people
in their late teens and early 20s are asked if they feel they have reached adulthood,
most say “yes and no” (see Figure 1). In short, emerging adulthood is an age of
identity exploration in which individuals are more self-focused and uncertain than
they will be later in early adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2006).
As we discuss the changes that occur through emerging adulthood, early adult-
hood, middle adulthood, and ultimately late adulthood, keep in mind the demarca-
tions between the periods are fuzzy. However, the changes are certainly no less
profound than they were in earlier periods of development.
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100
E Yes
90 E No
E Yes and no
Percentage
UI
te]
40
30
20
10
18-25 26-35 36-55
Age
FIGURE 1 Evidence of a period of emerging adulthood is provided by the responses to
a questionnaire asking, “Do you feel that you have reached adulthood?” Most people
between the ages of 18 and 25 were ambivalent, responding “yes and no.” Later, this
ambivalence disappeared, with most people 26-35 saying “yes.” (Source: Arnett, 2000).
Physical Development:
The Peak of Health
For most people, early adulthood marks the peak of physical health. From about 18
to 25 years of age, people’s strength is greatest, their reflexes are quickest, and their
chances of dying from disease are quite slim. Moreover, reproductive capabilities are
at their highest level.
Around age 25, the body becomes slightly less efficient and more susceptible to
disease. Overall, however, ill health remains the exception; most people stay remark-
ably healthy during early adulthood. (Can you think of any machine other than the
body that can operate without pause for so long a period?)
During middle adulthood, people gradually become aware of changes in their
bodies. They often experience weight gain (although they can avoid such increases
through diet and exercise). Furthermore, the sense organs gradually become less
sensitive, and reactions to stimuli are slower. But generally, the physical declines
that occur during middle adulthood are minor and often unnoticeable (DiGiovanna,
1994). The major biological change that does occur during middle adulthood per-
tains to reproductive capabilities. On average, during their late 40s or early 50s,
women begin menopause, during which they stop menstruating and are no longer
fertile. Because menopause is accompanied by a significant reduction in the pro-
duction of estrogen, a female hormone, women sometimes experience symptoms
such as hot flashes, sudden sensations of heat. Many symptoms can be treated
through hormone therapy (HT) in which menopausal women take the hormones
estrogen and progesterone.
However, hormone therapy poses several dangers, such as an increase in the
risk of breast cancer, blood clots, and coronary heart disease. These uncertainties
make the routine use of HT controversial. Currently, the medical consensus seems
to be that younger women with severe menopausal symptoms ought to consider
Module 39 Adulthood 423
menopause The period during which
women stop menstruating and are no
longer fertile.
424 Chapter 12 Development
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HT on a short-term basis. On the other hand, HT is less
appropriate for older women after menopause (Rossouw et
al., 2007; Lindh-Astrand, Brynhildsen, & Hoffmann, 2007;
MacLennan, 2009).
Menopause was once blamed for a variety of psycho-
logical symptoms, including depression and memory loss.
However, if such difficulties occur, they may be caused by
women’s expectations about reaching an “old” age in a soci-
ety that highly values youth. For example, women’s reactions
to menopause vary significantly across cultures. The more a
society values old age, the less difficulty its women have dur-
ing menopause (Elliot, Berman, & Kim, 2002; Beyene, Gilliss,
& Lee, 2007).
For men, the aging process during middle adulthood is
somewhat subtler. There are no physiological signals of
increasing age equivalent to the end of menstruation in
women; that is, no male menopause exists. In fact, men remain
fertile and capable of fathering children until well into late
adulthood. However, some gradual physical decline occurs.
Sperm production decreases, and the frequency of orgasm
tends to decline. Once again, though, any psychological dif-
Women’s reactions to menopause vary significantly across cultures. ficulties associated with these changes are usually brought
According to one study, the more a society values old age, the less = about by an aging individual’s inability to meet the exagger-
difficulty its women have during menopause. Why do you think ated standards of youthfulness and not by the person’s phys-
this would be the case?
ical deterioration.
Social Development:
Working at Life
Whereas physical changes during adulthood reflect development of a quantitative
nature, social developmental transitions are qualitative and more profound. During
this period, people typically launch themselves into careers, marriage, and families.
The entry into early adulthood is usually marked by leaving one’s childhood
home and entering the world of work. People envision life goals and make career
choices. Their lives often center on their careers, which form an important part of
their identity (Vaillant & Vaillant, 1990; Levinson, 1990, 1992).
In their early 40s, however, people may begin to question their lives as they enter
a period called the midlife transition. The idea that life will end at some point can
become more influential in their thinking, which leads them to question their past
accomplishments (Gould, 1978).
Although some psychologists—and popular opinion—suggest that physical
aging and dissatisfaction with one’s life mark a so-called “midlife crisis,” there
is little evidence for such a “crisis.” In fact, the passage into middle age is rela-
tively calm for most people. Most 40-year-olds view their lives and accomplish-
ments positively enough to proceed relatively smoothly through midlife, and the
40s and 50s are often a particularly rewarding period. Rather than looking to the
future, people concentrate on the present; their involvement with their families,
friends, and other social groups takes on new importance. A major developmen-
tal thrust of this period is coming to terms with one’s circumstances (Whitbourne,
2000, 2010).
Finally, during the last stages of adulthood, people become more accepting of
others and of their own lives and are less concerned about issues or problems that
once bothered them. They come to accept the fact that death is inevitable, and they
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try to understand their accomplishments in terms of the broader meaning of life.
Although people may begin for the first time to label themselves as “old,” many also
develop a sense of wisdom and feel freer to enjoy life (Baltes & Kunzmann, 2003;
Miner-Rubino, Winter, & Stewart, 2004; Ward-Baker, 2007).
Marriage, Children, and Divorce:
Family Ties
In the typical fairy tale, a dashing young man and a beautiful young woman marry,
have children, and live happily ever after. However, that scenario does not match
the realities of love and marriage in the 21st century. Today, it is just as likely that
the man and woman would first live together, then get married and have children,
but ultimately get divorced.
The percentage of U.S. households made up of unmarried couples has increased
dramatically over the last two decades. At the same time, the average age at which
marriage takes place is higher than at any time since the turn of the last century.
These changes have been dramatic, and they suggest that the institution of marriage
has changed considerably from earlier historical periods.
When people do marry, the probability of divorce is high, especially for younger
couples. Even though divorce rates have been declining since they peaked in 1981,
about half of all first marriages end in divorce. Before they are 18 years old, two-fifths
of children will experience the breakup of their parents’ marriages. Moreover, the
rise in divorce is not just a U.S. phenomenon: The divorce rate has accelerated over
the last several decades in most industrialized countries. In some countries, the
increase has been enormous. In South Korea, for example, the divorce rate quadru-
pled from 11% to 47% in the 12-year period ending in 2002 (Schaefer, 2000; Lankov,
2004; Olson & DeFrain, 2005).
Changes in marriage and divorce trends have doubled the number of single-
parent households in the United States over the last two decades. Almost 25% of
all family households are now headed by one parent compared with 13% in 1970.
If present trends continue, almost three-fourths of American children will spend
some portion of their lives in a single-parent family before they turn 18. For chil-
dren in minority households, the numbers are even higher. Almost 60% of all
black children and more than a third of all Hispanic children live in homes with
only one parent. Furthermore, in most single-parent families, the children live
with the mother rather than the father—a phenomenon that is consistent across
racial and ethnic groups throughout the industrialized world (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2000).
What are the economic and emotional consequences for children living in
homes with only one parent? Single-parent families are often economically less
well off, and this economic disadvantage has an impact on children’s opportuni-
ties. More than a third of single-mother families with children have incomes below
the poverty line. In addition, good child care at an affordable price is often hard
to find. Furthermore, for children of divorce, the parents’ separation is often a
painful experience that may result in obstacles to establishing close relationships
later in life. Children may blame themselves for the breakup or feel pressure to
take sides (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000; Wallerstein et al., 2000; Liu, He, &
Wu, 2007).
Most evidence suggests, however, that children from single-parent families are
no less well adjusted than those from two-parent families. In fact, children may be
more successful growing up in a harmonious single-parent family than in a two-
parent family that engages in continuous conflict (Harold et al., 1997; Clarke-Stewart
et al., 2000; Kelly, 2000; Olson & DeFrain, 2005).
Module 39 Adulthood
425
426
Chapter 12 Development
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Changing Roles of Men and
Women
One of the major changes in family life in the last two decades has been the evolu-
tion of men’s and women’s roles. More women than ever before act simultaneously
as wives, mothers, and wage earners—in contrast to women in traditional marriages
in which the husband is the sole wage earner and the wife assumes primary respon-
sibility for care of the home and children.
Close to 75% of all married women with school-age children are now employed
outside the home, and 55% of mothers with children under age 6 are working. In
the mid-1960s, only 17% of mothers of 1-year-olds worked full-time; now, more than
half are in the labor force (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2001; Halpern, 2005).
Most married working women are not free of household responsibilities. Even
in marriages in which the spouses hold jobs that have similar status and require
similar hours, the distribution of household tasks between husbands and wives has
not changed substantially. Working wives are still more likely than husbands to feel
responsible for traditional homemaking tasks such as cooking and cleaning. In con-
trast, husbands still view themselves as responsible primarily for household tasks
such as repairing broken appliances and doing yardwork (Ganong & Coleman, 1999;
Juster, Ono, & Stafford, 2002).
WOMEN’S “SECOND SHIFT”
Working mothers can put in a staggering number of hours. One survey, for instance,
found that if we add the number of hours worked on the job and in the home,
employed mothers of children under 3 years of age put in an average of 90 hours
per week! The additional work women perform is sometimes called the “second
shift.” National surveys show women who are both employed and mothers put in
an extra month of 24-hour days during the course of a year. Researchers see similar
patterns in many developing societies throughout the world, with women working
at full-time jobs and also having primary responsibilities for child care (Hochschild,
2001; Jacobs & Gerson, 2004; Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2007).
Consequently, rather than careers being a substitute for what women do at home,
they are often an addition to the role of homemaker. It is not surprising that some
wives feel resentment toward husbands who spend less time on child care and
housework than the wives had expected before the birth of their children (Kiecolt,
2003; Gerstel, 2005; Fagan & Press, 2008).
Later Years of Life: Growing Old
I’ve always enjoyed doing things in the mountains—hiking or, more recently, active
cliff-climbing. The more difficult the climb, the more absorbing it is. The climbs I really
remember are the ones I had to work on. Maybe a particular section where it took two
or three tries before I found the right combination of moves that got me up easily—and,
preferably, elegantly. It’s a wonderful exhilaration to get to the top and sit down and
perhaps have lunch and look out over the landscape and be so grateful that it’s still
possible for me to do that sort of thing. (Lyman Spitzer, age 74, quoted in Kotre & Hall,
1990, pp. 358-359)
If you can’t quite picture a 74-year-old rock-climbing, some rethinking of your view
of late adulthood may be in order. In spite of the societal stereotype of “old age” as
a time of inactivity and physical and mental decline, gerontologists, specialists who
study aging, are beginning to paint a very different portrait of late adulthood.
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100
Percentage of the U.S.
population 65 or older
80
v
S 60 Percentage of the U.S.
F population younger
2 than 65
2 40
20
1910 1930 1950 1970 1990 2010 2030 2050
Year
By focusing on the period of life that starts at around age 65, gerontologists are
making important contributions to clarifying the capabilities of older adults. Their
work is demonstrating that significant developmental processes continue even dur-
ing old age. And as life expectancy increases, the number of people who reach older
adulthood will continue to grow substantially (see Figure 2). Consequently, develop-
ing an understanding of late adulthood has become a critical priority for psycholo-
gists (Birren, 1996; Moody, 2000, Schaie, 2005b).
Physical Changes in Late
Adulthood: The Aging Body
Napping, eating, walking, conversing. It probably doesn’t surprise you that these
relatively nonstrenuous activities represent the typical pastimes of late adulthood.
But it is striking that these activities are identical to the most common leisure activ-
ities reported in a survey of college students (Harper, 1978). Although the students
cited more active pursuits—such as sailing and playing basketball—as their favorite
activities, in actuality they engaged in such sports relatively infrequently and spent
most of their free time napping, eating, walking, and conversing.
Although the leisure activities in which older adults engage may not differ all
that much from the ones that younger people pursue, many physical changes are, of
course, brought about by the aging process. The most obvious are those of appear-
ance—hair thinning and turning gray, skin wrinkling and folding, and sometimes a
slight loss of height as the thickness of the disks between vertebrae in the spine
decreases. But subtler changes also occur in the body’s biological functioning. For
example, sensory capabilities decrease as a result of aging: Vision, hearing, smell,
and taste become less sensitive. Reaction time slows, and physical stamina changes
(Stenklev & Laukli, 2004; Schieber, 2006; Madden, 2007).
What are the reasons for these physical declines? Genetic preprogramming
theories of aging suggest that human cells have a built-in time limit to their repro-
duction. These theories suggest that after a certain time cells stop dividing or
become harmful to the body—as if a kind of automatic self-destruct button had
been pushed. In contrast, wear-and-tear theories of aging suggest that the mechan-
ical functions of the body simply work less efficiently as people age. Waste by-
products of energy production eventually accumulate, and mistakes are made
when cells divide. Eventually the body in effect wears out like an old automobile
(Ly et al., 2000; Miquel, 2006; Hayflick, 2007).
Module 39 Adulthood 427
FIGURE 2 Projections suggest that by
the year 2050, 20% of the U.S.
population will be over age 65. What
implications does this statistic have for
U.S. society?
genetic preprogramming theories of
aging Theories that suggest that human
cells have a built-in time limit to their
reproduction and that they are no
longer able to divide after a certain time.
wear-and-tear theories of aging
Theories that suggest that the mechan-
ical functions of the body simply stop
working efficiently.
428 Chapter 12 Development
y Alert
Two major theories of aging—
the genetic preprogramming
and the wear-and-tear
views—explain some of
the physical changes that
take place in older adults.
FIGURE 3 Age-related changes in
intellectual skills vary according to the
specific cognitive ability in question.
(Source: Schaie, K. W. (2005). Longitudinal
studies. In Developmental influences on adult
intelligence: The Seattle Longitudinal Study,
Figure 5.7a (p. 127). Copyright © 2005 by
Oxford University Press, Inc. By permission of
Oxford University Press, Inc. www.oup.co.uk)
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Evidence supports both the genetic preprogramming and the wear-and-tear
views, and it may be that both processes contribute to natural aging. It is clear, how-
ever, that physical aging is not a disease but a natural biological process. Many
physical functions do not decline with age. For example, sex remains pleasurable
well into old age (although the frequency of sexual activity decreases), and some
people report that the pleasure they derive from sex increases during late adulthood
(Gelfand, 2000; DeLamater & Sill, 2005).
Cognitive Changes: Thinking
About—and During—
Late Adulthood
At one time, many gerontologists would have agreed with the popular view that
older adults are forgetful and confused. Today, however, most research indicates that
this assessment is far from an accurate one of older people’s capabilities.
One reason for the change in view is that more sophisticated research techniques
exist for studying the cognitive changes that occur in late adulthood. For example,
if we were to give a group of older adults an IQ test, we might find that the average
score was lower than the score achieved by a group of younger people. We might
conclude that this signifies a decline in intelligence. Yet, if we looked a little more
closely at the specific test, we might find that the conclusion was unwarranted. For
instance, many IQ tests include portions based on physical performance (such as
arranging a group of blocks) or on speed. In such cases, poorer performance on the
IQ test may be due to gradual decreases in reaction time—a physical decline that
accompanies late adulthood and has little or nothing to do with older adults’ intel-
lectual capabilities.
Other difficulties hamper research into cognitive functioning during late adulthood.
For example, older people are often less healthy than younger ones; when only healthy
older adults are compared to healthy younger adults, intellectual differences are far less
55
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in the 21st Century
Gaming in Late Adulthood:
How Video Games May
Improve Cognitive Functioning
in Older Adults
Have you ever had the experience of frit-
tering away an afternoon—or maybe even
an entire day—playing a video game such
as World of Warcraft or Grand Theft Auto? A
lot of people do. Perhaps you’ve told your-
self that you were doing something to im-
prove yourself beyond just whiling away
the time, such as increasing your eye-hand
coordination or honing your mental skills.
You may have been right, according to
some recent research that looked at the ben-
efits of playing video games. And that may
be especially true if you were an older adult.
tion are generally helpful, up to now it
hasn’t been clear if video games provide
the right kind of stimulation in the right
amounts to do the trick (Tsai et al., 2008;
Nunes & Kramer, 2009).
Recent studies are encouraging, how-
ever. In one study, older adults played a
real-time strategic video game called Rise of
Nations, which involves managing and de-
fending an empire of cities, for almost 24
hours over several sessions. Not only did
their skill at playing the game improve
over time, but they also showed improve-
ments in tests of real-world skills such as
task switching, short-term memory, and
reasoning (Basak et al., 2008).
In another study, groups of older and
younger adults received five weeks of
computerized cognitive skills training that
Claims of skill enhancement and even
improvements in cognitive ability from
playing video games are not new. There are
even games marketed specifically as “men-
tal workouts” that supposedly sharpen
became progressively more challenging.
After the training, both groups showed no-
ticeable increases in cognitive functioning
both in tests and in their daily lives. What’s
more, the effects tended to last and could
be measured several months after the train-
ing had concluded (Westerberg et al., 2008).
The potential benefits to those in late
adulthood of cognitive improvement
through video games are so promising that
the National Science Foundation recently
awarded a team of researchers at North
Carolina State University and Georgia Tech
a 4-year, $1 million grant to study the effects
on older adults of playing selected Nintendo
Wii games. The researchers will investigate
not only what cognitive improvements can
be realized from gaming, but also what as-
pects of playing games (such as the novelty
of the games or the social interaction they
require) are responsible for cognitive im-
provements. Ultimately they hope to create
new games based on their research that
maximizes the cognitive benefits to those in
late adulthood (Hamilton, 2009).
brain skills. But researchers have only re- RETHINK
cently become interested in the possible e What aspects of video games do you think would be most helpful in preventing
use of video games to help slow the normal cognitive declines in late adulthood?
declines of cognitive functioning in late e What other sorts of activities do you think would be helpful in averting such cogni-
adulthood. While research has found that tive deterioration?
activities that involve cognitive stimula-
evident. Furthermore, the average number of years in school is often lower in older
adults (for historical reasons) than in younger ones, and older adults may be less moti-
vated to perform well on intelligence tests than younger people. Finally, traditional IQ
tests may be inappropriate measures of intelligence in late adulthood. Older adults
sometimes perform better on tests of practical intelligence than younger individuals do
(Willis & Schaie, 1994; Dixon & Cohen, 2003).
Still, some declines in intellectual functioning during late adulthood do occur,
although the pattern of age differences is not uniform for different types of cognitive
abilities (see Figure 3). In general, skills relating to fluid intelligence (which involves
information-processing skills such as memory, calculations, and analogy solving) show
declines in late adulthood. In contrast, skills relating to crystallized intelligence (intelli-
gence based on the accumulation of information, skills, and strategies learned through
experience) remain steady and in some cases actually improve (Rozencwajg et al., 2005;
van Hooren, Valentijn, & Bosma, 2007; Kaufman, Johnson, & Liu, 2008).
Even when changes in intellectual functioning occur during later adulthood,
people often are able to compensate for any decline. They can still learn what they
want to learn; it may just take more time. Furthermore, teaching older adults strate-
gies for dealing with new problems can prevent declines in performance (Saczynski,
Willis, & Schaie, 2002; Cavallini, Pagnin, & Vecchi, 2003; Peters et al., 2007; also see
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century).
429
430 Chapter 12 Development
Although there are declines in fluid intelligence in late
adulthood, skills relating to crystallized intelligence
remain steady and may actually improve.
Alzheimer’s disease A progressive
brain disorder that leads to a gradual
and irreversible decline in cognitive
abilities.
y Alert
It’s important to be able to
describe the nature of intel-
lectual changes during late
adulthood.
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MEMORY CHANGES IN LATE ADULTHOOD:
ARE OLDER ADULTS FORGETFUL?
One of the characteristics most frequently attributed to late adulthood is
forgetfulness. How accurate is this assumption?
Most evidence suggests that memory change is not an inevitable part
of the aging process. For instance, research shows that older people in
cultures in which older adults are held in high esteem, such as mainland
China, are less likely to show memory losses than those living in cultures
in which the expectation is that memory will decline. Similarly, when older
people in Western societies are reminded of the advantages of age (for
example, “age brings wisdom”), they tend to do better on tests of memory
(Levy, 1996; Hess, Hinson, & Statham, 2004; Dixon, Rust, & Feltmate, 2007).
Even when people show memory declines during late adulthood, their
deficits are limited to certain types of memory. For instance, losses tend to
be limited to episodic memories that relate to specific experiences in peo-
ple’s lives. Other types of memories, such as semantic memories (that refer
to general knowledge and facts) and implicit memories (memories of which
we are not consciously aware) are largely unaffected by age (Fleischman et
al., 2004; Mitchell & Schmitt, 2006; St. Jacques & Levine, 2007).
Declines in episodic memories can often be traced to changes in older
adults’ lives. For instance, it is not surprising that a retired person, who
may no longer face the same kind of consistent intellectual challenges
encountered on the job, may have less practice in using memory or even
be less motivated to remember things, which leads to an apparent decline
in memory. Even in cases in which long-term memory declines, older
adults can profit from training that targets memory skills (Fritsch et al.,
2007; West, Bagwell, & Dark-Freudeman, 2007).
In the past, older adults with severe cases of memory decline accompanied by
other cognitive difficulties were said to suffer from senility. Senility is a broad, impre-
cise term typically applied to older adults who experience progressive deterioration
of mental abilities, including memory loss, disorientation to time and place, and
general confusion. Once thought to be an inevitable state that accompanies aging,
senility is now viewed by most gerontologists as a label that has outlived its useful-
ness. Rather than senility being the cause of certain symptoms, the symptoms are
deemed to be caused by some other factor.
Some cases of memory loss, however, are produced by actual disease. For
instance, Alzheimer’s disease is a progressive brain disorder that leads to a gradual
and irreversible decline in cognitive abilities. More than 5 million Americans have
the disease, and one in eight people age 65 and older are afflicted. Unless a cure is
found, some 14 million people will experience Alzheimer’s by 2050 (Feinberg, 2002;
Hurt et al., 2005; Rogers, 2007; Alzheimer’s Association, 2009).
Alzheimer’s occurs when production of the beta amyloid precursor protein goes
awry, producing large clumps of cells that trigger inflammation and deterioration of
nerve cells. The brain shrinks, neurons die, and several areas of the hippocampus
and frontal and temporal lobes deteriorate. So far, there is no effective treatment
(Wolfe, 2006; Medeiros et al., 2007; Behrens, Lendon, & Roe, 2009).
In other cases, cognitive declines may be caused by temporary anxiety and
depression, which can be treated successfully, or may even be due to overmedication.
The danger is that people with such symptoms may be left untreated, thereby con-
tinuing their decline (Selkoe, 1997; Sachs-Ericsson et al., 2005).
In sum, declines in cognitive functioning in late adulthood are, for the most
part, not inevitable. The key to maintaining cognitive skills may lie in intellectual
stimulation. Like the rest of us, older adults need a stimulating environment in
order to hone and maintain their skills (Bosma et al., 2003; Glisky, 2007; Hertzog
et al., 2008).
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Maintaining interests and activities one had during middle age can contribute to a more
successful late adulthood, according to the activity theory of aging.
THE SOCIAL WORLD OF LATE ADULTHOOD:
OLD BUT NOT ALONE
Just as the view that old age predictably means mental decline has proved to be
wrong, so has the view that late adulthood inevitably brings loneliness. People in
late adulthood most often see themselves as functioning members of society; only a
small number of them report that loneliness is a serious problem (Binstock & George,
1996; Jylha, 2004).
Certainly, late adulthood brings significant challenges. People who have spent their
adult lives working and then enter retirement bring about a major shift in the role they
play. Moreover, many people must face the death of their spouse. Especially if the mar-
riage has been a long and good one, the death of a partner means the loss of a com-
panion, confidante, and lover. It can also bring about changes in economic well-being.
There is no single way to age successfully. According to the disengagement
theory of aging, aging produces a gradual withdrawal from the world on physical,
psychological, and social levels. However, such disengagement serves an important
purpose of providing an opportunity for increased reflectiveness and decreased emo-
tional investment in others at a time of life when social relationships will inevitably
be ended by death (Adams, 2004; Wrosch, Bauer, & Scheier, 2005).
Because little research supports disengagement theory, alternative theories have
been suggested. According to the activity theory of aging, people who age most
successfully are those who maintain the interests, activities, and level of social inter-
action they experienced during middle adulthood. Activity theory argues that late
adulthood should reflect a continuation, as much as possible, of the activities in
which people participated during the earlier part of their lives (Crosnoe & Elder,
2002; Nimrod & Kleiber, 2007).
Although most research supports activity theory, not all people in late adulthood
need a life filled with activities and social interaction to be happy; as in every stage
of life, some older adults are just as satisfied leading a relatively inactive, solitary
existence. What may be more important is how people view the aging process: Evi-
dence shows that positive self-perceptions of aging are associated with increased
longevity (Levy et al., 2002; Levy & Myers, 2004).
Module 39 Adulthood 431
disengagement theory of aging
A theory that suggests that aging
produces a gradual withdrawal from
the world on physical, psychological,
and social levels.
activity theory of aging A theory that
suggests that the elderly who are most
successful while aging are those who
maintain the interests and activities
they had during middle age.
432 Chapter 12 Development
life review The process by which
people examine and evaluate their
lives.
BECOMING AN
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Regardless of how people age, most engage in a process of life review in which
they examine and evaluate their lives. Remembering and reconsidering what has
occurred in the past, people in late adulthood often come to a better understanding
of themselves. They sometimes resolve lingering problems and conflicts and face
their lives with greater wisdom and serenity.
Clearly, people in late adulthood are not just marking time until death. Rather,
old age is a time of continued growth and development as important as any other
period of life.
At some time in our lives, we all face death—certainly our own
INFORMED CONSUMER as well as the deaths of friends, loved ones, and even strangers.
Although there is nothing more inevitable in life, death remains
of Psychology a frightening, emotion-laden topic. Certainly, little is more
Adjusting to Death
© Roz Chast/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
stressful than the death of a loved one or the contemplation of
our own imminent death, and preparing for death is one of our
most crucial developmental tasks (Aiken, 2000).
A few generations ago, talk of death was taboo. The topic was never mentioned to
dying people, and gerontologists had little to say about it. That changed, however,
with the pioneering work of Elisabeth Kübler-Ross (1969), who brought the subject of
death into the open with her observation that those facing impending death tend to
move through five broad stages:
e Denial. In this stage, people resist the idea that they are dying. Even if told that
their chances for survival are small, they refuse to admit that they are facing
death.
e Anger. After moving beyond the denial stage, dying people become angry—
angry at people around them who are in good health, angry at medical profes-
sionals for being ineffective, angry at God.
e Bargaining. Anger leads to bargaining in which the dying try to think of ways to
postpone death. They may decide to dedicate their lives to religion if God saves
them. They may say, “If only I can live to see my son married, I will accept
death then.”
e Depression. When dying people come to feel that bargaining is no use, they move
to the next stage: depression. They realize that their lives really are coming to an
end, which leads to what Kübler-Ross calls “prepara-
tory grief” for their own deaths.
e Acceptance. In this stage, people accept impending
death. Usually they are unemotional and uncom-
municative; it is as if they have made peace with
themselves and are expecting death with no
bitterness.
It is important to keep in mind that not everyone
experiences each of these stages in the same way. In fact,
Kiibler-Ross’s stages pertain only to people who are fully
aware that they are dying and have the time to evaluate their
impending death. Furthermore, vast differences occur in the
way individuals react to impending death. The specific cause
and duration of dying, as well as the person’s sex, age,
personality, and the type of support received from family and
friends, all have an impact on how people respond to death
(Carver & Scheier, 2002; Coyle, 2006).
Few of us enjoy the contemplation of death. Yet awareness
of its psychological aspects and consequences can make its
inevitable arrival less anxiety producing and perhaps more
understandable.
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Module 39 Adulthood 433
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the principal kinds of physical, social, and intellec-
tual changes that occur in early and middle adulthood, and
what are their causes?
Early adulthood marks the peak of physical health.
Physical changes occur relatively gradually in men and
women during adulthood. (p. 422)
One major physical change occurs at the end of middle
adulthood for women: They begin menopause after
which they are no longer fertile. (p. 423)
During middle adulthood, people typically experience a
midlife transition in which the notion that life will end
becomes more important. In some cases this may lead to
a midlife crisis, although the passage into middle age is
typically relatively calm. (p. 424)
As aging continues during middle adulthood, people
realize in their 50s that their lives and accomplishments
are fairly well set, and they try to come to terms with
them. (p. 425)
Among the important developmental milestones during
adulthood are marriage, family changes, and divorce.
Another important determinant of adult development is
work. (p. 425)
How does the reality of late adulthood differ from the stereo
types about that period?
Old age may bring marked physical declines caused by
genetic preprogramming or physical wear and tear.
Although the activities of people in late adulthood are
not all that different from those of younger people, older
adults experience declines in reaction time, sensory
abilities, and physical stamina. (p. 427)
Intellectual declines are not an inevitable part of aging.
Fluid intelligence does decline with age, and long-term
memory abilities are sometimes impaired. In contrast,
crystallized intelligence shows slight increases with age,
and short-term memory remains at about the same
level. (p. 428)
e Although disengagement theory sees successful aging as
a process of gradual withdrawal from the physical,
psychological, and social worlds, there is little research
supporting this view. Instead, activity theory, which
suggests that the maintenance of interests and activities
from earlier years leads to successful aging, is a more
accurate explanation. (p. 431)
How can we adjust to death?
e According to Kübler-Ross, dying people move through
five stages as they face death: denial, anger, bargaining,
depression, and acceptance. (p. 432)
EVALUATE
il,
Rob recently turned 40 and surveyed his goals and accom-
plishments to date. Although he has accomplished a lot,
he realized that many of his goals will not be met in his
lifetime. This stage is called a
. In households where both partners have similar jobs, the
division of labor that generally occurs is the same as in
“traditional” households where the husband works and
the wife stays at home. True or false?
theories suggest that there is a
maximum time span in which cells are able to reproduce.
This time limit explains the eventual breakdown of the
body.
. Lower IQ test scores during late adulthood do not neces-
sarily mean a decrease in intelligence. True or false?
. During old age, a person’s ______ intelligence contin-
ues to increase, whereas ______ intelligence may
decline.
. In Kiibler-Ross’s _____ stage, people resist the idea
of death. In the ______ stage, they attempt to make
deals to avoid death, and in the _______ stage, they
passively await death.
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434 Chapter 12 Development
RETHINK about how to deal with aging? How would you handle
someone who believed that getting older had only
1. Is the possibility that life may be extended for several de- ; 5
negative consequences?
cades a mixed blessing? What societal consequences
might an extended life span bring about?
2. From the perspective of a health-care provider: What sorts of
recommendations would you make to your older patients
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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KEY TERMS
emerging adulthood p. 422 wear-and-tear theories of aging p. 427 activity theory of aging p. 431
menopause p. 423 Alzheimer’s disease p. 430 life review p. 432
genetic preprogramming disengagement theory of aging p. 431
theories of aging p. 427
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find information on the web about gene therapy. What recent advances in gene
therapy have been made by researchers? What developments appear to be on the
horizon? What ethical issues have been raised regarding the use of gene therapy to
produce children with characteristics specified by their parents?
2. Find different answers to the question, “Why do people die?” Search the web for
scientific, philosophical, and spiritual/religious answers. Write a summary in which you
compare the different approaches to this question. How does the thinking in any one
realm influence the thinking in the others?
È D | | OQ U e We have traced major events in the development of
physical, social, and cognitive growth throughout the life
span. Clearly, people change throughout their lives.
As we explored each area of development, we encountered anew the nature-
nurture issue, concluding in every significant instance that both nature and nurture
contribute to a person's development of skills, personality, and interactions. Specifically,
our genetic inheritance—nature—lays down general boundaries within which we can
advance and grow; our environment—nurture—helps determine the extent to which we
take advantage of our potential.
Before proceeding to the next set of modules, turn once again to the prologue at
the beginning of this chapter that discussed that the McCartneys’ decision to remove
Marcie’s tumor prior to birth. Using your knowledge of human development, consider
the following questions.
1. Why was Marcie McCartney put back into her mother's womb after her tumor was
removed?
2. Describe the stages of development that Marcie progressed through from conception
to birth.
3. What genetic influences might have acted on Marcie in the womb?
4. What environmental influences might have acted on Marcie in the womb?
435
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Key Concepts for Chapter 13
MODULE 40
How do psychologists define and use the Psychodynamic Approaches
to Personality
ity?
concept of personality? @ What do the Freud's: Psychoanalytic Théory:
theories of Freud and his successors tell us Mapping thë Uriconscigus Mind
The Neo-Freudian Psychoanalysts:
about the structure and development of Building on Freud
personality?
MODULE 41
What are the major aspects of trait, learning, Trait, Learning, Biological and
. , , o Evolutionary, and Humanistic
biological and evolutionary, and humanistic Approaches to Personality
Trait Approaches: Placing
Labels on Personality
approaches to psychology?
Applying Psychology in the 21st
Century: Judged at First Sight
Learning Approaches: We Are
What We've Learned
Biological and Evolutionary Approaches:
Are We Born with Personality?
Neuroscience in Your Life:
Wired for Thrills—The Biological
Underpinnings of Personality
Humanistic Approaches:
The Uniqueness of You
Comparing Approaches to Personality
MODULE 42
How can we most accurately assess Assessing Personality: Determining
What Makes Us Distinctive
Exploring Diversity: Should Race and
Ethnicity Be Used to Establish Norms?
personality? @ What are the major types of
personality measures?
Self-Report Measures of Personality
Projective Methods
Behavioral Assessment
PsychWork: Human Resources Manager
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Assessing
Personality Assessments
437
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Prologue Who Is the Real Madoff?
To some, Bernard L. Madoff was an affable, charismatic man who
moved comfortably among power. brokers on Wall Street and in
Washington. He secured a long-standing role as an elder states-
man on Wall Street, allowing him to land on important boards
and commissions where his opinions helped shape securities
regulations. And his employees say he treated them like family.
There was, of course, another side to Mr. Madoff. Reclusive, at
times standoffish and aloof, this Bernard rarely rubbed elbows in
Manhattan's cocktail circuit or at Palm Beach balls. This Bernard
was quiet, controlled, and closely attuned to his image down to
the most minute details. (Creswell & Landon, 2009, p. 1)
Which was the real Bernard Madoff? Was he the powerful,
charismatic Wall Street businessman? Or was he the self-
conscious, detail-oriented recluse? And perhaps most impor-
tant, were there any signs that Madoff was secretly operating
a fraudulent investment scheme that ultimately cheated
thousands of people out of billions of dollars?
Many people, like Madoff, have different sides to their person-
alities, appearing one way to some and quite differently to others.
Determining who a person truly is falls to a branch of psychology
that seeks to understand the characteristic ways people behave—
personality psychology.
Personality is the pattern of enduring characteristics that
produce consistency and individuality in a given person. Person-
ality encompasses the behaviors that make each of us unique
and that differentiate us from others. Personality also leads us to
act consistently in different situations and over extended periods
of time.
438
We will consider a number of approaches to personality. For
historical reasons, we begin with psychodynamic theories of
personality, which emphasize the importance of the uncon-
scious. Next, we consider approaches that concentrate on
identifying the most fundamental personality traits; theories
that view personality as a set of learned behaviors; biological
and evolutionary perspectives on personality; and approaches,
known as humanistic theories, that highlight the uniquely
human aspects of personality. We end our discussion by
focusing on how personality is measured and how personality
tests can be used.
personality The pattern of enduring characteristics that produce
consistency and individuality in a given person.
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MODULE 40
The college student was intent on making a good first impression on an attractive
woman he had spotted across a crowded room at a party. As he walked toward her,
he mulled over a line he had heard in an old movie the night before: “I don’t believe
we've been properly introduced yet.” To his horror, what came out was a bit different.
After threading his way through the crowded room, he finally reached the woman and
blurted out, “I don’t believe we’ve been properly seduced yet.”
Although this student’s error may seem to be merely an embarrassing slip of the
tongue, according to some personality theorists such a mistake is not an error at all
(Motley, 1987). Instead, psychodynamic personality theorists might argue that the error
illustrates one way in which behavior is triggered by inner forces that are beyond
our awareness. These hidden drives, shaped by childhood experiences, play an
important role in energizing and directing everyday behavior.
Psychodynamic approaches to personality are based on the idea that personal-
ity is motivated by inner forces and conflicts about which people have little aware-
ness and over which they have no control. The most important pioneer of the
psychodynamic approach was Sigmund Freud. A number of Freud’s followers,
including Carl Jung, Karen Horney, and Alfred Adler, refined Freud’s theory and
developed their own psychodynamic approaches.
Freud’s Psychoanalytic Theory:
Mapping the Unconscious Mind
Sigmund Freud, an Austrian physician, developed psychoanalytic theory in the early
1900s. According to Freud’s theory, conscious experience is only a small part of our
psychological makeup and experience. He argued that much of our behavior is moti-
vated by the unconscious, a part of the personality that contains the memories,
knowledge, beliefs, feelings, urges, drives, and instincts of which the individual is
not aware.
Like the unseen mass of a floating iceberg, the contents of the unconscious far
surpass in quantity the information in our conscious awareness. Freud maintained
that to understand personality, it is necessary to expose what is in the unconscious.
But because the unconscious disguises the meaning of the material it holds, the con-
tent of the unconscious cannot be observed directly. It is therefore necessary to inter-
pret clues to the unconscious—slips of the tongue, fantasies, and dreams—to
understand the unconscious processes that direct behavior. A slip of the tongue such
as the one quoted earlier (sometimes termed a Freudian slip) may be interpreted as
revealing the speaker’s unconscious sexual desires.
To Freud, much of our personality is determined by our unconscious. Some of
the unconscious is made up of the preconscious, which contains material that is not
threatening and is easily brought to mind, such as the knowledge that 2 + 2 = 4.
But deeper in the unconscious are instinctual drives—the wishes, desires, demands,
and needs that are hidden from conscious awareness because of the conflicts and
How do psychologists define
and use the concept of
personality?
What do the theories of Freud
and his successors tell us
about the structure and
development of personality?
Approaches that assume
that personality is motivated by inner
forces and conflicts about which
people have little awareness and over
which they have no control.
Freud’s theory
that unconscious forces act as determi-
nants of personality.
A part of the personality
that contains the memories, knowl-
edge, beliefs, feelings, urges, drives,
and instincts of which the individual
is not aware.
439
440 Chapter 13 Personality
Conscious
FIGURE 1 In Freud's personality model,
there are three major components: the
id, the ego, and the superego. As the
iceberg analogy shows, only a small
portion of personality is conscious. Why
do you think that only the ego and
superego have conscious components?
y Alert
Remember that the three
parts of personality in
Freud’s theory—the id, the
ego, and the superego—
are abstract conceptions
that don't exist as physical structures
in the brain.
id The raw, unorganized, inborn part
of personality whose sole purpose is to
reduce tension created by primitive
drives related to hunger, sex, aggres-
sion, and irrational impulses.
ego The part of the personality that
provides a buffer between the id and
the outside world.
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pain they would cause if they were part of our everyday lives. The unconscious
provides a “safe haven” for our recollections of threatening events.
STRUCTURING PERSONALITY: ID, EGO, AND SUPEREGO
To describe the structure of personality, Freud developed a comprehensive theory that
held that personality consists of three separate but interacting components: the id, the
ego, and the superego. Freud suggested that the three structures can be diagrammed
to show how they relate to the conscious and the unconscious (see Figure 1).
Although the three components of personality Freud described may appear to
be actual physical structures in the nervous system, they are not. Instead, they rep-
resent abstract conceptions of a general model of personality that describes the inter-
action of forces that motivate behavior.
If personality consisted only of primitive, instinctual cravings and longings, it
would have just one component: the id. The id is the raw, unorganized, inborn part
of personality. From the time of birth, the id attempts to reduce tension created by
primitive drives related to hunger, sex, aggression, and irrational impulses. Those
drives are fueled by “psychic energy,” which we can think of as a limitless energy
source constantly putting pressure on the various parts of the personality.
The id operates according to the pleasure principle in which the goal is the imme-
diate reduction of tension and the maximization of satisfaction. However, in most
cases, reality prevents the fulfillment of the demands of the pleasure principle: We
cannot always eat when we are hungry, and we can discharge our sexual drives only
when the time and place are appropriate. To account for this fact of life, Freud sug-
gested a second component of personality, which he called the ego.
The ego, which begins to develop soon after birth, strives to balance the desires
of the id and the realities of the objective, outside world. In contrast to the pleasure-
seeking id, the ego operates according to the reality principle in which instinctual
energy is restrained to maintain the individual’s safety and to help integrate the
person into society. In a sense, then, the ego is the “executive” of personality: It makes
decisions, controls actions, and allows thinking and problem solving of a higher
order than the id’s capabilities permit.
Freud suggests that the superego, the part of personality that represents the rights and wrongs
of society, develops from direct teaching from parents, teachers, and other significant individuals.
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Module 40 Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality
Stage Age
Oral Birth to 12—18 months
Anal 12-18 months to 3 years
Phallic 3 to 5—6 years
Latency 5—6 years to adolescence
Genital Adolescence to adulthood
FIGURE 2 Freud's theory of personality development suggests that there are several distinct
stages.
The superego, the final personality structure to develop in childhood, represents
the rights and wrongs of society as taught and modeled by a person’s parents, teach-
ers, and other significant individuals. The superego includes the conscience, which
prevents us from behaving in a morally improper way by making us feel guilty if
we do wrong. The superego helps us control impulses coming from the id, making
our behavior less selfish and more virtuous.
Both the superego and the id are unrealistic in that they do not consider the
practical realities imposed by society. The superego, if left to operate without restraint,
would create perfectionists unable to make the compromises that life requires. An
unrestrained id would create a primitive, pleasure-seeking, thoughtless individual
seeking to fulfill every desire without delay. As a result, the ego must mediate
between the demands of the superego and the demands of the id.
DEVELOPING PERSONALITY: PSYCHOSEXUAL STAGES
Freud also provided us with a view of how personality develops through a series of
five psychosexual stages during which children encounter conflicts between the
demands of society and their own sexual urges (in which sexuality is more about
experiencing pleasure and less about lust). According to Freud, failure to resolve the
conflicts at a particular stage can result in fixations, conflicts or concerns that persist
beyond the developmental period in which they first occur. Such conflicts may be
due to having needs ignored or (conversely) being overindulged during the earlier
period.
The sequence Freud proposed is noteworthy because it explains how experiences
and difficulties during a particular childhood stage may predict specific characteris-
tics in the adult personality. This theory is also unique in associating each stage with
a major biological function, which Freud assumed to be the focus of pleasure in a
given period. (See Figure 2 for a summary of the stages.)
In the first psychosexual stage of development, called the oral stage, the baby’s
mouth is the focal point of pleasure. During the first 12 to 18 months of life, children
suck, eat, mouth, and bite anything they can put into their mouths. To Freud, this
behavior suggested that the mouth is the primary site of a kind of sexual pleasure
and that weaning (withdrawing the breast or bottle) represents the main conflict
during the oral stage. If infants are either overindulged (perhaps by being fed every
time they cry) or frustrated in their search for oral gratification, they may become
fixated at this stage. For example, fixation might occur if an infant’s oral needs were
441
Major Characteristics
Interest in oral gratification from sucking,
eating, mouthing, biting
Gratification from expelling and
withholding feces; coming to terms with
society's controls relating to toilet training
Interest in the genitals, coming to terms
with Oedipal conflict leading to
identification with same-sex parent
Sexual concerns largely unimportant
Reemergence of sexual interests and
establishment of mature sexual
relationships
superego According to Freud, the
final personality structure to develop;
it represents the rights and wrongs of
society as handed down by a person’s
parents, teachers, and other important
figures.
psychosexual stages Developmental
periods that children pass through
during which they encounter conflicts
between the demands of society and
their own sexual urges.
fixations Conflicts or concerns that
persist beyond the developmental
period in which they first occur.
Alert
The five psychosexual stages
of personality development
in Freud’s theory—oral,
anal, phallic, latency, and
genital— indicate how
personality develops as
people age.
oral stage According to Freud, a stage
from birth to age 12 to 18 months, in
which an infant’s center of pleasure is
the mouth.
442 Chapter 13 Personality
According to Freud, a child goes
through the anal stage from age 12 to
18 months until 3 years of age. Toilet
training is a crucial event at this
stage—one that psychoanalytic theory
claims directly influences the formation
of an individual's personality.
anal stage According to Freud, a stage
from age 12 to 18 months to 3 years of
age, in which a child’s pleasure is
centered on the anus.
phallic stage According to Freud, a
period beginning around age 3 during
which a child’s pleasure focuses on the
genitals.
Oedipal conflict A child’s sexual
interest in his or her opposite-sex
parent, typically resolved through
identification with the same-sex
parent.
identification The process of wanting
to be like another person as much as
possible, imitating that person’s
behavior and adopting similar beliefs
and values.
latency period According to Freud,
the period between the phallic stage
and puberty during which children’s
sexual concerns are temporarily put
aside.
genital stage According to Freud, the
period from puberty until death,
marked by mature sexual behavior
(that is, sexual intercourse).
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constantly gratified immediately at the first sign of hunger rather than if the infant
learned that feeding takes place on a schedule because eating whenever an infant
wants to eat is not always realistic. Fixation at the oral stage might produce an adult
who was unusually interested in oral activities—eating, talking, smoking—or who
showed symbolic sorts of oral interests such as being “bitingly” sarcastic or very
gullible (“swallowing” anything).
From around age 12 to 18 months until 3 years of age—a period when the
emphasis in Western cultures is on toilet training—a child enters the anal stage. At
this point, the major source of pleasure changes from the mouth to the anal region,
and children obtain considerable pleasure from both retention and expulsion of feces.
If toilet training is particularly demanding, fixation might occur. Fixation during the
anal stage might result in unusual rigidity, orderliness, punctuality—or extreme dis-
orderliness or sloppiness—in adulthood.
At about age 3, the phallic stage begins. At this point there is another major shift
in the child’s primary source of pleasure. Now interest focuses on the genitals and
the pleasures derived from fondling them. During this stage the child must also
negotiate one of the most important hurdles of personality development: the Oedipal
conflict. According to Freudian theory, as children focus attention on their genitals,
the differences between male and female anatomy become more salient. Furthermore,
according to Freud, at this time the male unconsciously begins to develop a sexual
interest in his mother, starts to see his father as a rival, and harbors a wish to kill
his father—as Oedipus did in the ancient Greek tragedy. But because he views his
father as too powerful, he develops a fear that his father may retaliate drastically by
removing the source of the threat: the son’s penis. The fear of losing one’s penis leads
to castration anxiety, which ultimately becomes so powerful that the child represses
his desires for his mother and identifies with his father. Identification is the process
of wanting to be like another person as much as possible, imitating that person’s
behavior and adopting similar beliefs and values. By identifying with his father, a
son seeks to obtain a woman like his unattainable mother.
For girls, the process is different. Freud reasoned that girls begin to experience sexual
arousal toward their fathers and begin to experience penis envy. They wish they had the
anatomical part that, at least to Freud, seemed most clearly “missing” in girls. Blaming
their mothers for their lack of a penis, girls come to believe that their mothers are respon-
sible for their “castration.” (This aspect of Freud’s theory later provoked accusations that
he considered women to be inferior to men.) Like males, though, they find that they can
resolve such unacceptable feelings by identifying with the same-sex parent, behaving like
her, and adopting her attitudes and values. In this way, a girl’s identification with her
mother is completed.
At this point, the Oedipal conflict is said to be resolved, and Freudian theory
assumes that both males and females move on to the next stage of development. If
difficulties arise during this period, however, all sorts of problems are thought to
occur, including improper sex-role behavior and the failure to develop a conscience.
After the resolution of the Oedipal conflict, typically around age 5 or 6, children
move into the latency period, which lasts until puberty. During this period, sexual
interests become dormant, even in the unconscious. Then, during adolescence, sexual
feelings re-emerge, which marks the start of the final period, the genital stage, which
extends until death. The focus during the genital stage is on mature, adult sexuality,
which Freud defined as sexual intercourse.
DEFENSE MECHANISMS
Freud’s efforts to describe and theorize about the underlying dynamics of personal-
ity and its development were motivated by very practical problems that his patients
faced in dealing with anxiety, an intense, negative emotional experience. According
to Freud, anxiety is a danger signal to the ego. Although anxiety can arise from
realistic fears—such as seeing a poisonous snake about to strike—it can also occur
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Module 40 Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality
Freud’s Defense Mechanisms
Defense Mechanism Explanation
Repression Unacceptable or unpleasant impulses
are pushed back into the unconscious.
Regression People behave as if they were at an
earlier stage of development.
Displacement The expression of an unwanted feeling
or thought is redirected from a more
threatening powerful person to a
weaker one.
Rationalization People provide self-justifying
explanations in place of the actual, but
threatening, reason for their behavior.
Denial People refuse to accept or acknowledge
an anxiety-producing piece of
information.
Projection People attribute unwanted impulses
and feelings to someone else.
Sublimation People divert unwanted impulses into
socially approved thoughts, feelings, or
behaviors.
Reaction formation Unconscious impulses are expressed as
their opposite in consciousness.
FIGURE 3 According to Freud, people are able to use a wide range of defense mechanisms to
cope with anxieties.
in the form of neurotic anxiety in which irrational impulses emanating from the id
threaten to burst through and become uncontrollable.
Because anxiety is obviously unpleasant, Freud believed that people develop a
range of defense mechanisms to deal with it. Defense mechanisms are unconscious
strategies that people use to reduce anxiety by concealing its source from themselves
and others.
The primary defense mechanism is repression in which unacceptable or unpleas-
ant id impulses are pushed back into the unconscious. Repression is the most direct
method of dealing with anxiety; instead of handling an anxiety-producing impulse
on a conscious level, we simply ignore it. For example, a college student who feels
hatred for his mother may repress those personally and socially unacceptable feel-
ings. The feelings remain lodged within the unconscious because acknowledging
them would provoke anxiety. Similarly, memories of childhood abuse may be
repressed. Although such memories may not be consciously recalled, according to
Freud they can affect later behavior, and they may be revealed through dreams or
slips of the tongue or symbolically in some other fashion.
If repression is ineffective in keeping anxiety at bay, we might use other defense
mechanisms. Freud and later his daughter Anna Freud (who became a well-known
psychoanalyst) formulated an extensive list of potential defense mechanisms. The
major defense mechanisms are summarized in Figure 3 (Conte, Plutchik & Draguns,
2004; Hentschel et al., 2004; Cramer, 2007).
All of us employ defense mechanisms to some degree, according to Freudian
theory, and they can serve a useful purpose by protecting us from unpleasant
Example
A woman is unable to recall that she
was raped.
A boss has a temper tantrum when an
employee makes a mistake.
A brother yells at his younger sister
after a teacher gives him a bad grade.
A student who goes out drinking the
night before a big test rationalizes his
behavior by saying the test isn’t all that
important.
A student refuses to believe that he has
flunked a course.
A man who is unfaithful to his wife and
feels guilty suspects that his wife is
unfaithful.
A person with strong feelings of
aggression becomes a soldier.
A mother who unconsciously resents
her child acts in an overly loving way
toward the child.
defense mechanisms In Freudian
theory, unconscious strategies that
people use to reduce anxiety by
concealing the source of it from
themselves and others.
repression The primary defense
mechanism in which unacceptable or
unpleasant id impulses are pushed
back into the unconscious.
dy Alert
Use Figure 3 to remember the
most common defense
mechanisms (unconscious
strategies used to reduce
anxiety by concealing its
source from ourselves and
others).
443
444 Chapter 13 Personality
ota Ss
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information. Yet some people fall prey to them to such an extent
that they must constantly direct a large amount of psychic energy
toward hiding and rechanneling unacceptable impulses. When this
occurs, everyday living becomes difficult. In such cases, the result
is a mental disorder produced by anxiety—what Freud called “neu-
rosis.” (Psychologists rarely use this term today, although it endures
in everyday conversation.)
EVALUATING FREUD’S LEGACY
Freud’s theory has had a significant impact on the field of psychology—
and even more broadly on Western philosophy and literature. Many
people have accepted the ideas of the unconscious, defense mecha-
nisms, and childhood roots of adult psychological difficulties.
However, many contemporary personality psychologists have
leveled significant criticisms against psychoanalytic theory. Among
the most important is the lack of compelling scientific data to support
it. Although individual case studies seem supportive, we lack conclu-
sive evidence that shows the personality is structured and operates
along the lines Freud laid out. The lack of evidence is due, in part,
to the fact that Freud’s conception of personality is built on unobserv-
able abstract concepts. Moreover, it is not clear that the stages of
personality Freud laid out provide an accurate description of person-
ality development. We also know now that important changes in per-
sonality can occur in adolescence and adulthood—something that
Freud did not believe happened. Instead, he argued that personality
largely is set by adolescence.
The vague nature of Freud’s theory also makes it difficult to pre-
dict how an adult will display certain developmental difficulties. For
Imitating a person's behavior and adopting similar beliefs instance, if a person is fixated at the anal stage, according to Freud, he
and values are part of Freud’s concept of identification. How Fr she may be unusually messy—or unusually neat. Freud’s theory
can this concept be applied to the definition of gender offers no way to predict how the difficulty will be exhibited (Macmil-
roles? Is identification similar in all cultures?
lan, 1996; Crews, 1996). Furthermore, Freud can be faulted for seeming
to view women as inferior to men because he argued that women have
weaker superegos than men and in some ways unconsciously yearn to be men (the
concept of penis envy).
Finally, Freud made his observations and derived his theory from a limited pop-
ulation. His theory was based almost entirely on upper-class Austrian women living
in the strict, puritanical era of the early 1900s, who had come to him seeking treat-
ment for psychological and physical problems. How far one can generalize beyond
this population is a matter of considerable debate. For instance, in some Pacific Island
societies, the mother’s oldest brother and not the father plays the role of disciplinar-
ian. In such a culture, it is unreasonable to argue that the Oedipal conflict will prog-
ress in the same way that it did in Austrian society in which the father typically was
the major disciplinarian. In short, a cross-cultural perspective raises questions about
the universality of Freud’s view of personality development (Doi, 1990; Altman, 1996;
Spielberger, 2006).
Still, Freud generated an important method of treating psychological distur-
bances called psychoanalysis. As we will see when we discuss treatment approaches
to psychological disorders, psychoanalysis remains in use today (Messer & McWil-
liams, 2003; Heller, 2005; Riolo, 2007).
Moreover, Freud’s emphasis on the unconscious has been partially supported by
current research on dreams and implicit memory. As we first noted when we dis-
cussed dreaming, advances in neuroscience are consistent with some of Freud’s argu-
ments. For example, the fact that some behavior is motivated by occurrences that
apparently have been forgotten, as well as the discovery of neural pathways relating
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Module 40 Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality 445
to emotional memories, supports the notion of repression. Furthermore, cognitive
and social psychologists have found increasing evidence that unconscious processes
help us think about and evaluate our world, set goals, and choose a course of action.
The degree to which future neuroscientific advances will support the criticisms lev-
eled against Freud’s psychoanalytic theory remains to be seen (Derryberry, 2006;
Litowitz, 2007; Turnbull & Solms, 2007).
The Neo-Freudian
Psychoanalysts:
Building on Freud
Freud laid the foundation for important work done by a series of successors who
were trained in traditional Freudian theory but later rejected some of its major points.
These theorists are known as neo-Freudian psychoanalysts.
The neo-Freudians placed greater emphasis than Freud on the functions of the
ego by suggesting that it has more control than the id over day-to-day activities.
They focused more on the social environment and minimized the importance of sex
as a driving force in people’s lives. They also paid greater attention to the effects of
society and culture on personality development.
JUNG’S COLLECTIVE UNCONSCIOUS
Carl Jung (pronounced “yoong”), one of the most influential neo-Freudians, rejected
Freud’s view of the primary importance of unconscious sexual urges. Instead, he
looked at the primitive urges of the unconscious more positively and argued that
they represented a more general and positive life force that encompasses an inborn
drive motivating creativity and more positive resolution of conflict (Lothane, 2005;
Cassells, 2007).
Jung suggested that we have a universal collective unconscious, a common set of
ideas, feelings, images, and symbols that we inherit from our relatives, the whole
human race, and even nonhuman animal ancestors from the distant past. This collective
unconscious is shared by everyone and is displayed in behavior that is common across
diverse cultures—such as love of mother, belief in a supreme being, and even behavior
as specific as fear of snakes (Oehman & Mineka, 2003; Drob, 2005; Hauke, 2006).
Jung went on to propose that the collective unconscious contains archetypes,
universal symbolic representations of a particular person, object, or experience. For
In terms of Jung's theory, Harry Potter and Voldemort represent the archetypes, or universally
recognizable symbols, of good and evil.
neo-Freudian psychoanalysts Psycho-
analysts who were trained in tradi-
tional Freudian theory but who later
rejected some of its major points.
collective unconscious According to
Jung, a common set of ideas, feelings,
images, and symbols that we inherit
from our ancestors, the whole human
race, and even animal ancestors from
the distant past.
archetypes According to Jung, uni-
versal symbolic representations of a
particular person, object, or experience
(such as good and evil).
446 Chapter 13 Personality
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instance, a mother archetype, which contains reflections of our ances-
tors’ relationships with mother figures, is suggested by the prevalence
of mothers in art, religion, literature, and mythology. (Think of the Vir-
gin Mary, Earth Mother, wicked stepmothers in fairy tales, Mother’s
Day, and so forth!) Jung also suggested that men possess an unconscious
feminine archetype that affects how they behave, whereas women have
an unconscious male archetype that colors their behavior (Jung, 1961;
Bair, 2003; Smetana, 2007).
To Jung, archetypes play an important role in determining our day-to-
day reactions, attitudes, and values. For example, Jung might explain the
popularity of the Star Wars movies as being due to their use of broad
archetypes of good (Luke Skywalker) and evil (Darth Vader).
Although no reliable research evidence confirms the existence of
the collective unconscious—and even Jung acknowledged that such
evidence would be difficult to produce—Jung’s theory has had
significant influence in areas beyond psychology. For example, person-
ality types derived from Jung’s personality approach form the basis
for the Myers-Briggs personality test, which is widely used in business
and industry to provide insights into how employees make decisions
and perform on the job (Gladwell, 2004; Bayne, 2005; Furnham &
Crump, 2005).
HORNEY’S NEO-FREUDIAN PERSPECTIVE
Karen Horney was one of the earliest proponents of
women’s issues.
inferiority complex According to
Adler, a problem affecting adults who
have not been able to overcome the
feelings of inferiority that they devel-
oped as children, when they were
small and limited in their knowledge
about the world.
Karen Horney (pronounced “HORN-eye”) was one of the earliest psy-
chologists to champion women’s issues and is sometimes called the first
feminist psychologist. Horney suggested that personality develops in the context of
social relationships and depends particularly on the relationship between parents
and child and how well the child’s needs are met. She rejected Freud’s suggestion
that women have penis envy; she asserted that what women envy most in men is
not their anatomy but the independence, success, and freedom women often are
denied (Horney, 1937; Miletic, 2002; Smith, 2007).
Horney was also one of the first to stress the importance of cultural factors in
the determination of personality. For example, she suggested that society’s rigid gen-
der roles for women lead them to experience ambivalence about success because they
fear they will make enemies if they are too successful. Her conceptualizations, devel-
oped in the 1930s and 1940s, laid the groundwork for many of the central ideas of
feminism that emerged decades later (Eckardt, 2005; Jones, 2006).
ADLER AND THE OTHER NEO-FREUDIANS
Alfred Adler, another important neo-Freudian psychoanalyst, also considered Freud-
ian theory’s emphasis on sexual needs misplaced. Instead, Adler proposed that the
primary human motivation is a striving for superiority, not in terms of superiority
over others but in a quest for self-improvement and perfection.
Adler used the term inferiority complex to describe situations in which adults
have not been able to overcome the feelings of inferiority they developed as children,
when they were small and limited in their knowledge about the world. Early social
relationships with parents have an important effect on children’s ability to outgrow
feelings of personal inferiority and instead to orient themselves toward attaining
more socially useful goals, such as improving society.
Other neo-Freudians included Erik Erikson, whose theory of psychosocial devel-
opment we discussed in earlier modules, and Freud’s daughter, Anna Freud. Like
Adler and Horney, they focused less than Freud on inborn sexual and aggressive
drives and more on the social and cultural factors behind personality.
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Module 40 Psychodynamic Approaches to Personality 447
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
How do psychologists define and use the concept of | 1. _____ approaches state that behavior is motivated
personality? primarily by unconscious forces.
e Personality is the pattern of enduring characteristics that 2. Match each section of the personality (according to Freud)
produce consistency and individuality in a given person. with its description:
(p. 438) 1. Ego a. Determines right from wrong on
2. Id the basis of cultural standards.
What do the theories of Freud and his successors tell us about
the structure and development of personality?
e According to psychodynamic approaches to personality,
much behavior is caused by parts of personality that are
found in the unconscious and of which we are unaware.
(p. 439)
e Freud’s psychoanalytic theory, one of the psycho-
dynamic approaches, suggests that personality is com-
posed of the id, the ego, and the superego. The id is the
unorganized, inborn part of personality whose purpose is
to immediately reduce tensions relating to hunger, sex,
aggression, and other primitive impulses. The ego re-
strains instinctual energy to maintain the individual’s
safety and to help the person be a member of society. The
superego represents society’s rights and wrongs and in-
cludes the conscience. (p. 440)
e Freud’s psychoanalytic theory suggests that personality RETHINK
develops through a series of psychosexual stages (oral,
anal, phallic, latency, and genital), each of which is asso-
ciated with a primary biological function. (p. 441)
e Defense mechanisms, according to Freudian theory, are
unconscious strategies with which people reduce anxi-
eties relating to impulses from the id. (p. 443)
e Freud’s psychoanalytic theory has provoked a number of
criticisms, including a lack of supportive scientific data,
the theory’s inadequacy in making predictions, and its Answers to Evaluate Questions
reliance on a highly restricted population. On the other suIstueYpauT asuajap ‘p "E ‘L-g -7 ‘q-] ‘Z TueUApoypAsd 1
hand, recent neuroscience research has offered some
support for the concept of the unconscious. (p. 444)
e Neo-Freudian psychoanalytic theorists built on Freud’s
work, although they placed greater emphasis on the role
of the ego and paid more attention to the role of social
factors in determining behavior. (p. 445)
3. Superego b. Operates according to the
“reality principle”; energy is
redirected to integrate the
person into society.
c. Seeks to reduce tension brought
on by primitive drives.
3. Which of the following represents the proper order of per-
sonality development, according to Freud?
a. Oral, phallic, latency, anal, genital
b. Anal, oral, phallic, genital, latency
c. Oral, anal, phallic, latency, genital
d. Latency, phallic, anal, genital, oral
4. is the term Freud used to describe
unconscious strategies used to reduce anxiety.
1. Can you think of ways in which Freud’s theories of un-
conscious motivations are commonly used in popular cul-
ture? How accurately do you think such popular uses of
Freudian theories reflect Freud’s ideas?
2. From the perspective of an advertising executive: How might
you use Jung’s concept of archetypes in designing your
advertisements? Which of the archetypes would you use?
KEY TERMS
personality p. 438 ego p.440 phallic stage p. 442 neo-Freudian
psychodynamic approaches superego p. 441 Oedipal conflict p. 442 psychoanalysts p. 445
to personality p. 439 psychosexual identification p. 442 collective
psychoanalytic stages p. 441 latency period p. 442 unconscious p. 445
theory p. 439 fixations p. 441 genital stage p. 442 archetypes p. 445
unconscious p. 439 oral stage p. 441 defense mechanisms p.443 inferiority
id p. 440 anal stage p. 442 repression p. 443 complex p. 446
MODULE 41
What are the major aspects of
trait, learning, biological and
evolutionary, and humanistic
approaches to personality?
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A model of personality
that seeks to identify the basic traits
necessary to describe personality.
Consistent personality charac-
teristics and behaviors displayed in
different situations.
448
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“Tell me about Nelson,” said Johnetta.
“Oh, he’s just terrific. He’s the friendliest guy I know—goes out of his way to be nice
to everyone. He hardly ever gets mad. He’s just so even-tempered, no matter what's
happening. And he’s really smart, too. About the only thing I don’t like is that he’s
always in such a hurry to get things done. He seems to have boundless energy, much
more than I have.”
“He sounds great to me, especially in comparison to Rico,” replied Johnetta. “He is so
self-centered and arrogant that it drives me crazy. I sometimes wonder why I ever
started going out with him.”
Friendly. Even-tempered. Smart. Energetic. Self-centered. Arrogant.
The above exchange is made up of a series of trait characterizations of the speak-
ers’ friends. In fact, much of our own understanding of others’ behavior is based on
the premise that people possess certain traits that are consistent across different situ-
ations. For example, we generally assume that if someone is outgoing and sociable
in one situation, he or she is outgoing and sociable in other situations (Gilbert et al.,
1992; Gilbert, Miller, & Ross, 1998; Mischel, 2004).
Dissatisfaction with the emphasis in psychoanalytic theory on unconscious—and
difficult to demonstrate—processes in explaining a person’s behavior led to the devel-
opment of alternative approaches to personality, including a number of trait-based
approaches. Other theories reflect established psychological perspectives, such as
learning theory, biological and evolutionary approaches, and the humanistic approach.
Trait Approaches: Placing
Labels on Personality
If someone asked you to characterize another person, like Johnetta and her friend
you probably would come up with a list of that individual’s personal qualities as
you see them. But how would you know which of those qualities are most important
to an understanding of that person’s behavior?
Personality psychologists have asked similar questions. To answer them, they
have developed a model of personality known as trait theory. Trait theory seeks to
explain in a straightforward way the consistencies in individuals’ behavior. Traits are
consistent personality characteristics and behaviors displayed in different situations.
Trait theorists do not assume that some people have a trait and others do not;
rather, they propose that all people possess certain traits but the degree to which a
particular trait applies to a specific person varies and can be quantified. For instance,
you may be relatively friendly, whereas I may be relatively unfriendly. But we both
have a “friendliness” trait, although your degree of “friendliness” is higher than
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Module 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary, and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 449
mine. The major challenge for trait theorists taking this approach has been to identify
the specific primary traits necessary to describe personality. As we shall see, different
theorists have come up with surprisingly different sets of traits.
ALLPORT’S TRAIT THEORY: IDENTIFYING
BASIC CHARACTERISTICS
When personality psychologist Gordon Allport systematically pored over an unabridged
dictionary in the 1930s, he came up with some 18,000 separate terms that could be
used to describe personality. Although he was able to pare down the list to a mere
4,500 descriptors after eliminating words with the same meaning, he was left with a
problem crucial to all trait approaches: Which of those traits were the most basic?
Allport eventually answered this question by suggesting that there are three
fundamental categories of traits: cardinal, central, and secondary (Allport, 1961,
1966). A cardinal trait is a single characteristic that directs most of a person’s activities.
For example, a totally selfless woman may direct all her energy toward humanitarian
activities; an intensely power-hungry person may be driven by an all-consuming
need for control.
Most people, however, do not develop a single, comprehensive cardinal trait.
Instead, they possess a handful of central traits that make up the core of personality.
Central traits, such as honesty and sociability, are an individual’s major characteristics;
they usually number from five to ten in any one person. Finally, secondary traits are
characteristics that affect behavior in fewer situations and are less influential than
central or cardinal traits. For instance, a reluctance to eat meat and a love of modern
art would be considered secondary traits (Nicholson, 2003; Glicksohn & Nahari, 2007).
CATTELL AND EYSENCK: FACTORING OUT PERSONALITY
Later attempts to identify primary personality traits have centered on a statistical tech-
nique known as factor analysis. Factor analysis is a statistical method of identifying
associations among a large number of variables to reveal more general patterns. For
example, a personality researcher might administer a questionnaire to many participants
that asks them to describe themselves by referring to an extensive list of traits. By sta-
tistically combining responses and computing which traits are associated with one
another in the same person, a researcher can identify the most fundamental patterns or
combinations of traits—called factors—that underlie participants’ responses.
Using factor analysis, personality psychologist Raymond Cattell (1965) suggested
that 16 pairs of source traits represent the basic dimensions of personality. Using those
source traits, he developed the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire, or 16 PF, a
measure that provides scores for each of the source traits (Cattell, Cattell, & Cattell,
1993; 2000).
Another trait theorist, psychologist Hans Eysenck (1995), also used factor analy-
sis to identify patterns of traits, but he came to a very different conclusion about the
nature of personality. He found that personality could best be described in terms of
just three major dimensions: extraversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism. The extraver-
sion dimension relates to the degree of sociability, whereas the neurotic dimension
encompasses emotional stability. Finally, psychoticism refers to the degree to which
reality is distorted. By evaluating people along these three dimensions, Eysenck was
able to predict behavior accurately in a variety of situations. Figure 1 lists specific
traits associated with each of the dimensions.
THE BIG FIVE PERSONALITY TRAITS
For the last two decades, the most influential trait approach contends that five traits or
factors—called the “Big Five”—lie at the core of personality. Using modern factor analytic
statistical techniques, a host of researchers have identified a similar set of five factors
Alert
All trait theories explain
personality in terms of traits
(consistent personality
characteristics and behav-
iors), but they differ in terms
of which and how many traits are
seen as fundamental.
Psychoticism
+ Aggressive
e Cold
e Egocentric
e Impersonal
e Impulsive
FIGURE 1 According to Eysenck, person-
ality could best be described in terms of
just three major dimensions: extraversion,
neuroticism, and psychoticism. Eysenck
was able to predict behavior accurately
in a variety of types of situations by
evaluating people along these three
dimensions. (Source: Eysenck, 1990).
450 Chapter 13 Personality
FIGURE 2 Five broad trait factors,
referred to as the “Big Five,’ are
considered to be the core of personality.
(Source: Adapted from Pervin, 1990, Chapter 3,
and McCrae & Costa, 1986, p. 1002.)
dy Alert
You can remember the “Big
Five” set of personality traits
by using the acronym
OCEAN (openness to expe-
rience, conscientiousness,
extraversion, agreeableness, and
neuroticism).
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The Big Five Personality Factors and Dimensions of Sample Traits
Openness to experience
Independent—Conforming
Imaginative—Practical
Preference for variety—Preference for routine
Conscientiousness
Careful—Careless
Disciplined—Impulsive
Organized—Disorganized
Extraversion
Talkative—Quiet
Fun-loving—Sober
Sociable—Retiring
Agreeableness
Sympathetic—Fault-finding
Kind—Cold
Appreciative—Unfriendly
Neuroticism (Emotional Stability)
Stable—Tense
Calm—Anxious
Secure—Insecure
that underlie personality. The five factors, described in Figure 2, are openness to experience,
conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism (emotional stability).
The Big Five emerge consistently across a number of domains. For example, fac-
tor analyses of major personality inventories, self-report measures made by observers
of others’ personality traits, and checklists of self-descriptions yield similar factors.
In addition, the Big Five emerge consistently in different populations of individuals,
including children, college students, older adults, and speakers of different lan-
guages. Cross-cultural research conducted in areas ranging from Europe to the Mid-
dle East to Africa also has been supportive. Finally, studies of brain functioning show
that Big Five personality traits are related to the way the brain processes information
(McCrae et al., 2005; Schmitt, Allik, & McCrae, 2007; Schmitt et al., 2008).
In short, a growing consensus exists that the Big Five represent the best description
of personality traits we have today. Still, the debate over the specific number and kinds
of traits—and even the usefulness of trait approaches in general—remains a lively one.
EVALUATING TRAIT APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY
Trait approaches have several virtues. They provide a clear, straightforward explana-
tion of people’s behavioral consistencies. Furthermore, traits allow us to readily com-
pare one person with another. Because of these advantages, trait approaches to
personality have had an important influence on the development of several useful
personality measures (Funder, 1991; Wiggins, 2003; Larsen & Buss, 2006).
However, trait approaches also have some drawbacks. For example, we have
seen that various trait theories describing personality come to very different conclu-
sions about which traits are the most fundamental and descriptive. The difficulty in
determining which of the theories is the most accurate has led some personality
psychologists to question the validity of trait conceptions of personality in general.
Actually, there is an even more fundamental difficulty with trait approaches.
Even if we are able to identify a set of primary traits, we are left with little more
than a label or description of personality—rather than an explanation of behavior. If
we say that someone who donates money to charity has the trait of generosity, we
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Judged at First Sight
Imagine that you've just showed up to an
important job interview dressed in your
best business attire, and the personnel di-
rector greets you and ushers you into her
office. Or perhaps you've arrived at a
party where there are many other stu-
dents from your campus that you'd like to
get to know. In either case, you might be
focused on how well you’re coming across
and thinking that you have only a few
minutes to make a good first impression—
and that’s where you're wrong. Whatever
impression you were going to make, you
did so already.
At least that’s the surprising finding of
recent research on how people make judg-
ments of others’ personality. For instance,
in one study, participants were shown pho-
tographs of faces of unfamiliar people and
asked to rate those people on a number of
characteristics, such as attractiveness,
trustworthiness, and competence. These
participants showed high agreement in
their judgments of these characteristics.
Then another group of participants were
shown the same photographs, but they
were asked to make the same judgments
under time constraints. In some cases the
Research has found that first impressions
are made almost instantaneously.
with no time constraints, the researchers
found that the judgments were extremely
similar. Moreover, the length of the time
constraint made no difference—the judg-
ments made in Yo of a second were just as
accurate as those made in a % or 1 second.
What these findings suggest is that
people make virtually instantaneous
judgments about others essentially the
moment that they lay eyes on them. This
may be particularly true of judgments
about attractiveness and trustworthiness,
which the participants were able to assess
most quickly. But even other types of
judgments—such as a person’s sexual
orientation—are made extremely quickly;
sometimes such quick judgments are
more accurate than those made more
thoughtfully and deliberately (Rule,
Amabady, & Hallett, 2009).
Researchers have theorized that the
ability to judge characteristics quickly and
accurately may have evolved in humans
because it once had survival value. Today
it means, for better or for worse, that we
accurately size each other up at just a
glance (Todorov & Duchaine, 2008; Oveis
et al., 2009).
judgment had to be made in 1 second, in
others in 1⁄2 of a second, and in still others
in just “’o of a second (Willis & Todorov,
2006; Oosterhof & Todorov, 2008).
When the time-constrained judgments
were compared to the judgments made
an evolutionary perspective?
e Do you think people should attempt to override their first judgments about others’
personalities and make more thoughtful judgments? Why or why not?
e Why would the ability to judge personality characteristics quickly be valuable from
still do not know why that person became generous in the first place or the reasons
for displaying generosity in a specific situation. In the view of some critics, then,
traits do not provide explanations for behavior; they merely describe it. On the other
hand, laypersons certainly use traits to make judgments of others, as we can see in
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century.
Learning Approaches:
We Are What We've Learned
The psychodynamic and trait approaches we’ve discussed concentrate on the “inner”
person—the fury of an unobservable but powerful id or a hypothetical but critical set
of traits. In contrast, learning approaches to personality focus on the “outer” person.
To a strict learning theorist, personality is simply the sum of learned responses to the
external environment. Internal events such as thoughts, feelings, and motivations are
451
452 Chapter 13 Personality
social cognitive approaches to
personality Theories that emphasize
the influence of a person’s cognitions—
thoughts, feelings, expectations, and
values—as well as observation of
others’ behavior, in determining
personality.
self-efficacy Belief in one’s personal
capabilities. Self-efficacy underlies
people’s faith in their ability to carry
out a particular behavior or produce a
desired outcome.
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rua
s “A
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Self-efficacy, the belief in one’s own
capabilities, leads to higher aspirations
and greater persistence.
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ignored. Although the existence of personality is not denied, learning theorists say
that it is best understood by looking at features of a person’s environment.
SKINNER’S BEHAVIORIST APPROACH
According to the most influential learning theorist, B. F. Skinner (who carried out
pioneering work on operant conditioning), personality is a collection of learned
behavior patterns (Skinner, 1975). Similarities in responses across different situations
are caused by similar patterns of reinforcement that have been received in such situ-
ations in the past. If I am sociable both at parties and at meetings, it is because I
have been reinforced for displaying social behaviors—not because I am fulfilling an
unconscious wish based on experiences during my childhood or because I have an
internal trait of sociability.
Strict learning theorists such as Skinner are less interested in the consistencies in
behavior across situations than in ways of modifying behavior. Their view is that humans
are infinitely changeable through the process of learning new behavior patterns. If we are
able to control and modify the patterns of reinforcers in a situation, behavior that other
theorists would view as stable and unyielding can be changed and ultimately improved.
Learning theorists are optimistic in their attitudes about the potential for resolving per-
sonal and societal problems through treatment strategies based on learning theory.
SOCIAL COGNITIVE APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY
Not all learning theories of personality take such a strict view in rejecting the impor-
tance of what is “inside” a person by focusing solely on the “outside.” Unlike other
learning approaches to personality, social cognitive approaches to personality empha-
size the influence of cognition—thoughts, feelings, expectations, and values—as well
as observation of others’ behavior, on personality. According to Albert Bandura, one
of the main proponents of this point of view, people can foresee the possible outcomes
of certain behaviors in a specific setting without actually having to carry them out.
This understanding comes primarily through observational learning—viewing the
actions of others and observing the consequences (Bandura, 1986, 1999).
For instance, children who view a model behaving in, say, an aggressive manner
tend to copy the behavior if the consequences of the model’s behavior are seen as
positive. If, in contrast, the model’s aggressive behavior has resulted in no conse-
quences or negative consequences, children are considerably less likely to act aggres-
sively. According to social cognitive approaches, then, personality develops through
repeated observation of others’ behavior.
SELF-EFFICACY
Bandura places particular emphasis on the role played by self-efficacy, belief in one’s
personal capabilities. Self-efficacy underlies people’s faith in their ability to carry out
a specific task or produce a desired outcome. People with high self-efficacy have
higher aspirations and greater persistence in working to attain goals and ultimately
achieve greater success than those with lower self-efficacy (Bandura & Locke, 2003;
Glickler, 2006; Betz, 2007).
How do we develop self-efficacy? One way is by paying close attention to our
prior successes and failures. If we try snowboarding and experience little success,
we'll be less likely to try it again. However, if our initial efforts appear promising,
we'll be more likely to attempt it again. Direct reinforcement and encouragement
from others also play a role in developing self-efficacy (Devonport & Lane, 2006;
Buchanan & Selmon, 2008).
Compared with other learning theories of personality, social cognitive approaches
are distinctive in their emphasis on the reciprocity between individuals and their
environment. Not only is the environment assumed to affect personality, but people’s
behavior and personalities are also assumed to “feed back” and modify the environ-
ment (Bandura, 1999, 2000).
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Module 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary, and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 453
HOW MUCH CONSISTENCY EXISTS IN PERSONALITY?
Another social cognitive theorist, Walter Mischel, takes a different approach to per-
sonality from that of Albert Bandura. He rejects the view that personality consists of
broad traits that lead to substantial consistencies in behavior across different situa-
tions. Instead, he sees personality as considerably more variable from one situation
to another (Mischel, 2009).
In this view, particular situations give rise to particular kinds of behavior. Some
situations are especially influential (think of a movie theater, where everyone dis-
plays pretty much the same behavior by sitting quietly and watching the film). Other
situations permit much variability in behavior (think of a party, for example, where
some people may be dancing, while others are eating and drinking).
From this perspective, personality cannot be considered without taking the par-
ticular context of the situation into account—a view known as situationism. In his
cognitive-affective processing system (CAPS) theory, Mischel argues that people’s
thoughts and emotions about themselves and the world determine how they view,
and then react, in particular situations. Personality is thus seen as a reflection of how
people’s prior experiences in different situations affect their behavior (Shoda &
Mischel, 2006; Mischel & Shoda, 2008).
SELF-ESTEEM
Our behavior also reflects the view we have of ourselves and the way we value the
various parts of our personalities. Self-esteem is the component of personality that
encompasses our positive and negative self-evaluations. Unlike self-efficacy, which
focuses on our views of whether we are able to carry out a task, self-esteem relates
to how we feel about ourselves.
Although people have a general level of self-esteem, it is not unidimensional.
We may see ourselves positively in one domain but negatively in others. For exam-
ple, a good student may have high self-esteem in academic domains but lower self-
esteem in sports (Swann, Chang-Schneider, & Larsen McClarty, 2007; Salmela-Aro &
Nurmi, 2007; Gentile et al., 2009).
Self-esteem has strong cultural components. For example, having high relation-
ship harmony—a sense of success in forming close bonds with other people—is more
important to self-esteem in Asian cultures than it is in more individualistic Western
societies (Spencer-Rodgers et al., 2004; Lun & Bond, 2006; Cheng & Kwan, 2008).
Although almost everyone goes through periods of low self-esteem (for instance,
after an undeniable failure), some people are chronically low in self-esteem. For them,
failure seems to be an inevitable part of life. In fact, low self-esteem may lead to a
cycle of failure in which past failure breeds future failure.
For example, consider students with low self-esteem who are studying for a test.
Because of their low self-esteem, they expect to do poorly on the test. In turn, this
belief raises their anxiety level, which makes it increasingly difficult to study and
perhaps even leading them not to work as hard. Because of these attitudes, they do,
in fact, ultimately perform badly on the test. Ultimately, the failure reinforces their
low self-esteem, and the cycle is perpetuated as illustrated in Figure 3. In short, low
self-esteem can lead to a self-destructive cycle of failure.
Low = Actual failure
a amy
self-esteem The component of person-
ality that encompasses our positive and
negative self-evaluations.
FIGURE 3 The cycle of low self-esteem
begins with an individual already having
low self-esteem. As a consequence, the
person will have low performance
expectations and expect to fail a test,
thereby producing anxiety and reduced
effort. As a result, the person will actually
fail, and failure in turn reinforces low
self-esteem.
454 Chapter 13 Personality
biological and evolutionary
approaches to personality Theories
that suggest that important compo-
nents of personality are inherited.
Biological and evolutionary approaches
to personality seek to explain the
consistencies in personality that are
found in some families.
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EVALUATING LEARNING APPROACHES TO PERSONALITY
Because they ignore the internal processes that are uniquely human, traditional learning
theorists such as Skinner have been accused of oversimplifying personality to such an
extent that the concept becomes meaningless. Their critics think that reducing behavior
to a series of stimuli and responses and excluding thoughts and feelings from the realm
of personality leaves behaviorists practicing an unrealistic and inadequate form of science.
Of course, some of these criticisms are blunted by social cognitive approaches,
which explicitly consider the role of cognitive processes in personality. Still, learning
approaches tend to share a highly deterministic view of human behavior, which main-
tains that behavior is shaped primarily by forces beyond the individual’s control. As
in psychoanalytic theory (which suggests that personality is determined by the
unconscious forces) and trait approaches (which views personality in part as a mix-
ture of genetically determined traits), learning theory’s reliance on deterministic prin-
ciples de-emphasizes people’s ability to pilot their own course through life.
Nonetheless, learning approaches have had a major impact on the study of per-
sonality. For one thing, they have helped make personality psychology an objective,
scientific venture by focusing on observable behavior and the effects of their environ-
ments. In addition, they have produced important, successful means of treating a
variety of psychological disorders. The degree of success of these treatments is
a testimony to the merits of learning theory approaches to personality.
Biological and Evolutionary
Approaches: Are We Born
with Personality?
Approaching the question of what determines personality from a different direction,
biological and evolutionary approaches to personality suggest that important com-
ponents of personality are inherited. Building on the work of behavioral geneticists,
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Module 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary, and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 455
researchers using biological and evolutionary approaches argue that personality is
determined at least in part by our genes in much the same way that our height is
largely a result of genetic contributions from our ancestors. The evolutionary per-
spective assumes that personality traits that led to our ancestors’ survival and repro-
ductive success are more likely to be preserved and passed on to subsequent
generations (Buss, 2001, 2009).
Twin studies illustrate the importance of genetic factors in personality. For
instance, personality psychologists Auke Tellegen and colleagues at the University
of Minnesota examined the personality traits of pairs of twins who were genetically
identical but were raised apart from each other (Tellegen et al., 1988; Bouchard, et
al., 2004). In the study, each twin was given a battery of personality tests, including
one that measured 11 key personality characteristics.
The results of the personality tests indicated that in major respects the twins were
quite similar in personality, despite having separated at an early age. Moreover, cer-
tain traits were more heavily influenced by heredity than others. For example, social
potency (the degree to which a person assumes mastery and leadership roles in social
situations) and traditionalism (the tendency to follow authority) had particularly
strong genetic components, whereas achievement and social closeness had relatively
weak genetic components (see Figure 4).
Furthermore, it is increasingly clear that the roots of adult personality emerge
in the earliest periods of life. Infants are born with a specific temperament, an innate
disposition. Temperament encompasses several dimensions, including general
activity level and mood. For instance, some individuals are quite active, while others
are relatively calm. Similarly, some are relatively easygoing, while others are irritable,
Social potency
Traditionalism
Stress reaction
Absorption
Alienation ”
out to get me
y Alert
Remember that biological and
evolutionary approaches
focus on the way in which
people's genetic heritage
affects personality.
temperament The innate disposition
that emerges early in life.
Is masterful; a forceful leader who likes to be
the center of attention
Follows rules and authority; endorses high
moral standards and strict discipline
Feels vulnerable and sensitive; is given to
worrying and easily upset
Has a vivid imagination readily captured by
rich experience; relinquishes sense of reality
Feels mistreated and used, that “the world is
Has a cheerful disposition; feels confident and
Well-being
Harm avoidance
Aggression
Achievement
Control
Social closeness
optimistic
Shuns the excitement of risk and danger;
prefers the safe route even if it is tedious
Is physically aggressive and vindictive; has taste
for violence; is “out to get the world”
Works hard; strives for mastery; puts work
and accomplishment ahead of other things
Is cautious and plodding; is rational and sensible;
likes carefully planned events
Prefers emotional intimacy and close ties; turns
to others for comfort and help
o
o
N
©
30 40
wu
oO
fon
oO
N
o
Percentage
FIGURE 4 The inherited roots of personality. The percentages indicate the degree to which
11 personality characteristics reflect the influence of heredity. (Source: Tellegen et al., 1988.)
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456 Chapter 13 Personality
~~
2 ia
Infants are born with particular temperaments—dispositions that are consistent throughout
childhood.
easily upset, and difficult to soothe. Temperament is quite consistent, with signifi-
cant stability from infancy well into adolescence (Wachs et al., 2004; Kagan et al.,
2007; Evans & Rothbart, 2007, 2009).
Some researchers contend that specific genes are related to personality. For
example, people with a longer dopamine-4 receptor gene are more likely to be
thrill-seekers than those without such a gene. These thrill-seekers tend to be extro-
verted, impulsive, quick-tempered, and always in search of excitement and novel
situations. Furthermore, the structure of their brains may reflect their thrill-seeking
tendencies (see Neuroscience in Your Life, Figure 5; Robins, 2005; Golimbet et al., 2007;
Ray et al., 2009).
Does the identification of specific genes linked to personality, coupled with the
existence of temperaments from the time of birth, mean that we are destined to
have certain types of personalities? Hardly. First, it is unlikely that any single gene
is linked to a specific trait. For instance, the dopamine-4 receptor accounts for only
around 10% of the variation in novelty seeking between different individuals.
The rest of the variation is attributable to other genes and environmental factors
(Keltikangas-Jarvinen et al., 2004; Lahti et al., 2005).
More important, genes interact with the environment. As we see in discussions
of the heritability of intelligence and the nature-nurture issue, it is impossible to
completely divorce genetic factors from environmental factors. Although studies of
identical twins raised in different environments are helpful, they are not definitive
because it is impossible to assess and control environmental factors fully. Further-
more, estimates of the influence of genetics are just that—estimates—and apply to
groups, not individuals. Consequently, findings such as those shown in Figure 4 must
be regarded as approximations.
Finally, even if more genes are found to be linked to specific personality charac-
teristics, genes still cannot be viewed as the sole cause of personality. For one thing,
genetically determined characteristics may not be expressed if they are not “turned
on” by particular environmental experiences. Furthermore, behaviors produced by
genes may help to create a specific environment. For instance, a cheerful, smiley baby
may lead her parents to smile more and be more responsive, thereby creating a
supportive, pleasant environment. In contrast, the parents of a cranky, fussy baby
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Module 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary, and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 457
Wired for Thrills—
The Biological Underpinnings of Personality
FIGURE 5 Research suggests that personality characteristics may be related to differences in
brain structure. Scientists used magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) to look for relationships
between personality traits such as novelty-seeking and differences in the number of neurons
in various parts of the brain. In this MRI, the red areas of the frontal and posterior cingulate
are related to novelty-seeking. This MRI helps us understand that those who are more likely
to seek novel experiences have a greater number of neurons in the highlighted areas of the
brain. (Source: Gardini et al., 2009, Figure 1.)
may be less inclined to smile at the child; in turn, the environment in which that
child is raised will be less supportive and pleasant. In a sense, then, genes not only
influence a person’s behavior—they also help produce the environment in which a
person develops (Scarr, 1998; Plomin & Caspi, 1999; Kim-Cohen, Caspi, & Moffitt,
2003; Kim-Cohen et al., 2005).
Although an increasing number of personality theorists are taking biological and
evolutionary factors into account, no comprehensive, unified theory that considers
biological and evolutionary factors is widely accepted. Still, it is clear that certain
personality traits have substantial genetic components and that heredity and environ-
ment interact to determine personality (Ebstein, Benjamin, & Belmaker, 2003;
Bouchard, 2004; South & Krueger, 2008).
Humanistic Approaches:
The Uniqueness of You
In all the approaches to personality that we have discussed, where is an explanation for
the saintliness of a Mother Teresa, the creativity of a Michelangelo, and the brilliance
and perseverance of an Einstein? An understanding of such unique individuals—as well
as more ordinary sorts of people who have some of the same attributes—comes from
humanistic theory.
According to humanistic theorists, all the approaches to personality we have
discussed share a fundamental misperception in their views of human nature. Instead
of seeing people as controlled by unconscious, unseen forces (psychodynamic
approaches), a set of stable traits (trait approaches), situational reinforcements and humanistic approaches to personality
punishments (learning theory), or inherited factors (biological and evolutionary Theories that emphasize people’s
approaches), humanistic approaches to personality emphasize people’s inherent innate goodness and desire to achieve
goodness and their tendency to move toward higher levels of functioning. It is this higher levels of functioning.
458 Chapter 13 Personality
_ | Mee PSYCHOLOGIST ||
© Robert Mankoff/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com
|
\
\
\
\
\
\
\
\
“So, while extortion, racketeering, and murder may be bad acts,
they don t make you a bad person.”
self-actualization A state of self-
fulfillment in which people realize
their highest potential, each in a
unique way.
unconditional positive regard An
attitude of acceptance and respect on
the part of an observer, no matter what
a person says or does.
FIGURE 6 According to the humanistic
view of Carl Rogers, people have a basic
need to be loved and respected. If you
receive unconditional positive regard
from others, you will develop a more
realistic self-concept; but if the response
is conditional, it may lead to anxiety and
frustration.
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conscious, self-motivated ability to change and improve,
along with people’s unique creative impulses, that human-
istic theorists argue make up the core of personality.
ROGERS AND THE NEED
FOR SELF-ACTUALIZATION
The major proponent of the humanistic point of view is
Carl Rogers (1971). Along with other humanistic theorists,
such as Abraham Maslow, Rogers maintains that all people
have a fundamental need for self-actualization, a state of
self-fulfillment in which people realize their highest poten-
tial, each in a unique way. He further suggests that people
develop a need for positive regard that reflects the desire
to be loved and respected. Because others provide this
positive regard, we grow dependent on them. We begin to
see and judge ourselves through the eyes of other people, relying on their values and
being preoccupied with what they think of us.
According to Rogers, one outgrowth of placing importance on others’ opinions is
that a conflict may grow between people’s experiences and their self-concepts, the set of
beliefs they hold about what they are like as individuals. If the discrepancies are minor,
so are the consequences. But if the discrepancies are great, they will lead to psycho-
logical disturbances in daily functioning, such as the experience of frequent anxiety.
Rogers suggests that one way of overcoming the discrepancy between experience
and self-concept is through the receipt of unconditional positive regard from another
person—a friend, a spouse, or a therapist. Unconditional positive regard refers to
an attitude of acceptance and respect on the observer’s part, no matter what a person
says or does. This acceptance, says Rogers, gives people the opportunity to evolve
and grow both cognitively and emotionally and to develop more realistic self-
concepts. You may have experienced the power of unconditional positive regard
when you confided in someone, revealing embarrassing secrets because you knew
the listener would still love and respect you even after hearing the worst about you
(Snyder, 2002; Marshall, 2007).
In contrast, conditional positive regard depends on your behavior. In such cases,
others withdraw their love and acceptance if you do something of which they don’t
approve. The result is a discrepancy between your true self and what others wish
you would be, which leads to anxiety and frustration (see Figure 6).
MANKOFF
EVALUATING HUMANISTIC APPROACHES
Although humanistic theories suggest the value of providing unconditional positive
regard toward people, unconditional positive regard toward humanistic theories has
been less forthcoming. The criticisms have centered on the difficulty of verifying the
basic assumptions of the approach as well as on the question of whether uncondi-
tional positive regard does, in fact, lead to greater personality adjustment.
Others’ behavior
toward you
Your response
Conditional
positive regard
Anxiety and
frustration
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Module 41 Trait, Learning, Biological and Evolutionary, and Humanistic Approaches to Personality 459
Humanistic approaches have also been criticized for making the assumption that
people are basically “good”—a notion that is unverifiable—and, equally important,
for using nonscientific values to build supposedly scientific theories. Still, humanistic
theories have been important in highlighting the uniqueness of human beings and
guiding the development of a significant form of therapy designed to alleviate psy-
chological difficulties (Cain, 2002; Bauman & Kopp, 2006; Elkins, 2009).
Comparing Approaches
to Personality
In light of the multiple approaches we have discussed, you may be wondering which
of the theories provides the most accurate description of personality. That question
cannot be answered precisely. Each theory is built on different assumptions and
focuses on somewhat different aspects of personality (see Figure 7). Furthermore,
there is no clear way to scientifically test the various approaches and their assump-
tions against one another. Given the complexity of every individual, it seems reason-
able that personality can be viewed from a number of perspectives simultaneously
(Pervin, 2003).
Conscious Versus
Theoretical Unconscious Nature (Hereditary
Approach and Determinants of Factors) Versus Nurture
Major Theorists Personality (Environmental Factors) Free Will Versus Determinism Stability Versus Modifiability
FIGURE 7 The multiple perspectives of personality.
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460 Chapter 13 Personality
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the major aspects of trait, learning, biological and
evolutionary, and humanistic approaches to personality?
Trait approaches have been used to identify relatively
enduring dimensions along which people differ from
one another—dimensions known as traits. (p. 448)
Learning approaches to personality concentrate on
observable behavior. To a strict learning theorist, person-
ality is the sum of learned responses to the external
environment. (p. 451)
Social cognitive approaches concentrate on the role of
cognition in determining personality. Those approaches
pay particular attention to self-efficacy and self-esteem
in determining behavior. (p. 452)
Biological and evolutionary approaches to personality
focus on the way in which personality characteristics are
inherited. (p. 454)
Humanistic approaches emphasize people’s inherent
goodness. They consider the core of personality in terms
of a person’s ability to change and improve. (p. 457)
The major personality approaches differ substantially
from one another; the differences may reflect both their
focus on different aspects of personality and the overall
complexity of personality. (p. 459)
EVALUATE
1.
Carl’s determination to succeed is the dominant force in
all his activities and relationships. According to Gordon
Allport’s theory, this is an example of a _______ trait.
In contrast, Cindy’s fondness for old western movies is an
example of a _______trait.
KEY TERMS
trait theory p. 448 self-efficacy p. 452
traits p. 448 self-esteem p. 453
social cognitive biological and evolutionary
approaches to approaches to
personality p. 452 personality p. 454
2
Eysenck might describe a person who enjoys activities
such as parties and hang-gliding as high on what trait?
. Proponents of which approach to personality would be
most likely to agree with the statement, “Personality can
be thought of as learned responses to a person’s upbring-
ing and environment”?
a. Humanistic
b. Biological and evolutionary
c. Learning
d. Trait
. Bandura would rate a person who would make the state-
ment, “I know I can’t do it” as low on
. Which approach to personality emphasizes the innate
goodness of people and their desire to grow?
a. Humanistic
b. Psychodynamic
c. Learning
d. Biological and evolutionary
RETHINK
1.
If personality traits are merely descriptive and not explan-
atory, what use are they? Can assigning a trait to a person
be harmful—or helpful? Why or why not?
. From the perspective of an educator: How might you encour-
age your students’ development of self-esteem and self-
efficacy? What steps would you take to ensure that their
self-esteem did not become over-inflated?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
eg ‘Aovoyya-Jfas “pf 19 g /UOISIaARI}Xxe *Z ‘ATepUODS ‘[eUTPIeD “TL
temperament p. 455 self-actualization p. 458
humanistic approaches to unconditional positive
personality p. 457 regard p.458
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You have a need for other people to like and admire you.
You have a tendency to be critical of yourself.
You have a great deal of unused potential that you have not turned to your advantage.
Although you have some personality weaknesses, you generally are able to compensate
for them.
Relating to members of the opposite sex has presented problems for you.
Although you appear to be disciplined and self-controlled to others, you tend to be
anxious and insecure inside.
At times you have serious doubts about whether you have made the right decision or
done the right thing.
You prefer a certain amount of change and variety and become dissatisfied when
hemmed in by restrictions and limitations.
You do not accept others’ statements without satisfactory proof.
You have found it unwise to be too frank in revealing yourself to others.
If you think these statements provide a surprisingly accurate account of your per-
sonality, you are not alone: Most college students think that these descriptions are
tailored just to them. In fact, the statements were designed intentionally to be so
vague that they apply to just about anyone (Forer, 1949; Russo, 1981).
The ease with which we can agree with such imprecise statements underscores
the difficulty in coming up with accurate and meaningful assessments of people’s
personalities. Psychologists interested in assessing personality must be able to
define the most meaningful ways of discriminating between one person’s person-
ality and another’s. To do this, they use psychological tests, standard measures
devised to assess behavior objectively. With the results of such tests, psychologists
can help people better understand themselves and make decisions about their
lives. Researchers interested in the causes and consequences of personality also
employ psychological tests (Aiken, 2000; Kaplan & Saccuzzo, 2001; Hambleton,
2006).
Like the assessments that seek to measure intelligence, all psychological tests
must have reliability and validity. Reliability refers to a test's measurement consis-
tency. If a test is reliable, it yields the same result each time it is administered to a
specific person or group. In contrast, unreliable tests give different results each time
they are administered.
For meaningful conclusions to be drawn, tests also must be valid. Tests have
validity when they actually measure what they are designed to measure. If a test is
constructed to measure sociability, for instance, we need to know that it actually
measures sociability and not some other trait.
How can we most accurately
assess personality?
What are the major types of
personality measures?
Standard mea-
sures devised to assess behavior
objectively; used by psychologists to
help people make decisions about their
lives and understand more about
themselves.
> Study Alert
The distinction between reli-
ability and validity is impor-
tant. For instance, a test
that measures trustfulness
is reliable if it yields the
same results each time it is adminis-
tered, while it would be valid if it
measures trustfulness accurately.
461
462
Chapter 13 Personality
b
Should Race and Ethnicity
Be Used to Establish Norms?
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Finally, psychological tests are based on norms, standards of test performance
that permit the comparison of one person’s score on a test with the scores of others
who have taken the same test. For example, a norm permits test-takers who have
received a certain score on a test to know that they have scored in the top 10% of all
those who have taken the test.
Norms are established by administering a specific test to a large number of
people and determining the typical scores. It is then possible to compare a single
person’s score with the scores of the group, which provides a comparative
measure of test performance against the performance of others who have taken
the test.
The establishment of appropriate norms is not a simple endeavor. For instance,
the specific group that is employed to determine norms for a test has a profound
effect on the way an individual's performance is evaluated. In fact, as we discuss
next, the process of establishing norms can take on political overtones.
eg i à j The passions of politics may confront the objectivity of science
Exploring DIVERSITY
P
'
when test norms are established, at least in the realm of
standardized tests that are meant to predict future job
performance. In fact, a national controversy has developed
around the question of whether different norms should be
established for members of various racial and ethnic groups
(Manly, 2005, 2006; Manly & Echemendia, 2007; Pedraza &
Mungas, 2008).
The test that sparked the controversy was the U.S. government’s General Aptitude
Test Battery, a test that measures a broad range of abilities from eye-hand coordination
to reading proficiency. The problem was that African Americans and Hispanics tend to
score lower on the test, on average, than members of other groups. The lower scores
often are due to a lack of prior relevant experience and job opportunities, which in turn
has been due to prejudice and discrimination.
To promote the employment of minority racial groups, the government developed
a separate set of norms for African Americans and Hispanics. Rather than using the
pool of all people who took the tests, the scores of African-American and Hispanic
applicants were compared only with the scores of other African Americans and
Hispanics. Consequently, a Hispanic who scored in the top 20% of the Hispanics taking
the test was considered to have performed equivalently to a white job applicant who
scored in the top 20% of the whites who took the test, even though the absolute score
of the Hispanic might be lower than that of the white.
Critics of the adjusted norming system suggested that such a procedure
discriminates in favor of certain racial and ethnic groups at the expense of others,
thereby fanning the flames of racial bigotry. The practice was challenged legally; with
the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1991, race norming on the General Aptitude Test
Battery was discontinued (Galef, 2001).
However, proponents of race norming continue to argue that norming procedures
that take race into account are an affirmative action tool that simply permits minority
job-seekers to be placed on an equal footing with white job-seekers. Furthermore, a
panel of the National Academy of Sciences supported the practice of adjusting test
norms. It suggested that the unadjusted test norms are not very useful in predicting job
performance and that they would tend to screen out otherwise qualified minority
group members (Fleming, 2000).
Job testing is not the only area in which issues arise regarding norms and the
meaning of test scores. The issue of how to treat racial differences in IQ scores is also
controversial and divisive. Clearly, race norming raises profound and intense feelings
that may come into conflict with scientific objectivity (Leiter & Leiter, 2003; Rushton &
Jensen, 2006; Davis, 2009).
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Module 42 Assessing Personality: Determining What Makes Us Distinctive 463
The issue of establishing norms for tests is further complicated by the existence of a
wide array of personality measures and approaches to assessment. We next consider
some of these measures.
Self-Report Measures
of Personality
If someone wanted to assess your personality, one possible approach would be to
carry out an extensive interview with you to determine the most important events
in your childhood, your social relationships, and your successes and failures. Obvi-
ously, though, such a technique would take extraordinary time and effort.
It is also unnecessary. Just as physicians draw only a small sample of your blood
to test it, psychologists can utilize self-report measures that ask people about a
relatively small sample of their behavior. This sampling of self-report data is then
used to infer the presence of particular personality characteristics. For example, a
researcher who was interested in assessing a person’s orientation to life might admin-
ister the questionnaire shown in Figure 1. Although the questionnaire consists of only
a few questions, the answers can be used to generalize about personality character-
istics. (Try it yourself!)
One of the best examples of a self-report measure, and one of the most frequently
used personality tests, is the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2
(MMPI-2). Although the original purpose of this measure was to identify people with
specific sorts of psychological difficulties, it has been found to predict a variety of
Se V ONO
The Life Orientation Test-Revised
Use the following scale to answer the items below:
0 1 2 3 4
Strongly disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly agree
In uncertain times, | usually expect the best.
It's easy for me to relax.
If something can go wrong for me, it will.
I'm always optimistic about my future.
| enjoy my friends a lot.
It's important for me to keep busy.
| hardly ever expect things to go my way.
| don't get upset too easily.
| rarely count on good things happening to me.
Overall, | expect more good things to happen to me than bad.
S &9 E S) ON Sr es UI I
sy
Scoring. First, reverse your answers to questions 3, 7, and 9. Do this by changing a 0 to a 4, a 1 to
a 3, a 3 to a 1, and a 4 to a 0 (answers of 2 stay as 2). Then sum the reversed scores, and add
them to the scores you gave to questions 1, 4, and 10. (Ignore questions 2, 5, 6, and 8, which are
filler items.)
The total score you get is a measure of a particular orientation to life: your degree of
optimism. The higher your scores, the more positive and hopeful you generally are about life. For
comparison purposes the average score for college students is 14.3, according to the results of a
study by Scheier, Carver, and Bridges (1994). People with a higher degree of optimism generally
deal with stress better than do those with lower scores.
self-report measures A method of
gathering data about people by asking
them questions about a sample of their
behavior.
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) A widely used
self-report test that identifies people
with psychological difficulties and is
employed to predict some everyday
behaviors.
FIGURE 1 The Life Orientation Test-
Revised. Complete this test by indicating
the degree to which you agree with
each of the 10 statements using the
scale from 0 to 4 for each item. Try to be
as accurate as possible. There are no
right or wrong answers. (Source: Adapted
from Table 6 (p. 1073) from Scheier, M. F.,
Carver, C. S., & Bridges, M. W. (1994).
Distinguishing optimism from neuroticism
(and trait anxiety, self-mastery, and self-
esteem): A reevaluation of the Life Orienta-
tion Test. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 67, 1063-1078. Copyright © 1994
by The American Psychological Association.
Adapted with permission.
464 Chapter 13 Personality
test standardization A technique
used to validate questions in personal-
ity tests by studying the responses of
people with known diagnoses.
FIGURE 2 A MMPI-2 profile of a person
who suffers from obsessional anxiety,
social withdrawal, and delusional thinking.
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other behaviors. For instance, MMPI-2 scores have been shown to be good predictors
of whether college students will marry within 10 years of graduating and whether
they will get an advanced degree. Police departments use the test to measure whether
police officers are likely to use their weapons. Psychologists in Russia administer a
modified form of the MMPI to their astronauts and Olympic athletes (Butcher, 2005;
Sellbom & Ben-Porath, 2006; Sellbom, Fischler, & Ben-Porath, 2007).
The test consists of a series of 567 items to which a person responds “true,”
“false,” or “cannot say.” The questions cover a variety of issues ranging from mood
(“I feel useless at times”) to opinions (“People should try to understand their dreams”)
to physical and psychological health (“I am bothered by an upset stomach several
times a week” and “I have strange and peculiar thoughts”).
There are no right or wrong answers. Instead, interpretation of the results rests
on the pattern of responses. The test yields scores on 10 separate scales, plus three
scales meant to measure the validity of the respondent’s answers. For example, there
is a “lie scale” that indicates when people are falsifying their responses in order to
present themselves more favorably (through items such as, “I can’t remember ever
having a bad night’s sleep”) (Butcher, 2005; Stein & Graham, 2005; Bacchiochi, 2006).
How did the authors of the MMPI-2 determine what specific patterns of responses
indicate? The procedure they used is typical of personality test construction—a pro-
cess known as test standardization. To create the test, the test authors asked groups
of psychiatric patients with a specific diagnosis, such as depression or schizophrenia,
to complete a large number of items. They then determined which items best dif-
ferentiated members of those groups from a comparison group of normal participants
and included those specific items in the final version of the test. By systematically
carrying out this procedure on groups with different diagnoses, the test authors were
able to devise a number of subscales that identified different forms of abnormal
behavior (see Figure 2).
Clinical scales
Hypochondriasis:
Interest in bodily symptoms
Depression:
Hopeless, pessimistic attitude
Hysteria:
Uses physical ailments to avoid problems
Psychopathic deviate:
Antisocial behavior, disregards others
Masculinity-femininity:
Interests related to gender
Paranoia:
Defensiveness, suspiciousness, jealousy
Psychasthenia: obsessiveness,
compulsiveness, suspiciousness
Schizophrenia:
Loss of touch with reality, bizarre delusions
Hypomania:
Impulsiveness, overactivity
Social introversion-extraversion:
Insecure social interactions
30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Score
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Module 42 Assessing Personality: Determining What Makes Us Distinctive 465
When the MMPI-2 is used for the purpose for which it was devised—identifi-
cation of personality disorders—it does a good job. However, like other personality
tests, it presents an opportunity for abuse. For instance, employers who use it as
a screening tool for job applicants may interpret the results improperly by relying
too heavily on the results of individual scales instead of taking into account the
overall patterns of results, which require skilled interpretation. Furthermore, critics
point out that the individual scales overlap, which makes their interpretation dif-
ficult. In sum, although the MMPI-2 remains the most widely used personality test
and has been translated into more than 100 different languages, it must be used
with caution (Valsiner, Diriwachter, & Sauck, 2005; Forbey & Ben-Porath, 2007;
Ben-Porath & Archer, 2008).
Projective Methods
If you were shown the shape presented in Figure 3 and asked what it represented
to you, you might not think that your impressions would mean very much. But to
a psychodynamic theoretician, your responses to such an ambiguous figure would
provide valuable clues to the state of your unconscious and ultimately to your gen-
eral personality characteristics.
The shape in the figure is representative of inkblots used in projective personal-
ity tests, in which a person is shown an ambiguous stimulus and asked to describe
it or tell a story about it. The responses are considered to be “projections” of the
individual’s personality.
FIGURE 3 This inkblot is similar to the type used in the Rorschach personality test. What do
you see in it? (Source: Alloy, Jacobson, & Acocella, 1999.)
y Alert
In projective tests such as the
Rorschach, researchers pres-
ent an ambiguous stimulus
and ask a person to de-
scribe or tell a story about
it. They then use the responses to
make inferences about personality.
projective personality test A test in
which a person is shown an ambigu-
ous stimulus and asked to describe it
or tell a story about it.
466 Chapter 13 Personality
ScienceCartoonsPlus.com
“Ronsatacn | WHAT'S 1 Become oF You?”
Rorschach test A test that involves
showing a series of symmetrical visual
stimuli to people who then are asked
what the figures represent to them.
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)
A test consisting of a series of pictures
about which a person is asked to write
a story.
behavioral assessment Direct mea-
sures of an individual’s behavior used
to describe personality characteristics.
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The best-known projective test is the Rorschach test. Devised by Swiss psychia-
trist Hermann Rorschach (1924), the test involves showing a series of symmetrical
stimuli similar to the one in Figure 3 to people who are then asked what the figures
represent to them. Their responses are recorded, and people are classified by their
personality type through a complex set of clinical judgments on the part of the exam-
iner. For instance, respondents who see a bear in one inkblot are thought to have a
strong degree of emotional control, according to the scoring guidelines Rorschach
developed (Weiner, 2004b; Silverstein, 2007).
The Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) is another well-known projective test.
The TAT consists of a series of pictures about which a person is asked to write a
story. The stories are then used to draw inferences about the writer’s personality
characteristics (Weiner, 2004a; Langan-Fox & Grant, 2006).
Tests with stimuli as ambiguous as those used in the Rorschach and TAT require
particular skill and care in their interpretation—too much skill and care in many
critics’ estimation. The Rorschach in particular has been criticized for requiring too
much inference on the part of the examiner, and attempts to standardize scoring have
frequently failed. Furthermore, many critics complain that the Rorschach does not
provide much valid information about underlying personality traits. Despite such
problems, both the Rorschach and the TAT are widely used, especially in clinical
settings, and their proponents suggest that their reliability and validity are great
enough to provide useful inferences about personality (Wood et al., 2003; Garb et al.,
2005; Society for Personality Assessment, 2005).
Behavioral Assessment
If you were a psychologist subscribing to a learning approach to personality, you
would be likely to object to the indirect nature of projective tests. Instead, you
would be more apt to use behavioral assessment—direct measures of an indi-
vidual’s behavior designed to describe characteristics indicative of personality. As
with observational research, behavioral assessment may be carried out naturalisti-
cally by observing people in their own settings: in the workplace, at home, or in
school. In other cases, behavioral assessment occurs in the laboratory under con-
trolled conditions in which a psychologist sets up a situation and observes an
individual’s behavior (Ramsay, Reynolds, & Kamphaus, 2002; Gladwell, 2004;
Miller & Leffard, 2007).
Regardless of the setting in which behavior is observed, an effort is made to
ensure that behavioral assessment is carried out objectively and quantifies behavior
as much as possible. For example, an observer may record the number of social
contacts a person initiates, the number of questions asked, or the number of aggres-
sive acts. Another method is to measure the duration of events: the duration of a
child’s temper tantrum, the length of a conversation, the amount of time spent work-
ing, or the time spent in cooperative behavior.
Behavioral assessment is particularly appropriate for observing—and eventually
remedying—specific behavioral difficulties, such as shyness in children. It provides
a means of assessing the specific nature and incidence of a problem and subse-
quently allows psychologists to determine whether intervention techniques have
been successful.
Behavioral assessment techniques based on learning theories of personality have
also made important contributions to the treatment of certain kinds of psychological
difficulties. In addition, they are also used to make hiring and personnel decision in
the workplace. (Also see PsychWork.)
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Module 42 Assessing Personality: Determining What Makes Us Distinctive 467
At some point, everyone goes looking for a job, and in many
cases the first stop in the process will be with a human
resources officer. John Murray, Human Resources Administra-
tion Manager of Employment and Compensation Services at
Indiana University—-Purdue University, is one of those people
job applicants meet with initially.
“We try to influence hiring departments to consider diverse
applicants during the recruitment process,” Murray explained.
“We train on and stress the value of behavioral-based inter-
PsychWork
HUMAN RESOURCES MANAGER
Name: John P. Murray
Profession: Human Resources Manager
Education: BS in Business Administration; Indiana
University-Purdue University, Indianapolis,
Indiana
views, and we try to help hiring managers see patterns of
behavior that may not be seen if they only focus on apparent
unrelated facts.”
The interviewing process depends on the position being advertised, according to
Murray. “Interviewing does vary depending on the position but also varies based on
organizational needs that may be situational, such as make-up of current staff, antic-
ipated changes in organization, move toward automation, and so forth.
“When I interview for openings that I have or committees that I serve on, I try to
quickly get to whether the applicant has the skills to do the job so I can spend more
time gaining information to assess motivation, communication styles, and fit,” he added.
“For example, when hiring for an employment consultant, technical knowledge
of hiring processes is less important to me than consulting skills,” Murray explained.
“A technical expert in employment law might not be as effective as an individual
who can demonstrate communication, analytical, conceptualization, conflict resolu-
tion, and other soft skills that are more difficult to develop.”
Many companies ranging from General Motors to Microsoft BECOMING AN
employ personality tests to help determine who gets hired. For INFORMED CONSUMER
example, potential Microsoft employees have been asked
brainteasers like, “If you had to remove one of the 50 U.S. states, of P S yc h O | O g y
which would it be?” (Hint: First define “remove.” If you mean
the death of everyone in the state, suggest a low-population
state. If you mean quitting the country, then go for an outlying
state like Alaska or Hawaii.) Other employers ask questions
that are even more vague (“Describe November”). With such questions, it’s not always
clear that the tests are reliable or valid (McGinn, 2003).
Before relying too heavily on the results of such personality testing in the role of
potential employee, employer, or consumer of testing services, you should keep several
points in mind:
e Understand what the test claims to measure. Standard personality measures are
accompanied by information that discusses how the test was developed, to
whom it is most applicable, and how the results should be interpreted. Read any
explanations of the test; they will help you understand the results.
¢ Do not base a decision only on the results of any one test. Test results should be
interpreted in the context of other information, such as academic records, social
interests, and home and community activities.
e Remember that test results are not always accurate. The results may be in error; the
test may be unreliable or invalid. For example, you may have had a “bad day”
when you took the test, or the person scoring and interpreting the test may have
made a mistake. You should not place too much significance on the results of a
single administration of any test.
Assessing Personality Assessments
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468 Chapter 13 Personality
Insum, itis important to keep in mind the complexity of human behavior—particularly
your own. No single test can provide an understanding of the intricacies of someone’s
personality without considering a good deal more information than can be provided ina
single testing session (Gladwell, 2004; Paul, 2004; Hogan, Davies, & Hogan, 2007).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Tests such as the MMPI-2, in which a small sample of
behavior is assessed to determine larger patterns, are
examples of
a. Cross-sectional tests
b. Projective tests
c. Achievement tests
d. Self-report tests
4. A person shown a picture and asked to make up a story
What are the major types of personality measures? about it would be taking a per-
e Self-report measures ask people about a sample range of sonality test.
their behaviors. These reports are used to infer the pres-
ence of particular personality characteristics. (p. 463)
e Projective personality tests (such as the Rorschach and RETHINK
the TAT) present an ambiguous stimulus; the test admin-
istrator infers information about the test-taker from his
or her responses. (p. 465)
e Behavioral assessment is based on the principles of
learning theory. It employs direct measurement of an in-
dividual’s behavior to determine characteristics related
to personality. (p. 466)
How can we most accurately assess personality?
e Psychological tests such as the MMPI-2 are standard as-
sessment tools that measure behavior objectively. They
must be reliable (measuring what they are trying to mea-
sure consistently) and valid (measuring what they are
supposed to measure). (p. 461)
1. Should personality tests be used for personnel decisions?
Should they be used for other social purposes, such as
identifying individuals at risk for certain types of person-
ality disorders?
2. From the perspective of a politician: Imagine that you had to
vote on a law that would require institutions and organi-
zations to perform race norming procedures on standard-
ized performance tests. Would you support such a law?
Why or why not? In addition to race, should norming pro-
cedures take other factors into account? Which ones and
1, __________is the consistency of a personality test; why?
is the ability of a test to actually measure what
it is designed to measure.
2, _______are standards used to compare scores of
different people taking the same test.
EVALUATE
Answers to Evaluate Questions
aatpalord *p ‘p'e ‘swou ‘z /Ayrprea ‘AqTIqeTer T
KEY TERMS
psychological tests p. 461 test standardization p. 464 Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) p. 466
self-report measures p. 463 projective personality test p. 465 behavioral assessment p. 466
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Rorschach test p. 466
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) p. 463
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Psychology on the Web
1. Sigmund Freud is one of the towering figures in psychology. His influence extends far
beyond his psychoanalytic work. Find information about Freud on the web. Pick one
aspect of his work or influence (for example, on therapy, medicine, literature, film, or
culture and society) and summarize in writing what you have found, including your
attitude toward your findings.
2. Find a website that links to personality tests and take one or two tests. Remember to
take them with skepticism. For each test, summarize in writing the aspects of person-
ality that were tested, the theoretical approach the test appeared to be based on, and
your assessment of the trustworthiness of the results.
È © | log U e We have discussed the different ways in which psycholo-
gists have interpreted the development and structure of
personality. The perspectives we examined ranged from Freud's analysis of personality
based primarily on internal, unconscious factors to the externally based view champi-
oned by learning theorists of personality as a learned set of traits and actions. We also
noted that there are many ways to interpret personality; by no means does a consensus
exist on what the key traits are that are central to personality.
Return to the prologue and consider the case of convicted swindler Bernie Madoff.
Use your understanding of personality to consider the following questions.
1. How typical is it for people to have different sides to their personalities as Madoff
does?
2. How do you think Madoff would score on a test of extraversion? On a test of
conscientiousness?
3. How could you explain Madoff's personality from a biological approach? From a
learning approach?
4. Might a personality test have indicated Madoff's criminal intentions? Why or why not?
469
Health Psychology: Stress,
Coping, and Well-Being
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Key Concepts for Chapter 14
MODULE 43
How is health psychology a union between Stress and Coping
PEE ; Stress: Reacting to Threat and Challenge
medicine and psychology? @ What is stress, ee ; oh
erg Ost O ress
how does it affect us, and how can we best Coping with Stress
Neuroscience in Your Life:
ely it?
cope with it? Stress and Social Support
Becoming an Informed Consumer of
Psychology: Effective Coping Strategies
MODULE 44
How do psychological factors affect health-related Psychological Aspects of Illness
A and Well-Being
problems such as coronary heart disease, cancer, = -he As, Bs, and Ds of Coronary
and smoking? Heart Disease
Psychological Aspects of Cancer
Smoking
Neuroscience in Your Life: Smoking—
Why It's So Difficult to Quit
Exploring Diversity: Hucksters of Death:
Promoting Smoking Throughout the
World
MODULE 45
How do our interactions with physicians Promoting Health and Wellness
, . Following Medical Advi
affect our health and compliance with a a naviG=
Well-Being and Happiness
medical treatment? @ How does a sense of Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Catching Happiness: The Contagion
well-being develop? of Emotions and Health
471
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Prologue Never a Moment’s Rest
Louisa Denby’s day began badly: She slept through her alarm
and had to skip breakfast to catchthe bus to campus. Then, when
she went to the library to catch up onthe reading she had to do
before taking a test the next day, the one article she needed
was missing. The librarian told her that replacing it would take
24 hours. Feeling frustrated, she walked to the computer lab to
print out the paper she had completed at home the night before.
\
The computer wouldn't read her disk. She searched for
someone to help her, but she was unable to find anyone who
knew any more about computers than she did.
It was only 9:42 a.m., and Louisa had a wracking headache.
Apart from that pain, she was conscious of only one feeling:
stress (Feldman, 2010).
It’s not hard to understand why Louisa Denby was experiencing
stress. For people like her—and that probably includes most of
us—the intensity of juggling multiple roles leads to feelings of
never having sufficient time and, in some cases, takes a toll on
both physical and psychological well-being.
Stress and how we cope with it have long been central topics
of interest for psychologists. However, in recent years the focus
has broadened as psychology has come to view stress in the
broader context of one of psychology’s newer subfields: health
psychology. Health psychology investigates the psychological
factors related to wellness and illness, including the prevention,
diagnosis, and treatment of medical problems. Health psycholo-
gists investigate the effects of psychological factors such as stress
on illness. They examine the psychological principles underlying
treatments for disease and illness. They also study prevention:
how healthier behavior can help people avoid and reduce health
problems such as stress and heart disease.
Health psychologists take a decisive stand on the enduring
mind-body issue that philosophers, and later psychologists, have
debated since the time of the ancient Greeks. In their view, the
mind and the body are clearly linked rather than representing
two distinct systems (Sternberg, 2000; Dalal & Misra, 2006).
Health psychologists recognize that good health and the
ability to cope with illness are affected by psychological factors
such as thoughts, emotions, and the ability to manage stress.
They have paid particular attention to the immune system, the
complex system of organs, glands, and cells that constitute our
bodies’ natural line of defense in fighting disease.
In fact, health psychologists are among the primary investi-
gators in a growing field called psychoneuroimmunology, or
PNI, the study of the relationship among psychological factors,
the immune system, and the brain. PNI has led to discoveries
such as the existence of an association between a person's emo-
tional state and the success of the immune system in fighting
disease (Dickerson et al., 2004; Kemeny, 2007; Byrne-Davis &
Vedhara, 2008).
472
In sum, health psychologists view the mind and the body as
two parts of a whole human being that cannot be considered
independently. This more recent view marks a sharp departure
from earlier thinking. Previously, disease was seen as a purely
biological phenomenon, and psychological factors were of little
interest to most health-care workers. In the early 20th century,
the primary causes of death were short-term infections from
which one either rapidly recovered—or died. Now, however, the
major causes of death, such as heart disease, cancer, and diabetes,
are chronic illnesses that pose significant psychological issues
because they often cannot be cured and may linger for years
(Bishop, 2005; Rotan & Ospina-Kammerer, 2007).
Advances in health psychology have had an impact across a
variety of disciplines and professions. For instance, health-care
professionals such as physicians and nurses, social workers,
dieticians, pharmacists, occupational therapists, and even clergy
are increasingly likely to receive training in health psychology.
In the three modules that follow, we discuss the ways in which
psychological factors affect health. We first focus on the causes
and consequences of stress as well as on the means of coping
with it. Next, we explore the psychological aspects of several
major health problems, including heart disease, cancer, and
ailments resulting from smoking. Finally, we examine the ways
in which patient-physician interactions influence our health and
offer suggestions for increasing people’s compliance with
recommendations about behavior that will improve their
well-being.
health psychology The branch of psychology that investigates the
psychological factors related to wellness and illness, including the
prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of medical problems.
psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) The study of the relationship among
psychological factors, the immune system, and the brain.
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MODULE 43
Anthony Lepre started feeling awful almost as soon as Tom Ridge [U.S. Homeland Security
Secretary] put the nation on high alert for a terrorist attack. ... He awoke in the middle
of the night short of breath, his heart pounding. And the sound of his telephone seemed
a sure sign of bad news. By midweek, he was rushing off to Costco to stock up on fruit
juice, bottled water, peanut butter, canned tuna, “and extra food for my cats Monster,
Monkey and Spike.” He also picked up a first-aid kit, six rolls of duct tape, and a bulk
package of plastic wrap to seal his windows. “The biggest problem was that I felt
helpless,” he says, “completely powerless over the situation.” (Cowley, 2003, pp. 43-44)
Stress: Reacting to Threat
and Challenge
Most of us need little introduction to the phenomenon of stress, people’s response
to events that threaten or challenge them. Whether it is a paper or an exam deadline,
a family problem, or even the ongoing threat of a terrorist attack, life is full of cir-
cumstances and events known as stressors that produce threats to our well-being.
Even pleasant events—such as planning a party or beginning a sought-after job—can
produce stress, although negative events result in greater detrimental consequences
than positive ones.
All of us face stress in our lives. Some health psychologists believe that daily life
actually involves a series of repeated sequences of perceiving a threat, considering
ways to cope with it, and ultimately adapting to the threat with greater or lesser suc-
cess. Although adaptation is often minor and occurs without our awareness, adapta-
tion requires a major effort when stress is more severe or long lasting. Ultimately, our
attempts to overcome stress may produce biological and psychological responses that
result in health problems (Boyce & Ellis, 2005; Dolbier, Smith, & Steinhardt, 2007).
THE NATURE OF STRESSORS: MY STRESS IS YOUR PLEASURE
Stress is a very personal thing. Although certain kinds of events, such as the death
of a loved one or participation in military combat, are universally stressful, other
situations may or may not be stressful to a specific person.
Consider, for instance, bungee jumping. Some people would find jumping off
a bridge while attached to a slender rubber tether extremely stressful. However,
there are individuals who see such an activity as challenging and fun filled. Whether
bungee jumping is stressful depends in part, then, on a person’s perception of the
activity.
For people to consider an event stressful, they must perceive it as threatening or
challenging and must lack all the resources to deal with it effectively. Consequently,
the same event may at some times be stressful and at other times provoke no
stressful reaction at all. A young man may experience stress when he is turned down
for a date—if he attributes the refusal to his unattractiveness or unworthiness. But if
How is health psychology a
union between medicine and
psychology?
What is stress, how does it
affect us, and how can we
best cope with it?
A person’s response to events
that are threatening or challenging.
y Alert
Remember the distinction
between stressors and
stress, which can be tricky:
stressors (like an exam)
cause stress (the physiolog-
ical and psychological reaction that
comes from the exam).
I . /
Even positive events can produce
significant stress.
473
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474 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
FIGURE 1 The closer people lived to the site of the World Trade
Center terrorist attack, the greater the rate of posttraumatic stress
disorder. (Source: Susser, Herman, & Aaron, 2002.)
cataclysmic events Strong stressors that
occur suddenly and typically affect many
people at once (e.g., natural disasters).
personal stressors Major life events,
such as the death of a family member,
that have immediate negative conse-
quences that generally fade with time.
posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) A phenomenon in which
victims of major catastrophes or strong
personal stressors feel long-lasting
effects that may include re-experiencing
the event in vivid flashbacks or dreams.
he attributes it to some factor unrelated to his self-esteem,
such as a previous commitment of the woman he asked, the
experience of being refused may create no stress at all. Hence,
a person’s interpretation of events plays an important role in
the determination of what is stressful (Folkman & Moskowitz,
2000; Giacobbi Jr., et al., 2004; Friborg et al., 2006).
CATEGORIZING STRESSORS
What kinds of events tend to be seen as stressful? There are
three general types of stressors: cataclysmic events, personal
stressors, and background stressors.
Cataclysmic events are strong stressors that occur sud-
denly and typically affect many people simultaneously. Disas-
ters such as tornadoes and plane crashes as well as terrorist
attacks are examples of cataclysmic events that can affect hun-
dreds or thousands of people simultaneously.
Although it might seem that cataclysmic events would
produce potent, lingering stress, in many cases they do not. In
fact, cataclysmic events involving natural disasters may pro-
duce less stress in the long run than events that initially are
not as devastating. One reason is that natural disasters have a
clear resolution. Once they are over, people can look to the
future knowing that the worst is behind them. Moreover, oth-
ers who also experienced the disaster share the stress induced
by cataclysmic events. Such sharing permits people to offer
one another social support and a firsthand understanding of
the difficulties others are going through (Hobfoll et al., 1996;
Benight, 2004; Yesilyaprak, Kisac, & Sanlier, 2007).
In contrast, terrorist attacks like the one on the World
Trade Center in 2001 are cataclysmic events that produce con-
siderable stress. Terrorist attacks are deliberate, and victims
(and observers) know that future attacks are likely. Govern-
ment warnings in the form of heightened terror alerts may
further increase the stress (Murphy, Wismar, & Freeman, 2003;
Laugharne, Janca, & Widiger, 2007).
The second major category of stressor is the personal
stressor. Personal stressors include major life events such as
the death of a parent or spouse, the loss of one’s job, a major
personal failure, or even something positive such as getting
married. Typically, personal stressors produce an immediate
major reaction that soon tapers off. For example, stress arising
from the death of a loved one tends to be greatest just after the time of death, but
people begin to feel less stress and are better able to cope with the loss after the
passage of time.
Some victims of major catastrophes and severe personal stressors experience
posttraumatic stress disorder, or PTSD, in which a person has experienced a sig-
nificantly stressful event that has long-lasting effects that may include re-experienc-
ing the event in vivid flashbacks or dreams. An episode of PTSD may be triggered
by an otherwise innocent stimulus, such as the sound of a honking horn, that leads
a person to re-experience a past event that produced considerable stress.
Symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder also include emotional numbing, sleep
difficulties, interpersonal problems, alcohol and drug abuse, and in some cases suicide.
For instance, the suicide rate for military veterans, many of whom participated in the
Iraq and Afghanistan wars, is twice as high as for nonveterans (Pole, 2007; Kaplan et
al., 2007; Magruder & Yeager, 2009).
BROOKLYN
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Around 16% of soldiers returning from
Iraq show symptoms of PTSD. Further-
more, those who have experienced child
abuse or rape, rescue workers facing over-
whelming situations, and victims of sudden
natural disasters or accidents that produce
feelings of helplessness and shock may suf-
fer from the same disorder (Hoge & Castro,
2006; Friedman, 2006; Marmar, 2009).
Terrorist attacks produce high inci-
dences of PTSD. For example, 11% of people
in New York City had some form of PTSD
in the months after the September 11 terror-
ist attacks. But the responses varied signifi-
cantly with a resident’s proximity to the
attacks, as illustrated in Figure 1; the closer
someone lived to the World Trade Center,
the greater the likelihood of PTSD (Susser,
Herman, & Aaron, 2002; Lee, Isaac, & Janca,
2007; Marshall et al., 2007).
Background stressors, or more infor-
mally, daily hassles, are the third major cat-
egory of stressors. Exemplified by standing
in a long line at a bank and getting stuck in
Module 43 Stress and Coping 475
a traffic jam, daily hassles are the minor irri- Everyone confronts daily hassles, or background stressors, at some point. At what
7
tations of life that we all face time and time Point do daily hassles become more than mere irritants?
again. Another type of background stressor
is a long-term, chronic problem, such as
experiencing dissatisfaction with school or a job, being in an unhappy relationship,
or living in crowded quarters without privacy (Weinstein et al., 2004; McIntyre, Korn,
& Matsuo, 2008).
By themselves, daily hassles do not require much coping or even a response on
the individual’s part, although they certainly produce unpleasant emotions and
moods. Yet, daily hassles add up—and ultimately they may take as great of a toll as
a single, more stressful incident. In fact, the number of daily hassles people face is
associated with psychological symptoms and health problems such as flu, sore throat,
and backaches.
The flip side of hassles is uplifts, the minor positive events that make us feel
good—even if only temporarily. As indicated in Figure 2 on the next page, uplifts
range from relating well to a companion to finding one’s surroundings pleasing.
What is especially intriguing about uplifts is that they are associated with people’s
psychological health in just the opposite way that hassles are: The greater the num-
ber of uplifts we experience, the fewer the psychological symptoms we report later
(Chamberlain & Zika, 1990; Ravindran et al., 2002; Jain, Mills, & Von Känel, 2007).
The High Cost of Stress
Stress can produce both biological and psychological consequences. Often the most
immediate reaction to stress is biological. Exposure to stressors generates a rise in
hormone secretions by the adrenal glands, an increase in heart rate and blood pres-
sure, and changes in how well the skin conducts electrical impulses. On a short-term
basis, these responses may be adaptive because they produce an “emergency reac-
tion” in which the body prepares to defend itself through activation of the sympa-
thetic nervous system. Those responses may allow more effective coping with the
stressful situation (Akil & Morano, 1996; McEwen, 1998).
background stressors (“daily
hassles”) Everyday annoyances, such
as being stuck in traffic, that cause
minor irritations and may have
long-term ill effects if they continue
or are compounded by other stressful
events.
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476 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
FIGURE 2 The most common everyday
hassles and uplifts. How many of these
are part of your life, and how do you
cope with them? (Source: Hassles—
Chamberlain & Zika, 1990; Uplifts—Kanner
et al., 1981.)
y Alert
Remember the three catego-
ries of stressors—cataclysmic
events, personal stressors,
and background stressors—
and that they produce
different levels of stress.
psychophysiological disorders
Medical problems influenced by an
interaction of psychological, emo-
tional, and physical difficulties.
Hassles
Not enough time
Too many things to do
Troubling thoughts about the future
Too many interruptions
Misplacing or losing things
Health of a family member
Social obligations
Concerns about standards
Concerns about getting ahead
Too many responsibilities
0 20 40 60 80 100
Percentage of people experiencing
Uplifts
Relating well with spouse or lover
Relating well with friends
Completing a task
Feeling healthy
Getting enough sleep
Eating out
Meeting responsibilities
Visiting, phoning, or writing someone
Spending time with family
Home (inside) pleasing to you
0 20 40 60 80 100
Percentage of people experiencing
However, continued exposure to stress results in a decline in the body’s overall
level of biological functioning because of the constant secretion of stress-related
hormones. Over time, stressful reactions can promote deterioration of body tissues
such as blood vessels and the heart. Ultimately, we become more susceptible to
disease as our ability to fight off infection is lowered (Brydon et al., 2004; Dean-
Borenstein, 2007; Ellins et al., 2008).
Furthermore, an entire class of physical problems known as psychophysiological
disorders often result from or are worsened by stress. Once referred to as psychosomatic
disorders (a term dropped because people assumed that the disorders were somehow
unreal), psychophysiological disorders are actual medical problems that are influenced
by an interaction of psychological, emotional, and physical difficulties. The more common
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psychophysiological disorders range from major problems, such as high blood pressure,
to usually less serious conditions, such as headaches, backaches, skin rashes, indiges-
tion, fatigue, and constipation. Stress has even been linked to the common cold (Cohen
et al., 2003; Andrasik, 2006).
On a psychological level, high levels of stress prevent people from adequately
coping with life. Their view of the environment can become clouded (for example,
a minor criticism made by a friend is blown out of proportion). Moreover, at the
highest levels of stress, emotional responses may be so extreme that people are
unable to act at all. People under a lot of stress also become less able to deal with
new stressors.
In short, stress affects us in multiple ways. It may increase the risk that we will
become ill, it may directly cause illness, it may make us less able to recover from a
disease, and it may reduce our ability to cope with future stress. (See Figure 3 to get
a measure of your own level of stress.)
Module 43 Stress and Coping
477
—feahihaalaaalides! LLL OL OOOO
How Stressful Is Your Life?
Test your level of stress by answering these questions, and adding the score from each box. Questions apply to the last month only.
A key below will help you determine the extent of your stress.
1. How often have you been upset because of something 8. How often have you felt that you were on top of things?
that happened unexpectedly? | ]4=never, 3=almost never, 2=sometimes, 1=fairly often,
0=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, 0=very often
3=fairly often, 4=very often 9. How often have you been angered because of things that
2. How often have you felt that you were unable to control were outside your control?
the important things in your life? 0=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, 3=fairly often,
[ O=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, 4=very often
3=fairly often, 4=very often 10. How often have you felt difficulties were piling up so high
3. How often have you felt nervous and “stressed”? that you could not overcome them?
O=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, O=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, 3=fairly often,
i 3=fairly often, 4=very often 4=very often
4. How often have you felt confident about your ability to
handle your personal problems? How You Measure Up
Bea 3=almost never, 2=sometimes, Stress levels vary among individuals—compare your total
1=fairly often, O=very often score to the averages below:
5. How often have you felt that things were going your AGE GENDER
way? E Oh eenenn nea tay 14.2 Men 124
a 4=never, 3=almost never, 2=sometimes, 30 AA eins ene 13.0 Women 13.7
1=fairly often, O=very often ARS Ae een: 12.6
6. How often have you been able to control irritations in IDA ooo ooto potona 11.9
your life? 6S8 OVEN o ten 12.0
4=never, 3=almost never, 2=sometimes,
[] 1 T F ree ee aaa MARAL SUAUS
d WW iToleSWV(xe leaea sn unranactanmannananhrmmeacancnhannnasnaga Hanan 12.6
7. How often have you found that you could not cope with Married or living with a partner ..............cceeee eee e ees 12.4
all the things that you had to do? Sine[l3@? MAVEN WECl, onccooansonvooeeocadnnssnonosooecoanene 14.1
a O=never, 1=almost never, 2=sometimes, 3=fairly Divorced a a A A Soeur ners re rae er 14.7
often, 4=very often Separate ak AT A AA E A E T: 16.6
FIGURE 3 To get a sense of the level of stress in your life, complete this questionnaire.
(Source: Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983.)
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478 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
general adaptation syndrome
(GAS) A theory developed by Selye
that suggests that a person’s response
to a stressor consists of three stages:
alarm and mobilization, resistance,
and exhaustion.
THE GENERAL ADAPTATION SYNDROME MODEL:
THE COURSE OF STRESS
The effects of long-term stress are illustrated in a series of stages proposed by Hans
Selye (pronounced “sell-yay”), a pioneering stress theorist (Selye, 1976, 1993). This
model, the general adaptation syndrome (GAS), suggests that the physiological
response to stress follows the same set pattern regardless of the cause of stress.
As shown in Figure 4, the GAS has three phases. The first stage—alarm and
mobilization—occurs when people become aware of the presence of a stressor. On a
biological level, the sympathetic nervous system becomes energized, which helps a
person cope initially with the stressor.
However, if the stressor persists, people move into the second response stage:
resistance. During this stage, the body is actively fighting the stressor on a biological
level. During resistance, people use a variety of means to cope with the stressor—
sometimes successfully but at a cost of some degree of physical or psychological
well-being. For example, a student who faces the stress of failing several courses
might spend long hours studying seeking to cope with the stress.
If resistance is inadequate, people enter the last stage of the GAS: exhaustion.
During the exhaustion stage, a person’s ability to fight the stressor declines to
the point where negative consequences of stress appear: physical illness and
psychological symptoms in the form of an inability to concentrate, heightened
irritability, or, in severe cases, disorientation and a loss of touch with reality. In
a sense, people wear out, and their physiological resources to fight the stressor
are used up.
How do people move out of the third stage after they have entered it? In some
cases, exhaustion allows people to escape a stressor. For example, people who become
Stressor
|. Alarm and mobilization
2. Resistance 3. Exhaustion
Meeting and Coping with stress and Negative consequences of
resisting stressor. resistance to stressor. stress (such as illness) occur
when coping is inadequate.
1
Li I
I 1
l. ! 2 ! 3
Alarm H Resistance l Exhaustion
I Li
FIGURE 4 According to the general adaptation syndrome (GAS) model there are three major
stages to stress responses: alarm and mobilization; resistance; and exhaustion. The graph
below the illustration shows the degree of effort expended to cope with stressors at each of
the three stages. (Source: Selye, 1976.)
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ill from overwork may be excused from their duties for a time, which gives them a
temporary respite from their responsibilities. At least for a time, then, the immediate
stress is reduced.
Although the GAS has had a substantial impact on our understanding of stress,
Selye’s theory has not gone unchallenged. For example, the theory suggests that the
biological reaction is similar regardless of the stressor, but some health psychologists
disagree. They believe that people’s biological responses are specific to the way they
appraise a stressful event. If a stressor is seen as unpleasant but not unusual, then
the biological response may be different than if the stressor is seen as unpleasant,
out of the ordinary, and unanticipated. This perspective has led to an increased focus
on psychoneuroimmunology (Taylor et al., 2000; Gaab, Rohleder, Nater, & Ehlert,
2005; Irwin, 2008).
PSYCHONEUROIMMUNOLOGY AND STRESS
Contemporary health psychologists specializing in PNI have taken a broader approach
to stress. Focusing on the outcomes of stress, they have identified three main conse-
quences of it (see Figure 5).
First, stress has direct physiological results, including an increase in blood pres-
sure, an increase in hormonal activity, and an overall decline in the functioning of
the immune system. Second, stress leads people to engage in behaviors that are
harmful to their health, including increased nicotine, drug, and alcohol use; poor
eating habits; and decreased sleep. Finally, stress produces indirect consequences that
result in declines in health: a reduction in the likelihood of obtaining health care and
decreased compliance with medical advice when it is sought (Sapolsky, 2003; Bro-
man, 2005; Lindblad, Lindahl, & Theorell, 2006).
Why is stress so damaging to the immune system? One reason is that stress may
overstimulate it. Rather than fighting invading bacteria, viruses, and other foreign
invaders, it may begin to attack the body itself and damage healthy tissue. When
that happens, it can lead to disorders such as arthritis and allergic reactions.
Module 43 Stress and Coping 479
FIGURE 5 Three major types of con-
sequences result from stress: direct
physiological effects, harmful behaviors,
and indirect health-related behaviors.
(Source: Adapted from Baum, 1994.)
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480 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
The ability to fight off disease is related
to psychological factors. Here a cell from
the body’s immune system engulfs and
destroys disease-producing bacteria.
coping The efforts to control, reduce,
or learn to tolerate the threats that lead
to stress.
Stress can also decrease the immune system response, permitting germs that
produce colds to reproduce more easily or allowing cancer cells to spread more
rapidly. In normal circumstances, our bodies produce lymphocytes, specialized
white blood cells that fight disease at an extraordinary rate—some 10 million
every few seconds. It is possible that stress can alter this level of production
(Cohen, Hamrick, N., & Rodriguez, 2002; Segerstrom & Miller, 2004; Dougall &
Baum, 2004).
Coping with Stress
Stress is a normal part of life—and not necessarily a completely bad part. For exam-
ple, without stress, we might not be sufficiently motivated to complete the activities
we need to accomplish. However, it is also clear that too much stress can take a toll
on physical and psychological health. How do people deal with stress? Is there a
way to reduce its negative effects?
Efforts to control, reduce, or learn to tolerate the threats that lead to stress are
known as coping. We habitually use certain coping responses to deal with stress.
Most of the time, we’re not aware of these responses—just as we may be unaware
of the minor stressors of life until they build up to harmful levels (Wrzesniewski &
Chylinska, 2007).
We also have other, more direct and potentially more positive ways of coping
with stress, which fall into two main categories (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000, 2004;
Baker & Berenbaum, 2007):
e Emotion-focused coping. In emotion-focused coping, people try to manage their
emotions in the face of stress by seeking to change the way they feel about or
perceive a problem. Examples of emotion-focused coping include strategies
such as accepting sympathy from others and looking at the bright side of a
situation.
e Problem-focused coping. Problem-focused coping attempts to modify the
stressful problem or source of stress. Problem-focused strategies lead to
changes in behavior or to the development of a plan of action to deal with
stress. Starting a study group to improve poor classroom performance is an
example of problem-focused coping. In addition, one might take a time-out
from stress by creating positive events. For example, taking a day off from
caring for a relative with a serious, chronic illness to go a health club or spa
can bring significant relief from stress.
People often employ several types of coping strategies simultaneously. Further-
more, they use emotion-focused strategies more frequently when they perceive cir-
cumstances as being unchangeable and problem-focused strategies more often in
situations they see as relatively modifiable (Stanton et al., 2000; Penley, Tomaka, &
Wiebe, 2002).
Some forms of coping are less successful. One of the least effective forms of cop-
ing is avoidant coping. In avoidant coping, a person may use wishful thinking to
reduce stress or use more direct escape routes, such as drug use, alcohol use, and
overeating. An example of wishful thinking to avoid a test would be to say to oneself,
“Maybe it will snow so hard tomorrow that the test will be canceled.” Alternatively,
a person might get drunk to avoid a problem. Either way, avoidant coping usually
results in a postponement of dealing with a stressful situation, and this often makes
the problem even worse (Roesch et al., 2005; Hutchinson, Baldwin, & Oh, 2006; Glass
et al., 2009).
Another way of dealing with stress occurs unconsciously through the use of
defense mechanisms. As we discussed in Chapter 13, Personality, defense mecha-
nisms are unconscious strategies that people use to reduce anxiety by concealing
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the source from themselves and others. Defense mechanisms permit people to
avoid stress by acting as if the stress were not even there. For example, one study
examined California college students who lived in dormitories close to a geologi-
cal fault (Lehman & Taylor, 1988). Those who lived in dorms that were known to
be unlikely to withstand an earthquake were significantly more likely to doubt
experts’ predictions of an impending earthquake than were those who lived in
safer structures.
Another defense mechanism used to cope with stress is emotional insulation in
which a person stops experiencing any emotions at all and thereby remains unaf-
fected and unmoved by both positive and negative experiences. The problem with
defense mechanisms, of course, is that they merely hide the problem and do not deal
with reality.
LEARNED HELPLESSNESS
Have you ever faced an intolerable situation that you just couldn’t resolve, and you
finally simply gave up and accepted things the way they were? This example illus-
trates one of the possible consequences of being in an environment in which control
over a situation is not possible—a state that produces learned helplessness. Learned
helplessness occurs when people conclude that unpleasant or aversive stimuli cannot
be controlled—a view of the world that becomes so ingrained that they cease trying
to remedy the aversive circumstances even if they actually can exert some influence
on the situation (Seligman, 1975, 2007; Aujoulat, Luminet, & Deccache, 2007).
Victims of learned helplessness have concluded that there is no link between
the responses they make and the outcomes that occur. People experience more
physical symptoms and depression when they perceive that they have little or no
control than they do when they feel a sense of control over a situation (Chou, 2005;
Bjornstad, 2006).
COPING STYLES: THE HARDY PERSONALITY
Most of us characteristically cope with stress by employing a coping style that repre-
sents our general tendency to deal with stress in a specific way. For example, you
may know people who habitually react to even the smallest amount of stress with
hysteria and others who calmly confront even the greatest stress in an unflappable
manner. These kinds of people clearly have very different cop-
ing styles (Taylor, 2003; Kato & Pedersen, 2005).
Among those who cope with stress most successfully are
people who are equipped with hardiness, a personality char-
acteristic associated with a lower rate of stress-related illness.
Hardiness consists of three components (Baumgartner, 2002;
Maddi, 2007):
e Commitment. Commitment is a tendency to throw
ourselves into whatever we are doing with a sense that
our activities are important and meaningful.
e Challenge. Hardy people believe that change rather than
stability is the standard condition of life. To them, the
anticipation of change serves as an incentive rather than
a threat to their security.
e Control. Hardiness is marked by a sense of control—the
perception that people can influence the events in their
lives.
Hardy individuals approach stress optimistically and take
Module 43 Stress and Coping 481
learned helplessness A state in which
people conclude that unpleasant or
aversive stimuli cannot be controlled—
a view of the world that becomes so
ingrained that they cease trying to
remedy the aversive circumstances
even if they actually can exert some
influence on the situation.
hardiness A personality characteristic
that is associated with a lower rate of
stress-related illness and consists of
three components: commitment,
challenge, and control.
© Edward Koren/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
: é : “Today, we examined our life style, we evaluated our diet and
direct action to learn about and deal with stressors; they our exercise program, and we also assessed our behavioral
thereby change stressful events into less threatening ones. As pattern. Then we needed a drink.”
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482 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
social support A mutual network of
caring, interested others.
Stress and Social Support
FIGURE 6 Participants in a study were threatened by being told they would be receiving a
shock. When they were provided social support, areas of the brain that become activated
during stress showed reduced activation. Specifically, social support in this study was having
either a stranger or the participant's spouse hold his or her hand. In the figure, the color
green highlights brain areas that showed reductions in activity when a spouse held the
participant's hand, and the color blue highlights reductions in activity when either a spouse
or a stranger held the participant's hand. (Source: Coan, Schaefer, & Davidson, 2006, Figure 3.)
a consequence, hardiness acts as a defense against stress-related illness (Andrew et
al., 2008; Bartone et al., 2008; Vogt et al., 2008).
For those who confront the most profound difficulties, such as the death of a
loved one or a permanent injury such as paralysis after an accident, a key ingredient
in their psychological recovery is their degree of resilience. Resilience is the ability to
withstand, overcome, and actually thrive after profound adversity (Bonanno, 2004;
Norlander, Von Schedvin, & Archer, 2005; Jackson, 2006).
Resilient people are generally easygoing, good-natured, and have good social
skills. They are usually independent, and they have a sense of control over their own
destiny—even if fate has dealt them a devastating blow. In short, they work with
what they have and make the best of whatever situation they find themselves in
(Spencer et al., 2003; Deshields et al., 2006; Friborg et al., 2005).
SOCIAL SUPPORT: TURNING TO OTHERS
Our relationships with others also help us cope with stress. Researchers have found
that social support, the knowledge that we are part of a mutual network of caring,
interested others, enables us to experience lower levels of stress and better cope with
the stress we do undergo (Cohen, 2004; Martin & Brantley, 2004; Bolger & Amarel,
2007).
The social and emotional support people provide each other helps in dealing
with stress in several ways. For instance, such support demonstrates that a person
is an important and valued member of a social network. Similarly, other people can
provide information and advice about appropriate ways of dealing with stress (Day
& Livingstone, 2003; Lindorff, 2005).
Finally, people who are part of a social support network can provide actual
goods and services to help others in stressful situations. For instance, they can
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supply temporary living quarters to a person whose house has burned down, or
they can offer study help to a student who is experiencing stress because of poor
academic performance (Natvig, Albrektsen, & Ovamstrom, 2003; Takizawa, Kondo,
& Sakihara, 2007).
Findings that attendance at religious services (as well as spirituality in general)
provides health-related benefits also illustrate the importance of social support. For
example, healthy people who regularly attend religious services live longer than
those who do not attend regularly (Miller & Thoresen, 2003; Powell, Shahabi, &
Thoresen, 2003; Gilbert, 2007).
Recent research is also beginning to identify how social support affects brain
processing. For instance, one experiment found that activation of the areas of the brain
reflecting stress was reduced when social support—simply being able to hold the
hand of another person—was available (see Neuroscience in Your Life, Figure 6; Coan,
Schaefer, & Davidson, 2006).
How can we deal with the stress in our lives? Although there is BECOMING AN
Module 43 Stress and Coping
no universal solution because effective coping depends on the INFORMED CONSUMER
nature of the stressor and the degree to which it can be
controlled, here are some general guidelines (Aspinwall & of Psychology
Taylor, 1997; Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000):
e Turn a threat into a challenge. When a stressful situation
might be controllable, the best coping strategy is to treat
the situation as a challenge and focus on ways to control it. For instance, if you
experience stress because your car is always breaking down, you might take a
course in auto mechanics and learn to deal directly with the car’s problems.
e Make a threatening situation less threatening. When a stressful situation seems to be
uncontrollable, you need to take a different approach. It is possible to change
your appraisal of the situation, view it in a different light, and modify your
attitude toward it. Research supports the old truism, “Look for the silver lining in
every cloud” (Smith & Lazarus, 2001; Cheng & Cheung, 2005).
e Change your goals. If you are faced with an uncontrollable situation, a reasonable
strategy is to adopt new goals that are practical in view of the particular situa-
tion. For example, a dancer who has been in an automobile accident and has lost
full use of her legs may no longer aspire to a career in dance but might modify
her goals and try to become a choreographer.
e Take physical action. Changing your physiological reaction to stress can help with
coping. For example, biofeedback (in which a person learns to control internal
physiological processes through conscious thought) can alter basic physiological
processes and allow people to reduce blood pressure, heart rate, and other
consequences of heightened stress. Exercise can also be effective in reducing
stress (Langreth, 2000; Spencer et al., 2003; Hamer, Taylor, & Steptoe, 2006).
e Prepare for stress before it happens. A final strategy for coping with stress is proactive
coping, anticipating and preparing for stress before it is encountered. For example,
if you're expecting to go through a one-week period in which you must take a
number of major tests, you can try to arrange your schedule so you have more
time to study (Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997; Bode et al., 2007).
Effective Coping Strategies
483
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484 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP EVALUATE
How is health psychology a union between medicine and 1. _____ is defined as a response to challenging or
psychology? threatening events.
e The field of health psychology considers how psychol- 2. Match each portion of the GAS with its definition.
ogy can be applied to the prevention, diagnosis, and 1. Alarm and a. Ability to adapt to stress diminishes;
treatment of medical problems. (p. 472) mobilization symptoms appear.
What is stress, how does it affect us, and how can we best cope a Fahauekon Ba eny on Oley mpeniedonet vous
3. Resistance system.
with it?
e Stress is a response to threatening or challenging
environmental conditions. People encounter stressors—
the circumstances that produce stress—of both a positive
and a negative nature. (p. 473)
e The way an environmental circumstance is interpreted
affects whether it will be considered stressful. Still, there
are general classes of events that provoke stress:
cataclysmic events, personal stressors, and background
stressors (daily hassles). (p. 474)
e Stress produces immediate physiological reactions. In
the short term those reactions may be adaptive, but in
the long term they may have negative consequences, RETHINK
including the development of psychophysiological
disorders. (p. 476)
e The consequences of stress can be explained in part by
Selye’s general adaptation syndrome (GAS), which sug-
gests that there are three stages in stress responses: alarm
and mobilization, resistance, and exhaustion. (p. 477)
e Coping with stress can take a number of forms,
c. Various strategies are used to cope
with a stressor.
3. Stressors that affect a single person and produce an imme-
diate major reaction are known as
a. Personal stressors
b. Psychic stressors
c. Cataclysmic stressors
d. Daily stressors
4. People with the personality characteristic of
seem to be better able to successfully combat stressors.
1. Why are cataclysmic stressors less stressful in the long run
than other types of stressors? Does the reason relate to the
coping phenomenon known as social support? How?
2. From the perspective of a social worker: How would you help
people deal with and avoid stress in their everyday lives?
How might you encourage people to create social support
including the unconscious use of defense mechanisms MEH OHS!
and the use of emotion-focused or problem-focused Answers to Evaluate Questions
coping strategies. (p. 480) ssaurprey p ee (9-¢ ec daa oS T
e Stress can be reduced by developing a sense of control
over one’s circumstances. In some cases, however,
people develop a state of learned helplessness. (p. 481)
health psychology p. 472 personal stressors p. 474 psychophysiological learned helplessness p. 481
psychoneuroimmunology posttraumatic stress disorders p. 477 hardiness p. 481
(PNI) p.472 disorder (PTSD) p. 474 general adaptation social support p. 482
stress p. 473 background stressors (“daily syndrome (GAS) p. 478
cataclysmic events p. 474 hassles”) p. 475 coping p. 480
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MODULE 44
I feel that it is absolutely necessary to be my own best advocate, and the best place to
learn how to do that is in a group of other well-educated patients and their caregivers.
We know what life post-diagnosis is like, and we help each other in ways that no docs,
nurses, clergy, well-meaning friends and family possibly can. We laugh, we cry, we
bitch, and we push and pull each other! We mourn the losses, celebrate small and large
victories, and we educate ourselves and others. But most importantly—we embrace
each other and our lives. (Anonymous blogpost, 2010)
As recently as three decades ago, most psychologists and health-care providers
would have scoffed at the notion that a discussion group could improve a cancer
patient’s chances of survival. Today, however, such methods have gained increasing
acceptance.
Growing evidence suggests that psychological factors have a substantial impact
both on major health problems that were once seen in purely physiological terms
and on our everyday sense of health, well-being, and happiness. We’ll consider the
psychological components of three major health problems—heart disease, cancer, and
smoking—and then consider the nature of people’s well-being and happiness.
The As, Bs, and Ds of Coronary
Heart Disease
Tim knew it wasn’t going to be his day when he got stuck in traffic behind a slow-
moving farm truck. How could the driver dawdle like that? Didn’t he have anything of
any importance to do? Things didn’t get any better when Tim arrived on campus and
discovered the library didn’t have the books he needed. He could almost feel the
tension rising.
“I need that material to finish my paper,” he thought to himself.
He knew that meant he wouldn’t be able to get his paper done early, and that meant he
wouldn't have the time he wanted to revise the paper. He wanted it to be a first-class
paper. This time Tim wanted to get a better grade than his roommate, Luis. Although
Luis didn’t know it, Tim felt they were in competition and that Luis was always trying
to better him whether academically or just playing cards.
“In fact,” Tim mused to himself, “I feel like I’m in competition with everyone, no
matter what I’m doing.”
Have you, like Tim, ever seethed impatiently at being caught behind a slow-
moving vehicle, felt anger and frustration at not finding material you needed at the
library, or experienced a sense of competitiveness with your classmates?
Many of us experience these sorts of feelings at one time or another, but for some
people they represent a pervasive, characteristic set of personality traits known as
the Type A behavior pattern. The Type A behavior pattern is a cluster of behaviors
involving hostility, competitiveness, time urgency, and feeling driven. In contrast, the
How do psychological factors
affect health-related prob-
lems such as coronary heart
disease, cancer, and smoking?
A cluster of
behaviors involving hostility, competi-
tiveness, time urgency, and feeling
driven.
485
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486 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
Type B behavior pattern A cluster of
behaviors characterized by a patient,
cooperative, noncompetitive, and
nonaggressive manner.
y Alert
It’s important to distinguish
among Type A (hostility,
competitiveness), Type B
(patience, cooperative-
ness), and Type D
(distressed) behaviors.
Type B behavior pattern is characterized by a patient, cooperative, noncompetitive,
and nonaggressive manner. It’s important to keep in mind that Type A and Type B
represent the ends of a continuum, and most people fall somewhere in between the
two endpoints. Few people are purely a Type A or a Type B.
The importance of the Type A behavior pattern lies in its links to coronary heart
disease. Men who display the Type A pattern develop coronary heart disease twice
as often and suffer significantly more fatal heart attacks than those classified as hav-
ing the Type B pattern. Moreover, the Type A pattern predicts who is going to develop
heart disease at least as well as—and independently of—any other single factor,
including age, blood pressure, smoking habits, and cholesterol levels in the body
(Rosenman et al., 1994; Wielgosz & Nolan, 2000; Beresnevaité, Taylor, & Bagby, 2007).
Hostility is the key component of the Type A behavior pattern that is related to
heart disease. Although competition, time urgency, and feelings of being driven may
produce stress and potentially other health and emotional problems, they aren’t
linked to coronary heart disease the way that hostility is (Williams et al., 2000; Boyle
et al., 2005; Ohira et al., 2007).
Why is hostility so toxic? The key reason is that hostility produces excessive
physiological arousal in stressful situations. That arousal, in turn, results in increased
production of the hormones epinephrine and norepinephrine as well as increases in
heart rate and blood pressure. Such an exaggerated physiological response ultimately
produces an increased incidence of coronary heart disease (Eaker et al., 2004; Dema-
ree & Everhart, 2004; Myrtek, 2007).
It’s important to keep in mind that not everyone who displays Type A behaviors
is destined to have coronary heart disease. For one thing, a firm association between
Type A behaviors and coronary heart disease has not been established for women;
most findings pertain to males partly because until recently most research was done
on men. In addition, other types of negative emotions besides the hostility found in
Type A behavior appear to be related to heart attacks. For example, psychologist
Johan Denollet has found evidence that what he calls Type D—for “distressed”—
behavior is linked to coronary heart disease. In this view, insecurity, anxiety, and the
negative outlook Type Ds display puts them at risk for repeated heart attacks (Denol-
let, 2005; Schiffer et al., 2005; Spindler et al., 2009).
Psychological Aspects of Cancer
Hardly any disease is feared more than cancer. Most people think of cancer in terms
of lingering pain, and being diagnosed with the disease is typically viewed as receiv-
ing a death sentence.
Although a diagnosis of cancer is not as grim as it once was—several kinds of
cancer have a high cure rate if detected early enough—cancer remains the second
leading cause of death after coronary heart disease. The precise trigger for the disease
is not well understood, but the process by which cancer spreads is straightforward.
Certain cells in the body become altered and multiply rapidly in an uncontrolled
fashion. As those cells grow, they form tumors; if left unchecked, the tumors suck
nutrients from healthy cells and body tissue and ultimately destroy the body’s abil-
ity to function properly.
Although the processes involved in the spread of cancer are basically physiolog-
ical, some research suggests that the emotional responses of cancer patients to their
disease may affect its course. For example, some findings show that a “fighting
spirit” leads to better coping. On the other hand, there is little evidence that long-
term survival rates are better than for patients with a less positive attitude (Watson
et al., 1999; Rom, Miller, & Peluso, 2009).
Despite conflicting evidence, health psychologists believe that patients’ emotions
may at least partially determine the course of their disease. In the case of cancer, it
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Module 44 Psychological Aspects of Illness and Well-Being 487
is possible that positive emotional responses may help generate specialized “killer”
cells that help control the size and spread of cancerous tumors. Conversely, negative
emotions may suppress the ability of those cells to fight tumors (Schedlowski &
Tewes, 1999; Noy, 2006).
Is a particular personality type linked to cancer? Some researchers suggest that
cancer patients are less emotionally reactive, suppress anger, and lack outlets for
emotional release. However, the data are too tentative and inconsistent to suggest
firm conclusions about a link between personality characteristics and cancer. Cer-
tainly no conclusive evidence suggests that people who develop cancer would not
have done so if their personality had been of a different sort or if their attitudes had
been more positive (Smith, 1988; Zevon & Corn, 1990; Holland & Lewis, 2001).
What is increasingly clear, however, is that certain types of psychological therapy
have the potential for improving quality of life and even extending the lives of can-
cer patients. For example, the results of one study showed that women with breast
cancer who received psychological treatment lived at least a year and a half longer
and experienced less anxiety and pain than women who did not participate in ther-
apy. Research on patients with other health problems, such as heart disease, also has
found that therapy can be both psychologically and medically beneficial (Spiegel,
1996; Frasure-Smith, Lesperance, & Talajic, 2000; Butler et al., 2009).
Smoking
Would you walk into a convenience store and buy an item with a label warning you
that its use could kill you? Although most people would probably answer no, mil-
lions make such a purchase everyday: a pack of cigarettes. Furthermore, they do this
despite clear, well-publicized evidence that smoking is linked to cancer, heart attacks,
strokes, bronchitis, emphysema, and a host of other serious illnesses. Smoking is the
greatest preventable cause of death in the United States; one in five U.S. deaths is
caused by smoking. Worldwide, close to 5 million people die each year from the
effects of smoking (Danaei et al., 2005).
WHY PEOPLE SMOKE OZ.
Why do people smoke despite all the evidence showing that it is bad for their
health? It is not that they are somehow unaware of the link between smoking CLEAN AIR CALABASAS
and disease; surveys show that most smokers agree with the statement, “Cigarette MP eee
smoking frequently causes disease and death.” And almost three-quarters of the
48 million smokers in the United States say they would like to quit. Still, 700,000
people a year take up the habit (Wetter et al., 1998; Price, 2008).
Heredity seems to determine, in part, whether people will become smokers,
how much they will smoke, and how easily they can quit. Genetics also influences
how susceptible people are to the harmful effects of smoking. For instance, there
is an almost 50% higher rate of lung cancer in African-American smokers than in
white smokers. This difference may be due to genetically produced variations in
the efficiency with which enzymes are able to reduce the effects of the cancer-
causing chemicals in tobacco smoke (Pomerlau, 1995; Li et al., 2003; Li et al., 2008).
However, although genetics plays a role in smoking, most research suggests
that environmental factors are the primary cause of the habit. Smoking at first
may be seen as “cool” or sophisticated, as a rebellious act, or as facilitating calm
performance in stressful situations. Greater exposure to smoking in media such
as film also leads to a higher risk of becoming an established smoker. In addition,
smoking a cigarette is sometimes viewed as a “rite of passage” for adolescents Although smoking is prohibited in an
undertaken at the urging of friends and viewed as a sign of growing up (Sargent increasing number of places, it remains a
et al., 2007; Wills et al., 2008; Heatherton & Sargent, 2009). substantial social problem.
488
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Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
Smoking—
Why It’s So Difficult to Quit
FIGURE 1 Even with the use of treatments such as nicotine replacement therapies, relapse
for exsmokers is common. One potential reason smokers relapse is that media, such as
cigarette ads, can trigger cravings in exsmokers even when they are no longer addicted to
nicotine. These MRI scans show the brain of a person after quitting smoking. Some areas
of the brain, shown in red, relate to habit learning, action planning, and craving. These
areas show greater activation when viewing smoking-related images after quitting as
compared to before quitting smoking. In addition, some areas of the brain, shown in blue,
relate to memory formation and show reduced activity while viewing smoking-related
images after quitting. Differences in how an exsmoker’s brain responds to these images
may explain why the desire to smoke persists long after quitting smoking. (Source: Janes
et al., 2009, Figure 1.)
Ultimately, smoking becomes a habit. And it’s an easy habit to pick up: Smok-
ing even a single cigarette leads to a loss of autonomy, when a smoker finds that
not smoking requires an effort or involves discomfort. Subsequently, people begin
to label themselves smokers, and smoking becomes part of their self-concept. More-
over, they become dependent physiologically as a result of smoking because nico-
tine, a primary ingredient of tobacco, is highly addictive. A complex relationship
develops among smoking, nicotine levels, and a smoker’s emotions in which a cer-
tain nicotine level becomes associated with a positive emotional state. As a result,
people smoke in an effort to regulate both emotional states and nicotine levels in the
blood (Amos, Wiltshire, & Haw, 2006; Kassel et al., 2007; Ursprung, Sanouri, &
DiFranza, 2009).
QUITTING SMOKING
Because smoking has both psychological and biological components, few habits are
as difficult to break. Long-term successful treatment typically occurs in just 15% of
those who try to stop smoking; once smoking becomes a habit, it is as hard to stop
as an addiction to cocaine or heroin. In fact, some of the biochemical reactions to
nicotine are similar to those to cocaine, amphetamines, and morphine. Furthermore,
changes in brain chemistry brought about by smoking may make smokers more
resistant to antismoking messages see also Figure 1; (Vanasse, Niyonsenga, &
Courteau, 2004; Foulds et al., 2006; Dani & Montague, 2007).
Many people try to quit smoking but fail. The average smoker tries to quit 8
to 10 times before being successful, and even then many relapse. Even long-time
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Module 44 Psychological Aspects of Illness and Well-Being
100
=== 8th Grade
=== |0th Grade
=== |2th Grade
80
60
Percent
40
20
’76’78'80 8284868890 929496 98000204 ’06’08
Year
FIGURE 2 Although smoking among teenagers is lower than it was 20 years ago, a
significant number still report smoking regularly. What factors might account for the
continued high use of tobacco by teenagers despite the increase in antismoking advertising?
(Source: Johnston et al., 2009.)
quitters can fall off the wagon: About 10% relapse after more than year of avoiding
cigarettes (Grady & Altman, 2008).
Among the most effective tools for ending the smoking habit are drugs that
replace the nicotine found in cigarettes. Whether in the form of gum, patches, nasal
sprays, or inhalers, these products provide a dose of nicotine that reduces depen-
dence on cigarettes. Another approach is exemplified by the drugs Zyban and Chant-
rix; rather than replacing nicotine, they reduce the pleasure from smoking and
suppress withdrawal symptoms that smokers experience when they try to stop (Gar-
wood & Potts, 2007; Shiffman, 2007; Brody, 2008).
Behavioral strategies, which view smoking as a learned habit and concentrate on
changing the smoking response, can also be effective. Initial “cure” rates of 60% have
been reported, and one year after treatment more than half of those who quit have
not resumed smoking. Individual or group counseling also increases the rate of suc-
cess in breaking the habit. The best treatment seems to be a combination of nicotine
replacement and counseling. What doesn’t work? Going it alone: Only 5% of smok-
ers who quit cold-turkey on their own are successful (Noble, 1999; Rock, 1999; Wood-
ruff, Conway, & Edwards, 2007).
In the long term, the most effective means of reducing smoking may be changes
in societal norms and attitudes toward the habit. For instance, many cities and towns
have made smoking in public places illegal; legislation based on strong popular
sentiment that bans smoking in places such as college classrooms and buildings is
being passed with increasing frequency. In addition, smokers are more likely to quit
when their friends are quitting, so the social support of others quitting is helpful
(Hamilton, Biener, & Brennan, 2007; Christakis & Fowler, 2008).
The long-term effect of the barrage of information regarding the negative
consequences of smoking on people’s health has been substantial; overall, smoking
has declined over the last two decades, particularly among males. Still, more than
one-fourth of students enrolled in high school are active smokers by the time they
graduate, and there is evidence that the decline in smoking is leveling off. Among
these students, around 10% become active smokers as early as the eighth grade
(see Figure 2; Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2009; Fichtenberg & Glantz, 2006).
489
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490 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
we ji
9
E” Throughout the World
a |
In some countries, children as young as
6 smoke regularly.
I) Hucksters of Death: Promoting Smoking
Ex p | O ri Nn g A Jeep decorated with the Camel logo pulls up to a high school in
DIVERSITY
Buenos Aires. A woman begins handing out free cigarettes to 15- and
16-year-olds during their lunch recess. At a video arcade in Taipei,
free American cigarettes are strewn atop each game. At a disco filled
with high school students, free packs of Salems are on each table.
(Ecenbarger, 1993, p. 50)
Because the number of smokers has steadily declined in the United States, cigarette
manufacturers have turned their sights to other parts of the world, where they see a
fertile market for their product. Although they must often sell cigarettes more cheaply
than they do in the United States, the huge number of potential smokers still makes it
financially worthwhile for the tobacco companies. The United States is now the world’s
largest exporter of cigarettes (Bartecchi, MacKenzie, & Schrier, 1995; Brown, 2001).
Clearly, the push into worldwide markets has been successful. In some Latin
American cities, as many as 50% of teenagers smoke. Children as young as age 7
smoke in Hong Kong; 30% of children smoked their first whole cigarette before the
age of 10 in India, Ghana, Jamaica, and Poland. The World Health Organization
predicts that smoking will prematurely kill some 200 million of the world’s children
and that ultimately 10% of the world’s population will die as a result of smoking. Of
everyone alive today, 500 million will eventually die from tobacco use (Mackay &
Eriksen, 2002).
One reason for the increase in smoking in developing countries is that their
governments make little effort to discourage it. In fact, many governments are in the
tobacco business themselves and rely on revenues from tobacco. For example, the
world’s largest manufacturer of cigarettes is the China National Tobacco Corporation,
which is owned by the Chinese government (Marsh, 2008).
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Module 44 Psychological Aspects of Illness and Well-Being 491
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Acancer patient’s attitude and emotions may affect that
person’s system and thus help or hinder the
patient’s fight against the disease.
4. Smoking is used to regulate both nicotine levels and emo-
tional states in smokers. True or false?
How do psychological factors affect health-related problems
such as coronary heart disease, cancer, and smoking?
e Hostility, a key component of the Type A behavior pat-
tern, is linked to coronary heart disease. The Type A
behavior pattern is a cluster of behaviors involving
hostility, competitiveness, time urgency, and feeling
driven. (p. 485)
e People’s attitudes and emotional responses may affect
RETHINK
1. Is there a danger of “blaming the victim” when we argue
1. Type
the course of cancer through links to the immune sys-
tem. (p. 486)
Smoking, the leading preventable cause of health prob-
lems, has proved to be difficult to quit, even though
most smokers are aware of the dangerous consequences
of the behavior. (p. 487)
EVALUATE
behavior is characterized by cooperative-
ness and by being easygoing; Type behavior is
characterized by hostility and competitiveness.
2. The Type A behavior pattern is known to directly cause
heart attacks. True or false?
KEY TERMS
Type A behavior pattern p. 485
that the course of cancer can be improved if a person with
the disease holds positive attitudes or beliefs, particularly
when we consider people with cancer who are not recov-
ering? Explain your answer.
. From the perspective of a health-care provider: What type of
advice would you give to your patients about the connec-
tions between personality and disease? For example,
would you encourage Type A people to become “less Type
A” in order to decrease their risk of heart disease?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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Type B behavior pattern p. 486
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How do our interactions with
physicians affect our health
and compliance with medical
treatment?
How does a sense of well-
being develop?
A negative emotional and
cognitive reaction that results from the
restriction of one’s freedom.
492
When Stuart Grinspoon first noticed the small lump in his arm, he assumed it was just
a bruise from the touch football game he had played the previous week. But as he
thought about it more, he considered more serious possibilities and decided that he’d
better get it checked out at the university health service. But the visit was less than
satisfactory. A shy person, Stuart felt embarrassed talking about his medical condition.
Even worse, after answering a string of questions, he couldn’t even understand the phy-
sician’s diagnosis and was too embarrassed to ask for clarification.
Many of us share Stuart Grinspoon’s attitudes toward health care. We approach
physicians the same way we approach auto mechanics. When something goes wrong
with the car, we want the mechanic to figure out the problem and then fix it. In the
same way, when something isn’t working right with our bodies, we want a diagno-
sis of the problem and then a (we hope, quick) repair.
Yet such an approach ignores the fact that—unlike auto repair—good health care
requires taking psychological factors into account. Health psychologists have sought
to determine the factors involved in the promotion of good health and, more broadly,
a sense of well-being and happiness. Let’s take a closer look at two areas they have
tackled: producing compliance with health-related advice and identifying the deter-
minants of well-being and happiness.
Following Medical Advice
We're not very good at taking medical advice. Consider these figures:
e As many as 85% of patients do not fully comply with a physician’s
recommendations.
e Between 14-21% of patients don’t ever fill their drug prescriptions.
e Some 10% of adolescent pregnancies result from noncompliance with birth
control practices.
e Sixty percent of all patients cannot identify their own medicines.
e From 30-50% of all patients ignore instructions or make errors in taking
medication (Christensen & Johnson, 2002; Health Pages, 2003; Colland et al.,
2004).
Noncompliance with medical advice can take many forms. For example, patients
may fail to show up for scheduled appointments, not follow diets or not give up
smoking, or discontinue medication during treatment. In some cases, they fail to take
prescribed medicine at all.
Patients also may practice creative nonadherence in which they adjust a treatment
prescribed by a physician by relying on their own medical judgment and experience.
In many cases patients’ lack of medical knowledge may be harmful (Taylor, 1995;
Hamani et al., 2007).
Noncompliance is sometimes a result of psychological reactance. Reactance is a
negative emotional and cognitive reaction that results from the restriction of one’s
freedom. People who experience reactance feel hostility and anger. Because of such
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Module 45
emotions, they may seek to restore their sense of freedom but in a self-destructive
manner by refusing to accept medical advice and perhaps acting in a way that worsens
their medical condition. For instance, a man who is placed on a strict diet may experi-
ence reactance and tend to eat even more than he did before his diet was restricted
(Fogarty & Young, 2000; Dillard & Shen, 2004; Woller, Buboltz, & Loveland, 2007).
COMMUNICATING EFFECTIVELY
WITH HEALTH-CARE PROVIDERS
I was lying on a gurney, trying to prepare myself for a six-hour breast-reconstruction
surgery. A few months earlier, I’d had a mastectomy for breast cancer. Because I’m
small-boned, my doctor told me I needed to have a muscle sliced from my back and
moved to my chest to create a proper foundation for an implant. I knew the operation
would slow me down—bad news for someone who swims, runs, and chases three
young kids. But as the surgeon diagrammed incision points on my chest with a felt-tip
pen, my husband asked a question: “Is it really necessary to transfer this back muscle?”
(Halpert, 2003, p. 63)
The surgeon’s answer shocked the patient: No, it wasn’t necessary. And if she didn’t
have the procedure, her recovery time would be cut in half. The surgeon had simply
assumed, without asking the patient, that she would prefer the more complicated
procedure because it would be preferable cosmetically. But after a hurried consulta-
tion with her husband, the patient opted for the less invasive procedure.
Lack of communication between medical care providers and patients can be a
major obstacle to good medical care. Such communication failures occur for several
reasons. One is that physicians make assumptions about what patients prefer, or they
push a specific treatment that they prefer without consulting patients. Furthermore,
the relatively high prestige of physicians may intimidate patients. Patients may also
be reluctant to volunteer information that might cast them in a bad light, and physi-
cians may have difficulties encouraging their patients to provide information. In
many cases, physicians dominate an interview with questions of a technical nature,
whereas patients attempt to communicate a personal sense of their illness and the
impact it is having on their lives, as illustrated in Figure 1 (Ihler, 2003; Schillinger et
al., 2004; Wain, Grammer, & Stasinos, 2006).
Furthermore, the view many patients hold that physicians are “all knowing” can
result in serious communication problems. Many patients do not understand their
treatments yet fail to ask their physicians for clear explanations of a prescribed course
of action. About half of all patients are unable to report accurately how long they
are to continue taking a medication prescribed for them, and about a quarter do not
even know the purpose of the drug. In fact, some patients are not even sure as they
are about to be rolled into the operating room, why they are having surgery (Svarstad,
1976; Atkinson, 1997; Halpert, 2003)!
Sometimes patient—physician communication difficulties occur
because the material that must be communicated is too technical for
patients, who may lack fundamental knowledge about the body and
basic medical practices. In response to this problem, some health-care
providers routinely use baby talking (calling patients “honey” or telling
them to go “night-night”) and assume that patients are unable to
understand even simple information (Whitbourne & Wills, 1993; Mika
et al., 2007).
The amount of physician—patient communication also is related
to the sex of a physician and patient. Overall, female primary care
physicians provide more patient-centered communications than do
male primary care physicians. Furthermore, patients often prefer
same-sex physicians (Roter, Hall, & Aoki, 2002; Kiss, 2004; Schnatz et “There s no easy way I can tell you this, so I’m
Promoting Health and Wellness
al., 2007; Bertakis, 2009; Bertakis, Franks, & Epstein, 2009). sending you to someone who can.”
493
© Peter C. Vey/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
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494 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
FIGURE 1 Effective communication
between patient and physician is
important but often proves frustrating
for both. (Source: From Daniel Goleman,
“Doctor and Patient; Physicians May Bungle
Key Part of Treatment: The Medical Interview.’
From The New York Times, January 21, 1988,
p. B16. © 1988 The New York Times. All rights
reserved. Used by permission and protected
by the Copyright Laws of the United States.
The printing, copying, redistribution, or
retransmission of the Material without
express written permission is prohibited.
www.nytimes.com.)
A Patient Talks to Her Physician
The following excerpt from a case study used at the Harvard Medical School is an
example of poor interviewing technique on the part of the physician.
Patient: | can hardly drink water.
Doctor: Um hum.
Patient: | Remember when it started? . . . It was pains in my head. It must have been then.
Doctor: Um-hum.
Patient: | don’t know what it is. The doctor looked at it . . . said something about
glands.
Doctor: Ok. Um-hum, aside from this, how have you been feeling?
Patient: Terrible.
Doctor: Yeah.
Patient: Tired... there's pains .. . | don’t know what it is.
Doctor: Ok.... Fever or chills?
Patient: No.
Doctor: Ok. ... Have you been sick to your stomach or anything?
Patient: (Sniffles, crying) | don’t know what's going on. | get up in the morning tired.
The only time | feel good . .. maybe like around suppertime . . . and
everything (crying) and still the same thing.
Doctor: | Um-hum. You're getting the nausea before you eat or after? (Goleman, 1988, p. B16)
Although the frequent “um-hums” suggest that the physician is listening to the patient,
in fact he does not encourage the patient to disclose more pertinent details. Even
more, late in the interview, the physician ignores the patient’s emotional distress and
coldly continues through the list of questions.
Cultural values and expectations also contribute to communication barriers
between patients and their physicians. Providing medical advice to a patient whose
native language is not English may be problematic. Furthermore, medical practices
differ between cultures, and medical practitioners need to be familiar with a patient’s
culture in order to produce compliance with medical recommendations (Whaley,
2000; Ho et al., 2004; Culhane-Pera, Borkan, & Patten, 2007).
What can patients do to improve communication with health-care providers?
Here are some tips provided by physician Holly Atkinson (Atkinson, 2003):
e Make a list of health-related concerns before you visit a health-care provider.
e Before a visit, write down the names and dosages of every drug you are
currently taking.
e Determine if your provider will communicate with you via e-mail and under
what circumstances.
e If you find yourself intimidated, take along an advocate—a friend or relative—
who can help you communicate more effectively.
e Take notes during the visit.
INCREASING COMPLIANCE WITH MEDICAL ADVICE
Although compliance with medical advice does not guarantee that a patient’s medi-
cal problems will go away, it does optimize the possibility that the patient’s condition
will improve. What, then, can health-care providers do to produce greater compli-
ance on the part of their patients? One strategy is to provide clear instructions to
patients regarding drug regimens. Maintaining good, warm relations with patients
also leads to increased compliance (Cheney, 1996; Arbuthnott & Sharpe, 2009).
In addition, honesty helps. Patients generally prefer to be well informed—even
if the news is bad; their degree of satisfaction with their medical care is linked to
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Module 45 Promoting Health and Wellness
how well and how accurately physicians are able to convey the nature of their med-
ical problems and treatments (Haley, Clair, & Saulsberry, 1992; Zuger, 2005).
The way in which a message is framed also can result in more positive responses
to health-related information. Positively framed messages suggest that a change in
behavior will lead to a gain and thus emphasize the benefits of carrying out a health-
related behavior. For instance, suggesting that skin cancer is curable if it is detected
early and that you can reduce your chances of getting the disease by using a sun-
screen places information in a positive frame. In contrast, negatively framed messages
highlight what you can lose by not performing a behavior. For instance, a physician
might say that if you don’t use sunscreen, you’re more likely to get skin cancer, which
can kill you if it’s not detected early.
What type of message is more effective? It depends on the type of health behavior
the health-care provider is trying to bring about. Positively framed messages are best
for motivating preventive behavior. However, negatively framed messages are most
effective in producing behavior that will lead to the detection of a disease (McCaul,
Johnson, & Rothman, 2002; Apanovich, McCarthy, & Salovey, 2003; Lee & Aaker, 2004).
Well-Being and Happiness
What makes for a good life?
This is a question that philosophers and theologians have pondered for centuries.
Now health psychologists are turning their spotlight on the question by investigating
subjective well-being, people’s evaluations of their lives in terms of both their
thoughts and their emotions. Considered another way, subjective well-being is the
measure of how happy people are (Diener, Lucas, & Oishi, 2002; Dolan & White,
2007; Tsaousis, Nikolaou, & Serdaris, 2007; Kesebir & Diener, 2008).
WHAT ARE THE CHARACTERISTICS OF HAPPY PEOPLE?
Research on the subject of well-being shows that happy people share several character-
istics (Myers, 2000; Diener & Seligman, 2002; Otake, Shimai, & Tanaka-Matsumi, 2006):
e Happy people have high self-esteem. Particularly in Western cultures, which
emphasize the importance of individuality, people who are happy like
Positively framed messages suggest that
a change in behavior will lead to a
health-related gain.
subjective well-being People’s own
evaluation of their lives in terms
of both their thoughts and their
emotions.
495
mia)
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the 21st Century
Catching Happiness:
The Contagion of Emotions
and Health
The next time you get the flu, there will
almost certainly be someone you can
blame for your pain. There’s the inconsid-
erate co-worker who decided to drag
himself to the office and spent the day
sniffling, sneezing and shivering in the
cubicle next to yours. Or your child’s best
friend, the one who showed up for a
playdate with a runny nose and a short
supply of tissues. Then there’s the guy at
the gym who spent more time sneezing
than sweating on the treadmill before you
used it. (Park, 2008, p. 74)
It’s often reasonable to blame someone else
if you get sick. Contagious diseases, such
as colds or flu, tend to work their way
through social networks moving from one
person to another.
Similarly, if you’ve ever used Facebook,
you already know how social networks op-
erate: You have a circle of friends, and each
of them has a circle of friends, and the
many connections among all these people
form a network. Moreover, if you’ve ever
shared a web link with your Facebook
friends, you've seen just how quickly infor-
mation can spread through this network.
But what else might spread from person
to person? Can we “infect” others with our
emotions or our behaviors?
New research suggests that in fact emo-
tions are contagious and that the effect can
even spread beyond our immediate social
circles to people we don’t even know. Re-
searchers Nicholas Christakis and James
Fowler (2009) studied emotions in a very
large group of interrelated people. They
found that friends of happy people were
496
Happiness can spread beyond our immediate social circles to people we don’t even know.
15% more likely to be happy themselves,
and that the friends of friends of happy
people were 10% more likely to be happy—
even if they didn’t even know the happy
person directly. The influence of the happy
person could even be found in unknown
people who were three degrees of separa-
tion away—their friend’s friend’s friend.
Christakis and Fowler also found evi-
dence that behaviors can spread across so-
cial networks in a similar way. People with
obese friends are more likely to be over-
weight themselves, and people who are
trying to quit smoking are more successful
if their friends also quit. They even noticed
that people who are smiling in their Face-
book photos tend to have friends who do
the same. The social contagiousness seems
to be stronger in mutual friendships than it
is in one-sided ones (Christakis & Fowler,
2007, 2008).
What this means is that people who ac-
quire healthy behaviors or outlooks for
themselves might “spread the wealth” to
their friends and beyond. Efforts to map
and use social networks in order to help
people live healthier lives are already un-
derway (Park, 2008).
e Why do you think happiness and other emotions might be contagious?
e What could explain the finding that obese people are more likely to have friends
who are obese?
themselves. They see themselves as more intelligent and better able to get
along with others than the average person. In fact, they often hold positive
illusions or moderately inflated views of themselves as good, competent, and
desirable (Taylor et al., 2000; Boyd-Wilson, McClure, & Walkey, 2004).
e Happy people have a firm sense of control. They feel more in control of events in
their lives, unlike those who feel they are the pawns of others and who
experience learned helplessness.
e Happy individuals are optimistic. Their optimism permits them to persevere at tasks
and ultimately to achieve more. In addition, their health is better (Peterson, 2000).
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Module 45 Promoting Health and Wellness 497
e Men and women generally are made happy by the same sorts of activities—but not
always. Most of the time, adult men and women achieve the same level of
happiness from the same things, such as hanging out with friends. But there
are some differences: For example, women get less pleasure from being with
their parents than men. The explanation? For women, time spent with their
parents more closely resembles work, such as helping them cook or pay the
bills. For men, it’s more likely to involve recreational activities, such as
watching a football game with their fathers. The result is that men report
being slightly happier than women (Kreuger, 2007).
e Happy people like to be around other people. They tend to be extroverted and have
a supportive network of close relationships. (Also see Applying Psychology in
the 21st Century.)
Perhaps most important, most people are at least moderately happy most of
the time. In both national and international surveys, people living in a wide variety
of circumstances report being happy. Furthermore, life-altering events that one
might expect would produce long-term spikes in happiness, such as winning the
lottery, probably won’t make you much happier than you already are, as we discuss
next.
DOES MONEY BUY HAPPINESS?
If you were to win the lottery, would you be happier?
Probably not. At least that’s the implication of health psychologists’ research
on subjective well-being. That research shows that although winning the lottery
brings an initial surge in happiness, winners’ level of happiness a year later seems
to return to what it was before they won. The converse phenomenon occurs for
people who have had serious injuries in accidents: Despite an initial decline in
happiness, in most cases victims return to their prior levels of happiness after the
passage of time (Diener & Biswas-Diener, 2002; Nissle & Bschor, 2002; Spinella &
Lester, 2006).
Why is the level of subjective well-being so stable? One explanation is that peo- y Alert
ple have a general set point for happiness, a marker that establishes the tone for one’s Remember the concept that
life. Although specific events may temporarily elevate or depress one’s mood (a sur- individuals have a set point
prise promotion or a job loss, for example), ultimately people return to their general (a general, consistent level)
level of happiness. relating to subjective well-
Although it is not certain how people’s happiness set points are initially estab- being.
lished, some evidence suggests that the set point is determined at least in part by
genetic factors. Specifically, identical twins who grow up in widely different circum-
stances turn out to have very similar levels of happiness (Kahneman, Diener, &
Schwarz, 1998; Diener, Lucas, & Scollon, 2006; Weiss, Bates, & Luciano, 2008).
Most people’s well-being set point is relatively high. For example, some 30% of
people in the United States rate themselves as “very happy,” and only one in ten
rates himself or herself as “not too happy.” Most people declare themselves to be
“pretty happy.” Such feelings are graphically confirmed by people who are asked to
place themselves on the measure of happiness illustrated in Figure 2. The scale
clearly illustrates that most people view their lives quite positively.
Similar results are found when people are asked to compare themselves with
others. For example, when asked, “Who of the following people do you think is the
happiest?” survey respondents answered “Oprah Winfrey” (23%), “Bill Gates” (7%),
“the Pope” (12%), and “yourself” (49%), with 6% saying they didn’t know (Black &
McCafferty, 1998).
Few differences exist between members of different demographic groups. Men
and women report being equally happy, and African Americans are only slightly less
likely than European Americans to rate themselves as “very happy.” Furthermore,
happiness is hardly unique to U.S. culture. Even countries that are not economically
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498 Chapter 14 Health Psychology: Stress, Coping, and Well-Being
FIGURE 2 Most people in the United Faces Scale:““Which face comes closest to expressing how you feel about your life as a whole?”
States rate themselves as happy, while
only a small minority indicate they are
“not too happy.’ (Source: Myers, 2000, p. 57,
drawn from Social Indicators of Well-Being:
Americans’ Perceptions of Life Quality (pp. 207 20% 46% 27% 4% 2% 1% 0%
and 306), by F. M. Andrews and S. B. Withey,
1976. New York, Plenum. Copyright 1976 by
Plenum.)
prosperous have, on the whole, happy residents (Diener & Clifton, 2002; Suh, 2002;
Suhail & Chaudhry, 2004).
The bottom line: Money does not seem to buy happiness. Despite the ups and
downs of life, most people tend to be reasonably happy, and they adapt to the trials
and tribulations—and joys and delights—of life by returning to a steady-state level
of happiness. That habitual level of happiness can have profound—perhaps life-
prolonging—implications (Diener & Seligman, 2004; Hecht, 2007).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 2. If you want people to floss more to prevent gum disease,
the best approach is to
a. Use a negatively framed message
b. Use a positively framed message
c. Have a dentist deliver an encouraging message on the
pleasures of flossing
d. Provide people with free dental floss
3. Winning the lottery is likely to
a. Produce an immediate and long-term increase in the
level of well-being
b. Produce an immediate but not lingering increase in the
level of well-being
How does a sense of well-being develop? . Produce a decline in well-being over the long run
e Subjective well-being, the measure of how happy people d. Lead to an increase in greed over the long run
are, is highest in people with high self-esteem, a sense of
control, optimism, and a supportive network of close re-
lationships. (p. 495)
How do our interactions with physicians affect our health and
compliance with medical treatment?
e Although patients would often like physicians to base a
diagnosis only on a physical examination, communicat-
ing one’s problem to the physician is equally important.
(p. 493)
e Patients may find it difficult to communicate openly
with their physicians because of physicians’ high social
prestige and the technical nature of medical information.
(p. 494)
A
RETHINK
1. Do you think stress plays a role in making communication
between physicians and patients difficult? Why?
EVALUATE 2. From the perspective of a health-care provider: How would
you try to better communicate with your patients? How
might your techniques vary depending on the patient’s
background, gender, age, and culture?
1. Health psychologists are most likely to focus on which of
the following problems with health care?
a. Incompetent health-care providers
b. Rising health-care costs Answers to Evaluate Questions
c. Ineffective communication between physician and Oe 4% OI
patient
d. Scarcity of medical research funding
KEY TERMS
reactance p. 492 subjective well-being p. 495
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find three or more websites that deal with stress reduction. Gather at least five
techniques for reducing stress and summarize them. Write a critique and evaluation
of those techniques using the information you have learned about stress. Which ones
seem to have a sound basis in psychological theory and/or research?
2. Are you closer to a Type A or a Type B personality? Find two websites offering tests
that claim to provide the answer. Summarize the quality of the tests from a scientific
point of view and compare the results you received from each one.
E © | | OQ U e In this set of modules, we have explored the intersection
of psychology and biology. We have seen how the
emotional and psychological experience of stress can lead to physical symptoms of
illness, how personality factors may be related to major health problems, and how
psychological factors can interfere with effective communication between physician and
patient. We have also looked at the other side of the coin noting that some relatively
simple strategies can help us control stress, affect illness, and improve our interactions
with physicians.
Turn back to the prologue of this set of modules about Louisa Denby and her hectic
schedule. Use your understanding of health psychology and stress to consider these
questions.
1. Based on the description of Denby’s day, which are personal stressors and which are
background stressors? What might happen to “elevate” the stress level of a back-
ground stressor to a more serious level?
2. Are there likely to be any uplifts in her day?
3. How does the GAS apply to Denby’s situation? How might events in her life move her
along the three stages of the model?
4. What steps would you advise Denby to take to keep her level of stress under control?
How might others in her life be involved in such an effort?
499
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Key Concepts for Chapter 15
MODULE 46
How can we distinguish normal from Normal Versus Abnormal:
Making the Distinction
abnormal behavior? @ What are the major Seni l
efining Abnormality
Perspectives on Abnormality:
From Superstition to Science
perspectives on psychological disorders used
by mental health professionals? @ What are Classifying Abnormal Behavior:
x ; ; A The ABCs of DSM
the major categories of psychological disorders?
MODULE 47
The Major Psychological Disorders
Anxiety Disorders
Neuroscience in Your Life: One Step
Closer to Understanding OCD
Somatoform Disorders
Dissociative Disorders
Mood Disorders
Schizophrenia
Neuroscience in Your Life: Brain
Changes with Schizophrenia
Personality Disorders
Childhood Disorders
Other Disorders
MODULE 48
How prevalent are psychological disorders? Psychological Disorders
in Perspective
@ What indicators signal a need for the help the coed nd cutii ere:
of a mental health practitioner? Psychological. Disorders
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Students Stressed and Depressed
Exploring Diversity: DSM and Culture—
and the Culture of DSM
Becoming an Informed Consumer
of Psychology: Deciding When
You Need Help
501
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Prologue Lily
To have coffee with Lily (a pseudonym), you wouldn't get much
sense of how she has suffered. She is 50 but could pass for 30....
She was friendly but not terribly expressive, and she carried an
aura of self-protection...
As a teenager, Lily felt little self-confidence. “Junior high and
high school just sucks, right?” she’said, laughing. “But | had a
propensity to take it a little more seriously.” With the help of
therapy, she made it through high school and college, but in her
late 20s, she became dissatisfied with her job selling specialty
equipment. One October day, as she headed out for a
\
\
Lily suffered from borderline personality disorder, a psychological
disorder that afflicts an estimated 6% of the population. As we'll
discuss later in the chapter, it is characterized by difficulties in
forming a clear sense of self-identity, relationship problems,
mood swings, and high rates of self-injury.
Lily’s difficulties raise many questions. What triggered her
disorder? Were genetic factors involved, or were stressors in her
life responsible? Could the disorder have been prevented? And,
more generally, how do we distinguish normal from abnormal
behavior, and how can Lily’s behavior be categorized and
502
mountain-biking trip, she looked at the sky and had the feeling
that something was wrong. Bleakness massed around her
quickly, much faster than it had when she was younger. Soon,
nothing gave Lily much joy.
She recalled a talk show in which girls had discussed cutting
themselves as a release, a way to relieve depression. “I was so
numb,’ she said. “I just wanted to feel something—anything.” So
she took a knife from the kitchen and cut deeply into her left arm.
(Cloud, 2009, p. 45)
classified in such a way as to pinpoint the specific nature of her
problem?
We address the issues raised by Lily’s case in this chapter. We
begin by discussing the difference between normal and abnor-
mal behavior, which can be surprisingly indistinct. We then turn
to a consideration of the most significant kinds of psychological
disorders. Finally, we'll consider ways of evaluating behavior—
one’s own and that of others—to determine whether seeking
help from a mental health professional is warranted.
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MODULE 46
Universally that person’s acumen is esteemed very little perceptive concerning what-
soever matters are being held as most profitable by mortals with sapience endowed to
be studied who is ignorant of that which the most in doctrine erudite and certainly
by reason of that in them high mind’s ornament deserving of veneration constantly
maintain when by general consent they affirm that other circumstances being equal
by no exterior splendour is the prosperity of a nation. . .
It would be easy to conclude that these words are the musings of a madman. To
most people, the passage does not seem to make any sense at all. But literary schol-
ars would disagree. Actually, this passage is from James Joyce’s classic Ulysses, hailed
as one of the major works of 20th-century literature (Joyce, 1934, p. 377).
As this example illustrates, casually examining a person’s writing is insufficient
to determine the degree to which that person is “normal.” But even when we con-
sider more extensive samples of a person’s behavior, we will find that there may be
only a fine line between behavior that is considered normal and behavior that is
considered abnormal.
Defining Abnormality
Because of the difficulty in distinguishing normal from abnormal behavior, psychol-
ogists have struggled to devise a precise, scientific definition of “abnormal behavior.”
For instance, consider the following definitions, each of which has advantages and
disadvantages:
e Abnormality as deviation from the average. To employ this statistically based
approach, we simply observe what behaviors are rare or occur infrequently
in a specific society or culture and label those deviations from the norm
“abnormal.”
The difficulty with this definition is that some statistically rare behav-
iors clearly do not lend themselves to classification as abnormal. If most
people prefer to have cornflakes for breakfast but you prefer raisin bran,
this deviation hardly makes your behavior abnormal. Similarly, such a
concept of abnormality would unreasonably label a person who has an
unusually high IQ as abnormal simply because a high IQ is statistically
rare. In short, a definition of abnormality that rests on deviation from the
average is insufficient.
e Abnormality as deviation from the ideal. An alternative approach considers
abnormality in relation to the standard toward which most people are striv-
ing—the ideal. This sort of definition considers behavior abnormal if it devi-
ates enough from some kind of ideal or cultural standard. However, society
has few standards on which people universally agree. (For example, we would
be hard pressed to find agreement on whether the New Testament, the Koran,
the Talmud, or the Book of Mormon provides the most reasonable standards.)
How can we distinguish
normal from abnormal
behavior?
What are the major perspec-
tives on psychological dis-
orders used by mental
health professionals?
What are the major categories
of psychological disorders?
503
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504 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
Andrea Yates
y Alert
Remember the different defi-
nitions of abnormality (devi-
ation from the average,
deviation from the ideal, a
sense of personal discom-
fort, inability to function effectively,
and abnormality as a legal concept).
abnormal behavior Behavior that
causes people to experience distress
and prevents them from functioning
in their daily lives.
Furthermore, standards that do arise change over time and vary across
cultures. Thus, the deviation-from-the-ideal approach is also inadequate.
e Abnormality as a sense of personal discomfort. A more useful definition concen-
trates on the psychological consequences of the behavior for the individual.
In this approach, behavior is considered abnormal if it produces a sense of
personal distress, anxiety, or guilt in an individual—or if it is harmful to
others in some way.
Even a definition that relies on personal discomfort has drawbacks,
though, because in some especially severe forms of mental disturbance,
people report feeling wonderful even though their behavior seems bizarre to
others. In such cases, a personal state of well-being exists, yet most people
would consider the behavior abnormal. For example, most of us would think
that a woman who says she is hearing uplifting messages from Martians
would be displaying abnormal behavior even though she may say that the
messages make her feel happy.
e Abnormality as the inability to function effectively. Most people are able to feed
themselves, hold a job, get along with others, and in general live as produc-
tive members of society. Yet there are those who are unable to adjust to the
demands of society or function effectively.
According to this view of abnormality, people who are unable to function
effectively and to adapt to the demands of society are considered abnormal.
For example, an unemployed, homeless woman living on the street may be
considered unable to function effectively. Therefore, her behavior can be
viewed as abnormal even if she has chosen to live this way. Her inability to
adapt to the requirements of society is what makes her “abnormal,” according
to this approach.
e Abnormality as a legal concept. According to the jury that first heard her case,
Andrea Yates, a woman who drowned her five children in a bathtub, was
sane. She was sentenced to life in prison for her act.
Although you might question this view (and a later appeals jury over-
turned the conviction), the initial verdict reflected the way in which the
law defines abnormal behavior. To the judicial system, the distinction be-
tween normal and abnormal behavior rests on the definition of insanity,
which is a legal but not a psychological term. The definition of insanity
varies from one jurisdiction to another. In some states, insanity simply
means that defendants cannot understand the difference between right and
wrong at the time they commit a criminal act. Other states consider whether
defendants are substantially incapable of understanding the criminality of
their behavior or unable to control themselves. And in some jurisdictions,
pleas of insanity are not allowed at all. (Weiner & Wettstein, 1993; Frost &
Bonnie, 2001; Sokolove, 2003)
Clearly, none of the previous definitions is broad enough to cover all instances
of abnormal behavior. Consequently, the distinction between normal and abnormal
behavior often remains ambiguous even to trained professionals. Furthermore, to a
large extent, cultural expectations for “normal” behavior in a particular society influ-
ence the understanding of “abnormal behavior” (Scheff, 1998; Sanderson, 2007).
Given the difficulties in precisely defining the construct, psychologists typically
define abnormal behavior broadly as behavior that causes people to experience dis-
tress and prevents them from functioning in their daily lives (Nolen-Hoeksema,
2007). Because of the imprecision of this definition, it’s best to view abnormal behav-
ior and normal behavior as marking two ends of a continuum rather than as absolute
states. Behavior should be evaluated in terms of gradations that range from fully
normal functioning to extremely abnormal behavior. Behavior typically falls some-
where between those extremes.
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Module 46 Normal Versus Abnormal: Making the Distinction 505
Perspectives on Abnormality:
From Superstition to Science
Throughout much of human history, people linked abnormal behavior to supersti-
tion and witchcraft. Individuals who displayed abnormal behavior were accused
of being possessed by the devil or some sort of demonic god. Authorities felt
justified in “treating” abnormal behavior by attempting to drive out the source of
the problem. This typically involved whipping, immersion in hot water, starvation,
or other forms of torture in which the cure was often worse than the affliction
(Berrios, 1996).
Contemporary approaches take a more enlightened view. Today, six major per-
spectives are used to understand psychological disorders. These perspectives suggest
not only different causes of abnormal behavior but different treatment approaches as
well. Furthermore, some perspectives are more applicable to specific disorders than
are others. Figure 1 summarizes the perspectives and the way in which they can be
applied to the experience of Lily, the person discussed in the chapter prologue.
MEDICAL PERSPECTIVE
When people display the symptoms of tuberculosis, medical professionals can generally
find tubercular bacteria in their body tissue. Similarly, the medical perspective suggests
that when an individual displays symptoms of abnormal behavior, the fundamental
cause will be found through a physical examination of the individual, which may reveal
a hormonal imbalance, a chemical deficiency, or a brain injury. Indeed, when we speak
of mental “illness,” “symptoms” of abnormal behavior, and mental “hospitals,” we are
using terminology associated with the medical perspective.
Because many abnormal behaviors have been linked to biological causes, the
medical perspective is a reasonable approach, yet serious criticisms have been leveled
against it. For one thing, no biological cause has been identified for many forms of
abnormal behavior. In addition, some critics have argued that the use of the term
illness implies that people who display abnormal behavior have no responsibility for
their actions (Szasz, 1994, 2006, Laing & Szasz, 2004).
Perspectives on Psychological Disorders
dy Alert
Use Figure 1 to review the six
major perspectives on
abnormality and consider
how they relate to the
major perspectives on
the field of psychology that we
discussed in Chapter 1.
medical perspective The perspective
that suggests that when an individual
displays symptoms of abnormal
behavior, the root cause will be found
in a physical examination of the
individual, which may reveal a
hormonal imbalance, a chemical
deficiency, or a brain injury.
Perspective Description Possible Application of Perspective to Lily’s Case
Medical Assumes that physiological causes are at the root Examine Lily for medical problems, such as brain tumor,
of psychological disorders chemical imbalance in the brain, or disease
Psychoanalytic Argues that psychological disorders stem from Seek out information about Lily’s past, considering possible
childhood conflicts childhood conflicts
Behavioral Assumes that abnormal behaviors are learned Concentrate on rewards and punishments for Lily's behavior,
responses and identify environmental stimuli that reinforce her behavior
Cognitive Assumes that cognitions (people’s thoughts and Focus on Lily’s perceptions of self and her environment
beliefs) are central to psychological disorders
Humanistic Emphasizes people's responsibility for their own Consider Lily's behavior in terms of her choices and efforts
behavior and the need to self-actualize to reach her potential
Sociocultural Assumes that behavior is shaped by family, Focus on how societal demands contributed to Lily’s
society, and culture disorder
FIGURE 1 In considering Lily’s case discussed in the prologue, we can employ each of the
different perspectives on abnormal behavior. Note, however, that because of the nature of
her psychological disorder, some of the perspectives are more applicable than others.
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506 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
psychoanalytic perspective
The perspective that suggests that
abnormal behavior stems from child-
hood conflicts over opposing wishes
regarding sex and aggression.
behavioral perspective The perspec-
tive that looks at the behavior itself as
the problem.
cognitive perspective The perspective
that suggests that people’s thoughts
and beliefs are a central component of
abnormal behavior.
Still, recent advances in our understanding of the biological bases of behavior
underscore the importance of considering physiological factors in abnormal behavior.
For instance, some of the more severe forms of psychological disturbance, such as
major depression and schizophrenia, are influenced by genetic factors and malfunc-
tions in neurotransmitter signals (Plomin & McGuffin, 2003; Iversen & Iversen, 2007;
Howes & Kapur, 2009).
PSYCHOANALYTIC PERSPECTIVE
Whereas the medical perspective suggests that biological causes are at the root of
abnormal behavior, the psychoanalytic perspective holds that abnormal behavior
stems from childhood conflicts over opposing wishes regarding sex and aggression.
According to Freud, children pass through a series of stages in which sexual and
aggressive impulses take different forms and produce conflicts that require resolu-
tion. If these childhood conflicts are not dealt with successfully, they remain unre-
solved in the unconscious and eventually bring about abnormal behavior during
adulthood.
To uncover the roots of people’s disordered behavior, the psychoanalytic per-
spective scrutinizes their early life history. However, because there is no conclusive
way to link people’s childhood experiences with the abnormal behaviors they display
as adults, we can never be sure that the causes suggested by psychoanalytic theory
are accurate. Moreover, psychoanalytic theory paints a picture of people as having
relatively little control over their behavior because much of it is guided by uncon-
scious impulses. In the eyes of some critics, this perspective suggests that people
have little responsibility for their own behavior.
On the other hand, the contributions of psychoanalytic theory have been sig-
nificant. More than any other approach to abnormal behavior, this perspective high-
lights the fact that people can have a rich, involved inner life and that prior
experiences can have a profound effect on current psychological functioning (Born-
stein, 2003; Elliott, 2002; Rangell, 2007).
BEHAVIORAL PERSPECTIVE
Both the medical and psychoanalytic perspectives look at abnormal behaviors as
symptoms of an underlying problem. In contrast, the behavioral perspective views
the behavior itself as the problem. Using the basic principles of learning, behavioral
theorists see both normal and abnormal behaviors as responses to various stimuli—
responses that have been learned through past experience and are guided in the
present by stimuli in the individual’s environment. To explain why abnormal behavior
occurs, we must analyze how an individual has learned it and observe the circum-
stances in which it is displayed.
The emphasis on observable behavior represents both the greatest strength and
the greatest weakness of the behavioral approach to abnormal behavior. This perspec-
tive provides the most precise and objective approach for examining behavioral
symptoms of specific disorders, such as attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD), which we will discuss in a later module. At the same time, though, critics
charge that the perspective ignores the rich inner world of thoughts, attitudes, and
emotions that may contribute to abnormal behavior.
COGNITIVE PERSPECTIVE
The medical, psychoanalytic, and behavioral perspectives view people’s behavior as
the result of factors largely beyond their control. To many critics of these views,
however, people’s thoughts cannot be ignored.
In response to such concerns, some psychologists employ a cognitive perspective.
Rather than considering only external behavior, as in traditional behavioral approaches,
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Module 46 Normal Versus Abnormal: Making the Distinction 507
the cognitive approach assumes that cognitions (people’s thoughts and beliefs) are
central to a person’s abnormal behavior. A primary goal of treatment using the cogni-
tive perspective is to explicitly teach new, more adaptive ways of thinking.
For instance, suppose that you develop the erroneous belief that “doing well on
this exam is crucial to my entire future” whenever you take an exam. Through ther-
apy, you might learn to hold the more realistic and less anxiety-producing thought,
“my entire future is not dependent on this one exam.” By changing cognitions in this
way, psychologists working within a cognitive framework help people free them-
selves from thoughts and behaviors that are potentially maladaptive (Clark, 2004;
Everly & Lating, 2007).
The cognitive perspective is not without critics. For example, it is possible that
maladaptive cognitions are the symptoms or consequences of disorders rather than
their cause. Furthermore, there are circumstances in which negative beliefs may not
be irrational at all but simply reflect the unpleasant environments in which people
live—after all, there are times when a single exam may be extremely important. Still,
cognitive theorists would argue that one can find a more adaptive way of framing
beliefs even in the most negative circumstances.
HUMANISTIC PERSPECTIVE
Psychologists who subscribe to the humanistic perspective emphasize the responsi-
bility people have for their own behavior even when their behavior is considered
abnormal. The humanistic perspective—growing out of the work of Carl Rogers and
Abraham Maslow—concentrates on what is uniquely human—that is, it views people
as basically rational, oriented toward a social world, and motivated to seek self-
actualization (Rogers, 1995).
Humanistic approaches focus on the relationship of the individual to society; it
considers the ways in which people view themselves in relation to others and see
their place in the world. The humanistic perspective views people as having an
awareness of life and of themselves that leads them to search for meaning and self-
worth. Rather than assuming that individuals require a “cure,” the humanistic per-
spective suggests that they can, by and large, set their own limits of what is
acceptable behavior. As long as they are not hurting others and do not feel personal
distress, people should be free to choose the behaviors in which they engage.
Although the humanistic perspective has been criticized for its reliance on unsci-
entific, unverifiable information and its vague, almost philosophical formulations, it
offers a distinctive view of abnormal behavior. It stresses the unique aspects of being
human and provides a number of important suggestions for helping those with
psychological problems.
SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
The sociocultural perspective assumes that people’s behavior—both normal and
abnormal—is shaped by the kind of family group, society, and culture in which they
live. According to this view, the nature of one’s relationships with others may sup-
port abnormal behaviors and even cause them. Consequently the kinds of stresses
and conflicts people experience in their daily interactions with others can promote
and maintain abnormal behavior.
This perspective finds statistical support for the position that sociocultural factors
shape abnormal behavior given the fact that some kinds of abnormal behavior are far
more prevalent among certain social classes than they are in others. For instance,
diagnoses of schizophrenia tend to be higher among members of lower socioeconomic
groups than among members of more affluent groups. Proportionally more African-
American individuals are hospitalized involuntarily for psychological disorders than
are whites. Furthermore, poor economic times seem to be linked to general declines
in psychological functioning, and social problems such as homelessness are associated
humanistic perspective The perspec-
tive that emphasizes the responsibility
people have for their own behavior,
even when such behavior is abnormal.
sociocultural perspective The per-
spective that assumes that people’s
behavior—both normal and abnormal—
is shaped by the kind of family group,
society, and culture in which they live.
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508 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
© Arnie Levin/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
with psychological disorders (López & Guarnaccia, 2005;
Conger et al., 2002; Nasir & Hand, 2006; Greenberg &
Rosenheck, 2008).
On the other hand, alternative explanations abound for
the association between abnormal behavior and social fac-
tors. For example, people from lower socioeconomic levels
may be less likely than those from higher levels to seek
help, gradually reaching a point where their symptoms
become severe and warrant a serious diagnosis. Further-
more, sociocultural explanations provide relatively little
specific guidance for the treatment of individuals showing
mental disturbance because the focus is on broader societal
factors (Paniagua, 2000).
Classifying Abnormal
Behavior: The ABCs
of DSM
“First off, you're not a nut. You're a legume.”
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition,
Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) Asystem,
devised by the American Psychiatric
Association, used by most profession-
als to diagnose and classify abnormal
behavior.
Crazy. Whacked. Mental. Loony. Insane. Neurotic. Psycho.
Strange. Demented. Odd. Possessed.
Society has long placed labels on people who display abnormal behavior. Unfor-
tunately, most of the time these labels have reflected intolerance and have been used
with little thought as to what each label signifies.
Providing appropriate and specific names and classifications for abnormal behav-
ior has presented a major challenge to psychologists. It is not hard to understand
why, given the difficulties discussed earlier in simply distinguishing normal from
abnormal behavior. Yet psychologists and other careproviders need to classify abnor-
mal behavior in order to diagnose it and ultimately treat it.
DSM-IV-TR: DETERMINING DIAGNOSTIC DISTINCTIONS
Over the years, mental health professionals have developed many different classifica-
tion systems that vary in terms of their utility and the degree to which they have
been accepted. However, one standard system, devised by the American Psychiatric
Association, has emerged in the United States. Most professionals today use this
classification system, known as the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) to diagnose and classify
abnormal behavior.
DSM-IV-TR presents comprehensive and relatively precise definitions for more
than 200 disorders divided into 17 major categories. It also includes five types of
information, known as axes, which have to be considered in assessing a patient:
e Axis I: Clinical Disorders. Disorders that produce distress and impair
functioning.
e Axis II: Personality Disorders and Mental Retardation. Enduring, rigid
behavior patterns.
e Axis III: General Medical Conditions. Physical disorders that may be related
to psychological disorders.
e Axis IV: Psychosocial and Environmental Problems. Problems in a person’s
life such as stressors or life events that may affect the diagnosis, treatment,
and outcome of psychological disorders.
e Axis V: Global Assessment of Functioning. Overall level of mental, social,
occupational, and leisure functioning.
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Categories of Disorders
Anxiety (problems in which anxiety impedes
daily functioning)
Somatoform (psychological difficulties displayed
through physical problems)
Dissociative (the splitting apart of crucial parts
of personality that are usually integrated)
Module 46 Normal Versus Abnormal: Making the Distinction
Examples
Generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder,
phobic disorder, obsessive-compulsive
disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder
Hypochondriasis, conversion disorder
Dissociative identity disorder (multiple
personality), dissociative amnesia, dissociative
509
fugue
TEXT REVISION
Mood (emotions of depression or euphoria that
are so strong they intrude on everyday living)
Major depression, bipolar disorder
Schizophrenia and psychotic disorders
(declines in functioning, thought and language
disturbances, perception disorders, emotional
disturbances, and withdrawal from others)
Disorganized, paranoid, catatonic,
undifferentiated, residual
Personality (problems that create little personal
distress but that lead to an inability to function
as a normal member of society)
Antisocial (sociopathic) personality disorder,
narcissistic personality disorder
Sexual (problems related to sexual arousal from
unusual objects or problems related to
functioning)
Paraphilia, sexual dysfunction
AMERICAN PSYCHIATRIC ASSOCIATION
Substance-related (problems related to drug
dependence and abuse)
Alcohol, cocaine, hallucinogens, marijuana
Dementia, amnesia, and other cognitive
disorders
FIGURE 2 This list of disorders represents the major categories from the DSM-IV-TR. It is only
a partial list of the more than 200 disorders included there.
By following the criteria presented in the DSM-IV-TR classification system, diag-
nosticians can identify the specific problem an individual is experiencing. (Figure 2
provides a brief outline of the major diagnostic categories.)
DSM-IV-TR is primarily descriptive and avoids suggesting an underlying cause
for an individual’s behavior and problems. For instance, the term neurotic—a label that
is commonly used by people in their everyday descriptions of abnormal behavior—is
not listed as a DSM-IV-TR category. Because the term neurosis refers to problems
associated with a specific cause based in Freud’s theory of personality, it is not
included in DSM-IV-TR.
DSM-IV-TR has the advantage, then, of providing a descriptive system that
does not specify the cause of or reason for a problem. Rather, it paints a picture
of the behavior that is being displayed. Why should this approach be important?
For one thing, it allows communication between mental health professionals of
diverse backgrounds and theoretical approaches. In addition, precise classifica-
tion enables researchers to explore the causes of a problem. Without reliable
descriptions of abnormal behavior, researchers would be hard pressed to find
ways to investigate the disorder. Finally, DSM-IV-TR provides a kind of concep-
tual shorthand through which professionals can describe the behaviors that tend
to occur together in an individual (Widiger & Clark, 2000; First, Frances, &
Pincus, 2002).
510
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Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
y Alert
It is important to understand
the advantages and weak-
nesses of the DSM
classification system.
CONNING THE CLASSIFIERS: THE SHORTCOMINGS OF DSM-IV-TR
When clinical psychologist David Rosenhan and eight colleagues sought admis-
sion to separate mental hospitals across the United States in the 1970s, each stated
that he or she was hearing voices—“unclear voices” that said “empty,” “hollow,”
and “thud’”—and each was immediately admitted to the hospital. However, the
truth was that they actually were conducting a study, and none of them was really
hearing voices. Aside from these misrepresentations, everything else they did and
said represented their true behavior, including the responses they gave during
extensive admission interviews and their answers to the battery of tests they were
asked to complete. In fact, as soon as they were admitted, they said they no longer
heard any voices. In short, each of the pseudo-patients acted in a “normal” way
(Rosenhan, 1973).
We might assume that Rosenhan and his colleagues would have been quickly
discovered as the impostors they were, but this was not the case. Instead, each of
them was diagnosed as severely abnormal on the basis of observed behavior. Men-
tal health professionals labeled most as suffering from schizophrenia and kept them
in the hospital 3-52 days, with the average stay of 19 days. Even when they were
discharged, most of the “patients” left with the label schizophrenia—in remission,
implying that the abnormal behavior had only temporarily subsided and could
recur at any time. Most disturbing, no one on the hospital staff identified any of
the pseudo-patients as impostors—although some of the actual patients figured out
the ruse.
The results of Rosenhan’s classic study illustrate that placing labels on individu-
als powerfully influences the way mental health workers perceive and interpret their
actions. It also points out that determining who is psychologically disordered is not
always a clear-cut or accurate process.
Although DSM-IV-TR was developed to provide more accurate and consistent
diagnoses of psychological disorders, it has not been entirely successful. For instance,
critics charge that it relies too much on the medical perspective. Because it was drawn
up by psychiatrists—who are physicians—some condemn it for viewing psychologi-
cal disorders primarily in terms of the symptoms of an underlying physiological
disorder. It also does not fully take into account the advances in behavioral neuro-
science that have identified the genetic underpinnings of some psychological disorders.
Moreover, critics suggest that DSM-IV-TR compartmentalizes people into inflexible,
all-or-none categories rather than considering the degree to which a person displays
psychologically disordered behavior (Schmidt, Kotov, & Joiner, 2004; Samuel & Widi-
ger, 2006).
Other concerns with DSM-IV-TR are more subtle but equally important. For
instance, some critics argue that labeling an individual as abnormal provides a de-
humanizing, lifelong stigma. (Think, for example, of political contenders whose candi-
dacies have been terminated by the disclosure that they received treatment for severe
psychological disorders.) Furthermore, after an initial diagnosis has been made, men-
tal health professionals, who may concentrate on the initial diagnostic category, could
overlook other diagnostic possibilities (Szasz, 1994; Duffy et al., 2002; Quinn, Kahng,
& Crocker, 2004).
Still, despite the drawbacks inherent in any labeling system, DSM-IV-TR has had
an important influence on the way in which mental health professionals view psy-
chological disorders. It has increased both the reliability and the validity of diagnos-
tic categorization. In addition, it offers a logical way to organize examination of the
major types of mental disturbance.
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Module 46 Normal Versus Abnormal: Making the Distinction 511
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
How can we distinguish normal from abnormal behavior?
Definitions of abnormality include deviation from the
average, deviation from the ideal, a sense of personal
discomfort, the inability to function effectively, and legal
conceptions. (p. 503)
Although no single definition is adequate, abnormal
behavior can be considered to be behavior that causes
people to experience distress and prevents them from
functioning in their daily lives. Most psychologists
believe that abnormal and normal behavior should be
considered in terms of a continuum. (p. 504)
What are the major perspectives on psychological disorders
used by mental health professionals?
The medical perspective views abnormality as a
symptom of an underlying disease. (p. 505)
Psychoanalytic perspectives suggest that abnormal
behavior stems from childhood conflicts in the
unconscious. (p. 506)
Behavioral approaches view abnormal behavior not as a
symptom of an underlying problem but as the problem
itself. (p. 506)
The cognitive approach suggests that abnormal behavior
is the result of faulty cognitions (thoughts and beliefs). In
this view, abnormal behavior can be remedied by
changing one’s flawed thoughts and beliefs. (p. 506)
Humanistic approaches emphasize the responsibility
people have for their own behavior even when such
behavior is seen as abnormal. (p. 507)
Sociocultural approaches view abnormal behavior in
terms of difficulties arising from family and other social
relationships. (p. 507)
What are the major categories of psychological disorders?
The most widely used system for classifying psychological
disorders is DSM-IV-TR—Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision.
(p. 508)
EVALUATE
1. One problem in defining abnormal behavior is that
a.
b.
Statistically rare behavior may not be abnormal.
Not all abnormalities are accompanied by feelings of
discomfort.
. Cultural standards are too general to use as a measur-
ing tool.
. All of the above.
2. If abnormality is defined as behavior that causes personal
discomfort or harms others, which of the following people
is most likely to need treatment?
a. An executive is afraid to accept a promotion because it
would require moving from his ground-floor office to
the top floor of a tall office building.
b. A woman decides to quit her job and chooses to live on
the street in order to live a “simpler life.”
c. Aman believes that friendly spacemen visit his house
every Thursday.
d. A photographer lives with 19 cats in a small apartment
lovingly caring for them.
. Virginia’s mother thinks that her daughter’s behavior is
clearly abnormal because, despite being offered admission
to medical school, Virginia decides to become a waitress.
What approach is Virginia’s mother using to define abnor-
mal behavior?
. Which of the following is a strong argument against the
medical perspective on abnormality?
a. Physiological abnormalities are almost always impossi-
ble to identify.
b. There is no conclusive way to link past experience and
behavior.
c. The medical perspective rests too heavily on the effects
of nutrition.
d. Assigning behavior to a physical problem takes respon-
sibility away from the individual for changing his or
her behavior.
. Cheryl is painfully shy. According to the behavioral
perspective, the best way to deal with her “abnormal”
behavior is to
a. Treat the underlying physical problem.
b. Use the principles of learning theory to modify her shy
behavior.
c. Express a great deal of caring.
d. Uncover her negative past experiences through
hypnosis.
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512 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
RETHINK the medical perspective, the psychoanalytic perspective,
the behavioral perspective, the cognitive perspective, the
humanistic perspective, and the sociocultural perspective?
Based on the potential causes of the shoplifting, would
you fire the employee? Why or why not?
1. Do you agree or disagree that DSM should be updated
every several years? Why? What makes abnormal
behavior so variable?
2. From the perspective of an employer: Imagine that a well-paid
employee was arrested for shoplifting a sweater that costs Answers to Evaluate Questions
$15. What sort of explanation for this behavior would the q's ‘pp Tepr ay} Woy uonerap ‘g e'z ‘p'r
proponents of each perspective on abnormality provide:
KEY TERMS
abnormal behavior p. 504 cognitive perspective p. 506 Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
medical perspective p. 505 humanistic perspective p. 507 Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition,
psychoanalytic perspective p. 506 sociocultural perspective p. 507 Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR) p. 509
behavioral perspective p. 506
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MODULE 47
Sally experienced her first panic attack out of the blue, 3 weeks after completing her
senior year in college. She had just finished a job interview and was meeting some
friends for dinner. In the restaurant, she began to feel dizzy. Within a few seconds, her
heart was pounding, and she was feeling breathless, as though she might pass out. Her
friends noticed that she did not look well and offered to drive her home. Sally sug-
gested they stop at the hospital emergency room instead. Although she felt better by the
time they arrived at the hospital, and tests indicated nothing wrong, Sally experienced a
similar episode a week later while at a movie... .
Her attacks became more and more frequent. Before long, she was having several
attacks per week. In addition, she constantly worried about having attacks. She began
to avoid exercise and other activities that produced physical sensations. She also noticed
the attacks were worse when she was alone. She began to avoid driving, shopping in
large stores, and eating in all restaurants. Some weeks she avoided leaving the house
completely. (Antony, Brown, & Barlow, 1992, p. 79)
Sally suffered from panic disorder, one of the specific psychological disorders we'll
consider in this module. Keep in mind that although we'll be discussing these dis-
orders objectively, each represents a very human set of difficulties that influence and
in some cases considerably disrupt people’s lives.
Anxiety Disorders
All of us at one time or another experience anxiety, a feeling of apprehension or ten-
sion, in reaction to stressful situations. There is nothing “wrong” with such anxiety.
It is a normal reaction to stress that often helps rather than hinders our daily function-
ing. Without some anxiety, for instance, most of us probably would not have much
motivation to study hard, undergo physical exams, or spend long hours at our jobs.
But some people experience anxiety in situations in which there is no external
reason or cause for such distress. When anxiety occurs without external justification
and begins to affect people’s daily functioning, mental health professionals consider
it a psychological problem known as anxiety disorder. We’ll discuss the four major
types of anxiety disorders: phobic disorder, panic disorder, generalized anxiety dis-
order, and obsessive-compulsive disorder.
PHOBIC DISORDER
It’s not easy moving through the world when you're terrified of electricity. “Donna,” 45,
a writer, knows that better than most. Get her in the vicinity of an appliance or a light
switch or—all but unthinkable—a thunderstorm, and she is overcome by a terror so
blinding she can think of nothing but fleeing. That, of course, is not always possible, so
over time, Donna has come up with other answers. When she opens the refrigerator
door, rubber-sole shoes are a must. If a light bulb blows, she will tolerate the dark until
someone else changes it for her. Clothes shopping is done only when necessary, lest
static on garments send her running from the store. And swimming at night is absolutely
out of the question, lest underwater lights electrocute her. (Kluger, 2001, p. 51)
What are the major psycho-
logical disorders?
The occurrence of
anxiety without an obvious external
cause that affects daily functioning.
513
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514 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
Phobic Disorder
Agoraphobia
Specific phobias
Animal type
Natural environment
type
Situational type
Blood injection-injury
type
Social phobia
Intense, irrational fears of
specific objects or situations.
Anxiety disorder that
takes the form of panic attacks lasting
from a few seconds to several hours.
Description Example
Fear of places, such as unfamiliar or Person becomes housebound
crowded spaces, where help might not be because any place other than coe
available in case of emergency the person's home arouses y A
extreme anxiety symptoms. = (TN =
Fear of specific objects, ee
places, or situations ls
Specific animals Person has extreme fear of
or insects dogs, cats, or spiders.
Events or situations in the natural Person has extreme fear of storms, heights,
environment or water.
Public transportation, tunnels, Person becomes extremely
bridges, elevators, flying, driving claustrophobic in elevators. (29
"7
Blood, injury, injections Person panics when y
viewing a child’s scraped
nee.
Fear of being judged or Person avoids all social situations and
embarrassed by others becomes a recluse for fear of encountering
others’ judgment.
FIGURE 1 Phobic disorders differ from generalized anxiety and panic disorders because a
specific stimulus can be identified. Listed here are a number of types of phobias and their
triggers. (Source: Adapted from Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007).
Donna suffers from a phobia, an intense, irrational fear of a specific object or situ-
ation. For example, claustrophobia is a fear of enclosed places, acrophobia is a fear
of high places, xenophobia is a fear of strangers, social phobia is the fear of being
judged or embarrassed by others, and—as in Donna’s case—electrophobia is a fear
of electricity.
The objective danger posed by an anxiety-producing stimulus (which can be just
about anything, as you can see in Figure 1) is typically small or nonexistent. How-
ever, to someone suffering from the phobia, the danger is great, and a full-blown
panic attack may follow exposure to the stimulus. Phobic disorders differ from gen-
eralized anxiety disorders and panic disorders in that there is a specific, identifiable
stimulus that sets off the anxiety reaction.
Phobias may have only a minor impact on people’s lives if those who suffer from
them can avoid the stimuli that trigger fear. For example, a fear of heights may have
little impact on people’s everyday lives (although it may prevent them from living
in a high floor in an apartment)—unless they are firefighters or window-washers. On
the other hand, a social phobia, or a fear of strangers, presents a more serious problem.
In one extreme case, a Washington woman left her home just three times in 30 years—
once to visit her family, once for an operation, and once to purchase ice cream for a
dying companion (Adler, 1984; Kimbrel, 2007).
PANIC DISORDER
In another type of anxiety disorder, panic disorder, panic attacks occur that last from
a few seconds to several hours. Unlike phobias, which are stimulated by specific
objects or situations, panic disorders do not have any identifiable stimuli. Instead,
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 515
during an attack such as those Sally experienced in the case IN
described earlier, anxiety suddenly—and often without '
warning—rises to a peak, and an individual feels a sense of
impending, unavoidable doom. Although the physical symp-
toms differ from person to person, they may include heart
palpitations, shortness of breath, unusual amounts of sweat-
ing, faintness and dizziness, gastric sensations, and some-
times a sense of imminent death. After such an attack, it is
no wonder that people tend to feel exhausted (Rachman &
deSilva, 2004; Laederach-Hofmann & Messerli-Buergy, 2007).
Panic attacks seemingly come out of nowhere and are
unconnected to any specific stimulus. Because they don’t
know what triggers their feelings of panic, victims of panic
attacks may become fearful of going places. In fact, some
people with panic disorder develop a complication called
agoraphobia, the fear of being in a situation in which escape
is difficult and in which help for a possible panic attack
would not be available. In extreme cases, people with agora-
phobia never leave their homes (Marcaurelle, Bélanger, &
Marchand, 2005; Herrán, Carrera, & Sierra-Biddle, 2006;
Wittchen et al., 2008).
In addition to the physical symptoms, panic disorder affects how the brain pro-
cesses information. For instance, people with panic disorder have reduced reactions
in the anterior cingulate cortex to stimuli (such as viewing a fearful face) that nor-
mally produce a strong reaction in those without the disorder. It may be that recur-
ring high levels of emotional arousal that patients with panic disorder experience
desensitizes them to emotional stimuli (Pillay et al., 2006; Pillay et al., 2007).
Acrophobia, the fear of heights, is not an uncommon phobia. What
sort of behavior-modification approaches might be used to deal
with acrophobia?
GENERALIZED ANXIETY DISORDER
People with generalized anxiety disorder experience long-term, persistent anxiety generalized anxiety disorder
and uncontrollable worry. Sometimes their concerns are about identifiable issues The experience of long-term,
involving family, money, work, or health. In other cases, though, people with the persistent anxiety and worry.
disorder feel that something dreadful is about to happen but can’t identify the reason
and thus experience “free-floating” anxiety.
Because of persistent anxiety, people with generalized anxiety disorder cannot
concentrate or set their worry and fears aside; their lives become centered on their
worry. Furthermore, their anxiety is often accompanied by physiological symptoms
such as muscle tension, headaches, dizziness, heart palpitations, or insomnia
(Starcevic et al., 2007). Figure 2 shows the most common symptoms of generalized
anxiety disorder.
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder. In obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), people —_ obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD)
are plagued by unwanted thoughts, called obsessions, or feel that they must carry A disorder characterized by obsessions
out behaviors, termed compulsions, which they feel driven to perform. or compulsions.
An obsession is a persistent, unwanted thought or idea that keeps recurring.
For example, a student may be unable to stop thinking that she has neglected to
put her name on a test and may think about it constantly for the two weeks it
takes to get the paper back. A man may go on vacation and wonder the whole
time whether he locked his house. A woman may hear the same tune running
through her head over and over. In each case, the thought or idea is unwanted
and difficult to put out of mind. Of course, many people suffer from mild obses-
sions from time to time, but usually such thoughts persist only for a short period.
For people with serious obsessions, however, the thoughts persist for days or
months and may consist of bizarre, troubling images (Lee & Kwon, 2003, Lee et
al., 2005; Rassin & Muris, 2007).
obsession A persistent, unwanted
thought or idea that keeps recurring.
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516 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
FIGURE 2 Frequency of symptoms in
cases of generalized anxiety disorder.
(Source: Adapted from Beck & Emery, 1985,
pp. 87-88.)
compulsion An irresistible urge to
repeatedly carry out some act that
seems strange and unreasonable.
Symptom
Actual fainting
Feeling of choking
Diarrhea
Nausea
Hands trembling
Difficulty breathing
Fear of dying
Sweating all over
Speech blocked
Wobbly
Heart racing
Hands sweating
Terrified
Weakness all over
Confusion
Unable to control thoughts
Jumpy
Fear of losing control
Frightened
Tense
Difficulty concentrating
Unable to relax
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Percentage of cases in which symptom occurs
As part of an obsessive-compulsive disorder, people may also experience
compulsions, irresistible urges to repeatedly carry out some act that seems strange
and unreasonable even to them. Whatever the compulsive behavior is, people
experience extreme anxiety if they cannot carry it out even if it is something they
want to stop. The acts may be relatively trivial, such as repeatedly checking the
stove to make sure all the burners are turned off, or more unusual, such as wash-
ing one’s hands so much that they bleed (Frost & Steketee, 2002; Clark, 2007;
Moretz & McKay, 2009).
For example, consider this passage from the autobiography of a person with
obsessive-compulsive disorder:
I thought my parents would die if I didn’t do everything in exactly the right way.
When I took my glasses off at night I’d have to place them on the dresser at a particu-
lar angle. Sometimes I’d turn on the light and get out of bed seven times until I felt
comfortable with the angle. If the angle wasn’t right, I felt that my parents would die.
The feeling ate up my insides.
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 517
If I didn’t grab the molding on the wall just the right way as I entered or
exited my room; if I didn’t hang a shirt in the closet perfectly; if I didn’t read a
paragraph a certain way; if my hands and nails weren’t perfectly clean, I thought
my incorrect behavior would kill my parents (Summers, 2000, p. 42).
Although carrying out compulsive rituals may lead to some immediate
reduction of anxiety, in the long run the anxiety returns. In fact, people with
severe cases lead lives filled with unrelenting tension (Goodman, Rudorfer, &
Maser, 2000; Penzel, 2000).
© Robert Mankoff/The New Yorker
Collection/www.cartoonbank.com
THE CAUSES OF ANXIETY DISORDERS “No, I dont need an alarm clock—
anxiety is my alarm clock.”
We've considered the four major types of anxiety disorders, but there are others as well.
For instance, posttraumatic stress disorder (in which a person re-experiences a stressful
event in vivid flashbacks or dreams and which we discussed when we considered
stress) is classified as an anxiety disorder.
The variety of anxiety disorders means that no single explanation fits all cases.
Genetic factors clearly are part of the picture. For example, if one member of a pair
of identical twins has panic disorder, there is a 30% chance that the other twin will
have it also. Furthermore, a person’s characteristic level of anxiety is related to a
specific gene involved in the production of the neurotransmitter serotonin. This is
consistent with findings indicating that certain chemical deficiencies in the brain
appear to produce some kinds of anxiety disorder (Holmes et al., 2003; Beidel &
Turner, 2007; Chamberlain et al., 2008).
Some researchers believe that an overactive autonomic nervous system may be
at the root of panic attacks. Specifically, they suggest that poor regulation of the
brain’s locus ceruleus may lead to panic attacks, which cause the limbic system to
become overstimulated. In turn, the overstimulated limbic system produces chronic
anxiety, which ultimately leads the locus ceruleus to generate still more panic attacks
(Pine et al., 2000; Balaban, 2002; Davies et al., 2008).
There are also biological causes at work in OCD. For example, researchers have
found differences in the brains of those with the disorder compared to those without
it (see Figure 3; Christian et al., 2008).
One Step
Closer to Understanding OCD
FIGURE 3 People with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) have structural differences in their
brains. These images show increased levels of grey matter (i.e, more connections or more
neurons) in the thalamus (a) and in the left frontal cortex (b) in people with OCD as compared to
people without it. These findings help us to understand the potential causes of OCD and may
lead to the development of better treatments for the disorder. (Source: Christian et al., 2008, Figure 1.)
(a) (b)
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518 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
somatoform disorders Psychological
difficulties that take on a physical
(somatic) form, but for which there is
no medical cause.
hypochondriasis A disorder in which
people have a constant fear of illness
and a preoccupation with their health.
conversion disorder A major somato-
form disorder that involves an actual
physical disturbance, such as the
inability to use a sensory organ or the
complete or partial inability to move
an arm or leg.
Psychologists who employ the behavioral perspective have taken a different
approach that emphasizes environmental factors. They consider anxiety to be a
learned response to stress. For instance, suppose a dog bites a young girl. When the
girl next sees a dog, she is frightened and runs away—a behavior that relieves her
anxiety and thereby reinforces her avoidance behavior. After repeated encounters
with dogs in which she is reinforced for her avoidance behavior, she may develop a
full-fledged phobia regarding dogs.
Finally, the cognitive perspective suggests that anxiety disorders grow out of
inappropriate and inaccurate thoughts and beliefs about circumstances in a person’s
world. For example, people with anxiety disorders may view a friendly puppy as a
ferocious and savage pit bull, or they may see an air disaster looming every moment
they are in the vicinity of an airplane. According to the cognitive perspective, people’s
maladaptive thoughts about the world are at the root of an anxiety disorder (Frost &
Steketee, 2002; Wang & Clark, 2002; Ouimet, Gawronski, & Dozois, 2009).
Somatoform Disorders
Somatoform disorder are psychological difficulties that take on a physical (somatic)
form but for which there is no medical cause. Even though an individual with a
somatoform disorder reports physical symptoms, no biological cause exists, or if
there is a medical problem, the person’s reaction is greatly exaggerated.
One type of somatoform disorder is hypochondriasis in which people have a
constant fear of illness and a preoccupation with their health. These individuals believe
that everyday aches and pains are symptoms of a dread disease. The “symptoms” are
not faked; rather, they are misinterpreted as evidence of some serious illness—often in
the face of inarguable medical evidence to the contrary (Noyes et al., 2003; Fallon &
Feinstein, 2001; Abramowitz, Olatunji, & Deacon, 2007; Olatunji, 2008).
Another somatoform disorder is conversion disorder. Unlike hypochondriasis,
in which there is no physical problem, conversion disorders involve an actual
physical disturbance, such as the inability to see or hear or to move an arm or leg.
The cause of such a physical disturbance is purely psychological; there is no bio-
logical reason for the problem. Some of Freud’s classic cases involved conversion
disorders. For instance, one of Freud’s patients suddenly became unable to use
her arm without any apparent physiological cause. Later, just as abruptly, the
problem disappeared.
Conversion disorders often begin suddenly. People wake up one morning blind
or deaf, or they experience numbness that is restricted to a certain part of the body.
A hand, for example, may become entirely numb, while an area above the wrist,
controlled by the same nerves, remains sensitive to touch—something that is physi-
ologically implausible. Mental health professionals refer to such a condition as “glove
anesthesia” because the numb area is the part of the hand covered by a glove and
not a region related to pathways of the nervous system (see Figure 4).
Surprisingly, people who experience conversion disorders frequently remain
unconcerned about symptoms that most of us would expect to be highly anxiety
producing. For instance, a person in good health who wakes up blind may react in
a bland, matter-of-fact way. Considering how most of us would feel if we
woke up unable to see, this unemotional reaction (called la belle indifference, a French
phrase meaning “a beautiful indifference”) hardly seems appropriate (Brasic, 2002).
Dissociative Disorders
The classic movie The Three Faces of Eve (about a woman with three wildly differ-
ent personalities) and the book Sybil (about a girl who allegedly had 16 person-
alities) represent a highly dramatic, rare, and controversial class of disorders:
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 519
Head band
Neck band
Chest band
Arm band
Waist band
Wrist band
Glove
Thigh band
Knee band
Sock Ankle band
FIGURE 4 Conversion disorders sometimes produce numbness in specific and isolated areas
of the body (indicated by the shaded areas in the figure). For instance, in glove anesthesia,
the area of the body covered by a glove feels numb. However, the condition is biologically
implausible because of the nerves involved, which suggests that the problem results from a
psychological disorder rather than from actual nerve damage.
dissociative disorders. Dissociative disorders are characterized by the separation dissociative disorders Psychological
(or dissociation) of different facets of a person’s personality that are normally dysfunctions characterized by the
integrated and work together. By dissociating key parts of who they are, people separation of different facets of a
are able to keep disturbing memories or perceptions from reaching conscious person's personality that are normally
awareness and thereby reduce their anxiety (Maldonado & Spiegel, 2003; integrated.
Houghtalen & Talbot, 2007).
Several dissociative disorders exist, although all of them are rare. A person with
a dissociative identity disorder (DID) (once called multiple personality disorder) dis- dissociative identity disorder (DID)
plays characteristics of two or more distinct personalities, identities, or personality A disorder in which a person displays
fragments. Individual personalities often have a unique set of likes and dislikes and characteristics of two or more distinct
their own reactions to situations. Some people with multiple personalities even carry personalities.
several pairs of glasses because their vision changes with each personality. Moreover,
each individual personality can be well adjusted when considered on its own (Ella-
son & Ross, 2004; Stickley & Nickeas, 2006).
The diagnosis of dissociative identity disorder is controversial. It was rarely
diagnosed before 1980, when it was added as a category in the third edition of
DSM for the first time. At that point, the number of cases increased significantly.
Some clinicians suggest the increase was due to more precise identification of the
disorder, while others suggest the increase was due to an overreadiness to use the
classification. In addition, widespread publicity about cases of DID may have influ-
enced patients to report symptoms of more common personality disorders in ways
that made it more likely they would receive a diagnosis of DID. There are also
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520 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
dissociative amnesia A disorder in
which a significant, selective memory
loss occurs.
dissociative fugue A form of amnesia
in which the individual leaves home
and sometimes assumes a new identity.
mood disorder A disturbance in
emotional experience that is strong
enough to intrude on everyday living.
significant cross-cultural differences in the incidence of DID (Kihlstrom, 2005a; Xiao
et al., 2006).
Dissociative amnesia is another dissociative disorder in which a significant, selec-
tive memory loss occurs. Dissociative amnesia is unlike simple amnesia, which involves
an actual loss of information from memory and typically results from a physiological
cause. In contrast, in cases of dissociative amnesia, the “forgotten” material is still pres-
ent in memory—it simply cannot be recalled. The term repressed memories is sometimes
used to describe the lost memories of people with dissociative amnesia.
In the most severe form of dissociative amnesia, individuals cannot recall their
names, are unable to recognize parents and other relatives, and do not know their
addresses. In other respects, though, they may appear quite normal. Apart from an
inability to remember certain facts about themselves, they may be able to recall skills
and abilities that they developed earlier. For instance, even though a chef may not
remember where he grew up and received training, he may still be able to prepare
gourmet meals.
In some cases of dissociative amnesia, the memory loss is profound. For example,
in one dramatic case, Raymond Power Jr., an attorney, husband, father of two, and
Boy Scout leader, left home to go to work one morning. Two days later he was home-
less, living a new life a thousand miles away, and had no memory of who he was
or how he got there. He was found six months later but still had no recollection of
his previous life, including any knowledge of his wife of 30 years or even that he
had children (Foderaro, 2006).
A more unusual form of amnesia is a condition known as dissociative fugue. In
this state, people take sudden, impulsive trips and sometimes assume a new identity.
After a period of time—days, months, or sometimes even years—they suddenly real-
ize that they are in a strange place and completely forget the time they have spent
wandering. Their last memories are those from the time just before they entered the
fugue state (Hennig-Fast et al, 2008).
The common thread among dissociative disorders is that they allow people to
escape from some anxiety-producing situation. Either the person produces a new
personality to deal with stress, or the individual forgets or leaves behind the situation
that caused the stress as he or she journeys to some new—and perhaps less anxiety-
ridden—environment (Putnam, 2000; R. J. Brown, 2006).
Mood Disorders
From the time I woke up in the morning until the time I went to bed at night, I
was unbearably miserable and seemingly incapable of any kind of joy or enthusiasm.
Everything—every thought, word, movement—was an effort. Everything that once
was sparkling now was flat. I seemed to myself to be dull, boring, inadequate, thick
brained, unlit, unresponsive, chill skinned, bloodless, and sparrow drab. I doubted,
completely, my ability to do anything well. It seemed as though my mind had
slowed down and burned out to the point of being virtually useless. (Jamison,
1995a, p. 110)
We all experience mood swings. Sometimes we are happy, perhaps even euphoric;
at other times we feel upset, saddened, or depressed. Such changes in mood are
a normal part of everyday life. In some people, however, moods are so pro-
nounced and lingering—like the feelings described above by writer (and psy-
chiatrist) Kay Jamison—that they interfere with the ability to function effectively.
In extreme cases, a mood may become life threatening; in other cases, it may cause
the person to lose touch with reality. Situations such as these represent mood
disorders, disturbances in emotional experience that are strong enough to intrude
on everyday living.
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 521
MAJOR DEPRESSION
President Abraham Lincoln. Queen Victoria. Newscaster Mike Wallace.
The common link among these people? Each suffered from periodic attacks of
major depression, a severe form of depression that interferes with concentration,
decision making, and sociability. Major depression is one of the more common forms
of mood disorders. Some 15 million people in the United States suffer from major
depression, and at any one time, 6-10% of the U.S. population is clinically depressed.
Almost one in five people in the United States experiences major depression at some
point in life, and 15% of college students have received a diagnosis of depression.
The cost of depression is more than $80 billion a year in lost productivity (Winik,
2006; Scelfo, 2007; Simon et al., 2008).
Women are twice as likely to experience major depression as men, with one-
fourth of all females apt to encounter it at some point during their lives. Furthermore,
although no one is sure why, the rate of depression is going up throughout the world.
Results of in-depth interviews conducted in the United States, Puerto Rico, Taiwan,
Lebanon, Canada, Italy, Germany, and France indicate that the incidence of depres-
sion has increased significantly over previous rates in every area. In fact, in some
countries, the likelihood that individuals will have major depression at some point
in their lives is three times higher than it was for earlier generations. In addition,
people are developing major depression at increasingly younger ages (Miller, 2003;
Staley, Sancora, & Tagman, 2006; Kendler et al., 2006a).
When psychologists speak of major depression, they do not mean the sadness
that comes from experiencing one of life’s disappointments that we all have
experienced. Some depression is normal after the breakup of a long-term relation-
ship, the death of a loved one, or the loss of a job. It is normal even after less
serious problems, such as doing badly on a test or having a romantic partner
forget one’s birthday.
People who suffer from major depression experience similar feelings, but the
severity tends to be considerably greater. They may feel useless, worthless, and
lonely, and they may think the future is hopeless and no one can help them. They
may lose their appetite and have no energy. Moreover, they may experience such
feelings for months or even years. They may cry uncontrollably, have sleep distur-
bances, and be at risk for suicide. The depth and duration of such behavior are the
hallmarks of major depression. (Figure 5 provides a self-assessment of depression.)
Se I A
A Test for Depression
To complete the questionnaire, count the number of statements with which you agree:
| feel downhearted, blue, and sad.
| don't enjoy the things that | used to.
| feel that others would be better off if | were dead.
| feel that I am not useful or needed.
| notice that | am losing weight.
| have trouble sleeping through the night.
I am restless and can't keep still.
My mind isn't as clear as it used to be.
| get tired for no reason.
| feel hopeless about the future.
SND oS) fo Ca gS SS
—
Scoring: If you agree with at least five of the statements, including either item 1 or 2, and if you
have had these symptoms for at least two weeks, help from a professional is strongly recom-
mended. If you answer yes to number 3, you should get help immediately.
major depression A severe form
of depression that interferes with
concentration, decision making, and
sociability.
udy Alert
Major depression differs from
the normal depression that
occasionally occurs during
most people's lives; major
depression is more in-
tense, lasts longer, and may
have no clear trigger.
FIGURE 5 This is a version of a test
distributed by mental health organi-
zations during the annual National
Depression Screening Day, a nationwide
event that seeks to identify people who
are suffering from depression that is
severe enough to warrant psychological
intervention. (Source: National Depression
Screening Day, 2003.)
522
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Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
MANIA AND BIPOLAR DISORDER
While depression leads to the depths of despair, mania leads to emotional heights.
mania An extended state of intense, Mania is an extended state of intense, wild elation. People experiencing mania feel
wild elation. intense happiness, power, invulnerability, and energy. Believing they will succeed
at anything they attempt, they may become involved in wild schemes. Consider,
for example, the following description of an individual who experienced a manic
episode:
Mr. O'Reilly took a leave of absence from his civil service job. He purchased a large
number of cuckoo clocks and then an expensive car, which he planned to use as a
mobile showroom for his wares, anticipating that he would make a great deal of money.
He proceeded to “tear around town” buying and selling clocks and other merchandise,
and when he was not out, he was continuously on the phone making “deals.” .. . He
was $3,000 in debt and had driven his family to exhaustion with his excessive activity
and talkativeness. He said, however, that he felt “on top of the world.” (Spitzer et al.,
1983, p. 115)
Typically, people sequentially experience periods of mania and depression. This alter-
bipolar disorder A disorder in which nation of mania and depression is called bipolar disorder (a condition previously
a person alternates between periods of known as manic-depressive disorder). The swings between highs and lows may occur
euphoric feelings of mania and periods a few days apart or may alternate over a period of years. In addition, in bipolar dis-
of depression. order, periods of depression are usually longer than periods of mania.
30
25
20
Compositions
Ironically, some of society’s most creative individuals may have suffered from
bipolar disorder. The imagination, drive, excitement, and energy that they display
during manic stages allow them to make unusually creative contributions. For
instance, historical analysis of the composer Robert Schumann’s music shows that he
was most prolific during periods of mania. In contrast, his output dropped off
drastically during periods of depression (see Figure 6). On the other hand, the high
output associated with mania does not necessarily lead to higher quality: Some of
Schumann’s greatest works were created outside his periods of mania (Ludwig, 1996;
Szegedy Maszak, 2003).
Moderate mania Moderate mania Died in asylum
throughout 1840 |X throughout 1849 (self-starvation)
1856
Severe depression;
suicide attempt
1833
1829 1831 1833 1835 1837 1839 184] 1843 1845 1847 1849 1851 1853 1855
Year
FIGURE 6 The number of pieces written by composer Robert Schumann in a given year is
related to his periods of depression and mania (Slater & Meyer, 1959; reprinted in Jamison,
1993). Why do you think mania might be associated with creative productivity in some people?
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders
Despite the creative fires that may be lit by mania, persons who experience this
disorder often show a recklessness that produces emotional and sometimes physical
self-injury. They may alienate people with their talkativeness, inflated self-esteem,
and indifference to the needs of others.
CAUSES OF MOOD DISORDERS
Because they represent a major mental health problem, mood disorders—and, in
particular, depression—have received a good deal of study. Several approaches have
been used to explain the disorders.
Some mood disorders clearly have genetic and biochemical roots. In fact, most
evidence suggests that bipolar disorders are caused primarily by biological factors.
For instance, bipolar disorder (and some forms of major depression) clearly runs in
some families. Furthermore, researchers have found that several neurotransmitters
play a role in depression. For example, alterations in the functioning of serotonin and
norepinephrine in the brain are related to the disorder (Plomin & McGuffin, 2003;
Kato, 2007; Popa et al., 2008).
Other explanations for depression have also included a focus on psychological
causes. For instance, proponents of psychoanalytic approaches see depression as the
result of feelings of loss (real or potential) or of anger directed at oneself. One psy-
choanalytic approach, for instance, suggests that depression is produced by the loss
or threatened loss of a parent early in life (Vanheule et al., 2006).
Behavioral theories of depression argue that the stresses of life produce a reduc-
tion in positive reinforcers. As a result, people begin to withdraw, which only reduces
positive reinforcers further. In addition, people receive attention for their depressive
behavior, which further reinforces the depression (Lewinsohn & Essau, 2002;
Lewinsohn et al., 2003).
Some explanations for mood disorders attribute them to cognitive factors. For
example, psychologist Martin Seligman suggests that depression is largely a response
to learned helplessness. Learned helplessness is a learned expectation that events in
one’s life are uncontrollable and that one cannot escape from the situation. As a
consequence, people simply give up fighting aversive events and submit to them,
which thereby produces depression. Other theorists go a step further and suggest
that depression results from hopelessness, a combination of learned helplessness and
an expectation that negative outcomes in one’s life are inevitable (Kwon & Lau-
renceau, 2002; Maier & Watkins, 2000; Bjornstad, 2006).
Clinical psychologist Aaron Beck has proposed that faulty cognitions underlie
people’s depressed feelings. Specifically, his cognitive theory of depression suggests
that depressed individuals typically view themselves as life’s losers and blame them-
selves whenever anything goes wrong. By focusing on the negative side of situations,
they feel inept and unable to act constructively to change their environment. In sum,
their negative cognitions lead to feelings of depression (Newman et al., 2002).
Brain imaging studies suggest that people with depression experience a general
blunting of emotional reactions. For example, one study found that the brains of
people with depression showed significantly less activation when they viewed pho-
tos of human faces displaying strong emotions than did those without the disorder
(Gotlib et al., 2004).
Other explanations of depression derive from evolutionary psychology, which
considers how our genetic inheritance from our ancestors influences our behavior. In
the evolutionary view, depression is an adaptive response to unattainable goals.
When people fruitlessly pursue an ever-elusive goal, depression begins, ending pur-
suit of the goal. Ultimately, when the depression lifts, people can turn to other, more
reasonable goals. In this view, depression serves a positive function and in the long
run increases the chances of survival for particular individuals, who can then pass
the behavior to their offspring. Such reasoning, of course, is highly speculative
(Nesse, 2000, Siegert & Ward, 2002; Pfeffer, 2006).
523
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524 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
schizophrenia A class of disorders in
which severe distortion of reality occurs.
The various theories of depression have not provided a complete answer to an
elusive question that has dogged researchers: Why does depression occur in approx-
imately twice as many women as men—a pattern that is similar across a variety of
cultures?
One explanation suggests that the stress women experience may be greater than
the stress men experience at certain points in their lives—such as when a woman
must simultaneously earn a living and be the primary caregiver for her children. In
addition, women have a higher risk for physical and sexual abuse, typically earn
lower wages than men, report greater unhappiness with their marriages, and gener-
ally experience chronic negative circumstances. Furthermore, women and men may
respond to stress with different coping mechanisms. For instance, men may abuse
drugs, while women respond with depression (Holden, 2005; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007;
Hyde, Mezulis, & Abramson, 2008).
Biological factors may also explain some women’s depression. For example, the
rate of female depression begins to rise during puberty, so some psychologists believe
that hormones make women more vulnerable to the disorder. In addition, 25-50% of
women who take oral contraceptives report symptoms of depression, and depression
that occurs after the birth of a child is linked to hormonal changes. Finally, structural
differences in men’s and women’s brains that we discussed in the neuroscience and
behavior modules may be related to gender differences in depression (Holden, 2005;
Graham, Bancroft, & Doll, 2007; Solomon & Herman, 2009).
Ultimately, it is clear that researchers have discovered no definitive solutions to
the puzzle of depression, and there are many alternative explanations. Most likely, a
complex interaction of several factors causes mood disorders.
Schizophrenia
Things that relate, the town of Antelope, Oregon, Jonestown, Charlie Manson, the
Hillside Strangler, the Zodiac Killer, Watergate, King’s trial in L.A., and many more. In
the last 7 years alone, over 23 Star Wars scientists committed suicide for no apparent
reason. The AIDS cover-up, the conference in South America in 87 had over 1,000
doctors claim that insects can transmit it. To be able to read one’s thoughts and place
thoughts in one’s mind without the person knowing it’s being done. Realization is a
reality of bioelectromagnetic control, which is thought transfer and emotional control,
recording individual brainwave frequencies of thought, sensation, and emotions. (Nolen-
Heoksema, 2007, pp. 385-386).
This excerpt illustrates the efforts of a person with schizophrenia, one of the more
severe forms of mental disturbance, to communicate. People with schizophrenia
account for by far the largest percentage of those hospitalized for psychological dis-
orders. They are also in many respects the least likely to recover from their difficulties.
Schizophrenia refers to a class of disorders in which severe distortion of reality
occurs. Thinking, perception, and emotion may deteriorate; the individual may with-
draw from social interaction; and the person may display bizarre behavior. Although
there are several types of schizophrenia (see Figure 7), the distinctions between them
are not always clear. Moreover, the symptoms displayed by persons with schizophre-
nia may vary considerably over time, and people with schizophrenia show significant
differences in the pattern of their symptoms even when they are labeled with the
same diagnostic category. Nonetheless, a number of characteristics reliably distin-
guish schizophrenia from other disorders. They include the following:
e Decline from a previous level of functioning. An individual can no longer carry
out activities he or she was once able to do.
e Disturbances of thought and speech. People with schizophrenia use logic and
language in a peculiar way. Their thinking often does not make sense, and
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 525
Types of Schizophrenia
Type Symptoms
Disorganized (hebephrenic) Inappropriate laughter and giggling, silliness,
schizophrenia incoherent speech, infantile behavior, strange and
sometimes obscene behavior
Paranoid schizophrenia Delusions and hallucinations of persecution or
of greatness, loss of judgment, erratic and
unpredictable behavior
Catatonic schizophrenia Major disturbances in movement; in some phases,
loss of all motion, with patient frozen into a single
position, remaining that way for hours and
sometimes even days; in other phases, hyperactivity
and wild, sometimes violent, movement
Undifferentiated Variable mixture of major symptoms of
schizophrenia schizophrenia; classification used for patients who
cannot be typed into any of the more specific
categories
Residual schizophrenia Minor signs of schizophrenia after a more serious
episode
FIGURE 7 The distinctions among the different types of schizophrenia are not always clear
cut, and symptoms may vary considerably over time.
their logic is frequently faulty, which is referred to as a formal thought disorder.
They also do not follow conventional linguistic rules (Penn et al., 1997).
Consider, for example, the following response to the question “Why do you
think people believe in God?”
Uh, let’s, I don’t know why, let’s see, balloon travel. He holds it up for you, the
balloon. He don’t let you fall out, your little legs sticking down through the clouds.
He’s down to the smokestack, looking through the smoke trying to get the balloon
gassed up you know. Way they’re flying on top that way, legs sticking out. I don’t
know, looking down on the ground, heck, that’d make you so dizzy you just stay and
sleep you know, hold down and sleep there. I used to be sleep outdoors, you know,
sleep outdoors instead of going home. (Chapman & Chapman, 1973, p. 3)
As this selection illustrates, although the basic grammatical structure may be
intact, the substance of thinking characteristic of schizophrenia is often illogi-
cal, garbled, and lacking in meaningful content (Holden, 2003; Heinrichs,
2005).
e Delusions. People with schizophrenia often have delusions, firmly held,
unshakable beliefs with no basis in reality. Among the common delusions
people with schizophrenia experience are the beliefs that they are being
controlled by someone else, they are being persecuted by others, and their
thoughts are being broadcast so that others know what they are thinking
(Coltheart, Langdon, & McKay, 2007; Startup, Bucci, & Langdon, 2009).
e Hallucinations and perceptual disorders. People with schizophrenia do not
perceive the world as most other people do. They also may have hallucinations,
the experience of perceiving things that do not actually exist. Furthermore,
they may see, hear, or smell things differently from others (see Figure 8); they
do not even have a sense of their bodies in the way that others do and have
difficulty determining where their bodies stop and the rest of the world begins
(Copolov et al., 2003; Botvinick, 2004; Thomas et al., 2007).
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526 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
Alert
In Type | schizophrenia, posi-
tive symptoms (in which
hallucinations, delusions,
and emotional extremes
are present) are dominant;
in Type Il schizophrenia, negative
symptoms (characterized by an
absence or loss of normal functioning)
are dominant.
FIGURE 8 This unusual art was created by an individual suffering from severe mental
disturbance.
e Emotional disturbances. People with schizophrenia sometimes show a lack of
emotion in which even the most dramatic events produce little or no emo-
tional response. Conversely, they may display emotion that is inappropriate to
a situation. For example, a person with schizophrenia may laugh uproariously
at a funeral or react with anger when being helped by someone.
e Withdrawal. People with schizophrenia tend to have little interest in others.
They tend not to socialize or hold real conversations with others, although
they may talk at another person. In the most extreme cases, they do not even
acknowledge the presence of other people and appear to be in their own
isolated world.
Usually, the onset of schizophrenia occurs in early adulthood, and the symptoms
follow one of two primary courses. In process schizophrenia, the symptoms develop
slowly and subtly. There may be a gradual withdrawal from the world, excessive
daydreaming, and a blunting of emotion until eventually the disorder reaches the
point where others cannot overlook it. In other cases, known as reactive schizophrenia,
the onset of symptoms is sudden and conspicuous. The treatment outlook for reactive
schizophrenia is relatively favorable, but process schizophrenia has proved more
difficult to treat.
DSM-IV-TR classifies the symptoms of schizophrenia into two types. Positive-symp-
tom schizophrenia is indicated by the presence of disordered behavior such as hallucina-
tions, delusions, and emotional extremes. In contrast, negative-symptom schizophrenia
shows an absence or loss of normal functioning, such as social withdrawal or blunted
emotions. Schizophrenia researchers sometimes speak of Type I schizophrenia, in which
positive symptoms are dominant, and Type II schizophrenia, in which negative symptoms
are more prominent (Buchanan et al., 2007; Levine & Rabinowitz, 2007).
The distinction between Type I and Type II schizophrenia is important because
it suggests that two different processes might trigger schizophrenia. Furthermore, it
has implications for predicting treatment outcomes.
SOLVING THE PUZZLE OF SCHIZOPHRENIA: BIOLOGICAL CAUSES
Although schizophrenic behavior clearly departs radically from normal behavior, its
causes are less apparent. It does appear, however, that schizophrenia has both bio-
logical and environmental origins (Sawa & Snyder, 2002).
Let’s first consider the evidence pointing to a biological cause. Because schizo-
phrenia is more common in some families than in others, genetic factors seem to
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders
Risk of Developing Schizophrenia, Based on
Genetic Relatedness to a Person with Schizophrenia
Genetic Risk of Developing
Relationship Relatedness, % Schizophrenia, %
Identical twin 100 48
Child of two schizophrenic parents 100 46
Fraternal twin 50 17
Offspring of one schizophrenic parent 50 17
Sibling 50 9)
Nephew or niece 25 4
Spouse 0 2
Unrelated person 0 1
FIGURE 9 The closer the genetic links between two people, the greater the likelihood that if
one experiences schizophrenia, so will the other sometime during his or her lifetime. However,
genetics is not the full story; if it were, the risk of identical twins having schizophrenia would
be 100% and not the 48% shown in this figure. (Source: Gottesman, 1991.)
be involved in producing at least a susceptibility to or readiness for developing
schizophrenia. For example, the closer the genetic link between a person with
schizophrenia and another individual, the greater the likelihood that the other per-
son will experience the disorder (see Figure 9; Brzustowicz et al., 2000; Plomin &
McGuffin, 2003; Gottesman & Hanson, 2005).
However, if genetics alone were responsible for schizophrenia, the chance of both
of two identical twins having schizophrenia would be 100% instead of just under
50% because identical twins have the same genetic makeup. Moreover, attempts to
find a link between schizophrenia and a particular gene have been only partly suc-
cessful. Apparently, genetic factors alone do not produce schizophrenia (Franzek &
Beckmann, 1996; Lenzenweger & Dworkin, 1998).
One intriguing biological hypothesis to explain schizophrenia is that the brains
of people with the disorder may harbor either a biochemical imbalance or a structural
abnormality. For example, the dopamine hypothesis suggests that schizophrenia occurs
when there is excess activity in the areas of the brain that use dopamine as a neu-
rotransmitter. This hypothesis came to light after the discovery that drugs that block
dopamine action in brain pathways can be highly effective in reducing the symptoms
of schizophrenia. Other research suggests that glutamate, another neurotransmitter,
may be a major contributor to the disorder (Ohara, 2007; Stone, Morrison, & Pilowsky,
2007; Howes & Kapur, 2009).
Some biological explanations propose that structural abnormalities exist in the
brains of people with schizophrenia perhaps as a result of exposure to a virus during
prenatal development. For example, some research shows abnormalities in the neural
circuits of the cortex and limbic systems of individuals with schizophrenia. Consis-
tent with such research, people with schizophrenia and those without the disorder
show different brain functioning (see Figure 10; Bartzokis et al., 2003; Reichenberg &
Harvey, 2007; Reichenberg et al., 2009).
Further evidence for the importance of biological factors shows that when people
with schizophrenia hear voices during hallucinations, the parts of the brain respon-
sible for hearing and language processing become active. When they have visual
hallucinations, the parts of the brain involved in movement and color are active. At
the same time, people with schizophrenia often have unusually low activity in the
brain’s frontal lobes—the parts of the brain involved with emotional regulation,
insight, and the evaluation of sensory stimuli (Stern & Silbersweig, 2001).
527
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528 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
Brain
Changes with Schizophrenia
FIGURE 10 Changes in the brain have been found in people with schizophrenia. In an MRI
reconstruction of the brain of a person with schizophrenia (a), the hippocampi (yellow) are
shrunken, and the ventricles (gray) are enlarged and fluid-filled. In contrast, an MRI recon-
struction of the brain of a person without the disorder (b) is structurally different with larger
hippocampi and smaller ventricles. (Source: N.C. Andreasen, University of lowa.)
(a) (b)
ENVIRONMENTAL PERSPECTIVES ON SCHIZOPHRENIA
Although biological factors provide important pieces of the puzzle of schizophrenia,
we still need to consider past and current experiences in the environments of people
who develop the disturbance. For instance, psychoanalytic approaches suggest that
schizophrenia is a form of regression to earlier experiences and stages of life. Freud
believed that people with schizophrenia lack egos that are strong enough to cope
with their unacceptable impulses. They regress to the oral stage—a time when the
id and ego are not yet separated. Therefore, individuals with schizophrenia essen-
tially lack an ego and act out impulses without concern for reality.
Although this reasoning is theoretically plausible, little evidence supports psy-
choanalytic explanations. Somewhat more convincing theories look toward the emo-
tional and communication patterns of the families of people with schizophrenia. For
instance, some researchers suggest that schizophrenia results from high levels of
expressed emotion. Expressed emotion is an interaction style characterized by family
members’ criticism, hostility, and emotional intrusiveness. Other researchers suggest
that faulty communication patterns lie at the heart of schizophrenia (Miklowitz &
Thompson, 2003; Lobban, Barrowclough, & Jones, 2006).
Psychologists who take a cognitive perspective on schizophrenia suggest that the
problems in thinking that people with the disorder experience point to a cognitive
cause. Some suggest that schizophrenia results from overattention to stimuli in the
environment. Rather than being able to screen out unimportant or inconsequential
stimuli and focus on the most important things in the environment, people with
schizophrenia may be excessively receptive to virtually everything in their environ-
ment. As a consequence, their information-processing capabilities become overloaded
and eventually break down. Other cognitive experts argue that schizophrenia results
from underattention to certain stimuli. According to this explanation, people with
schizophrenia fail to focus sufficiently on important stimuli and pay attention to
other, less important information in their surroundings (Cadenhead & Braff, 1995).
Although it is plausible that overattention and underattention are related to dif-
ferent forms of schizophrenia, these phenomena do not explain the origins of such
information-processing disorders. Consequently, cognitive approaches—like other
environmental explanations—do not provide a full explanation of the disorder.
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 529
THE MULTIPLE CAUSES OF SCHIZOPHRENIA
The predominant approach used to explain the onset of schizophrenia today, the
predisposition model of schizophrenia, incorporates a number of biological and environ-
mental factors. This model suggests that individuals may inherit a predisposition or
an inborn sensitivity to schizophrenia that makes them particularly vulnerable to
stressful factors in the environment, such as social rejection or dysfunctional family
communication patterns. The stressors may vary, but if they are strong enough and
are coupled with a genetic predisposition, the result will be the onset of schizophre-
nia. Similarly, a strong genetic predisposition may lead to the onset of schizophrenia
even when the environmental stressors are relatively weak.
In short, the models used today associate schizophrenia with several kinds of
biological and environmental factors. It is increasingly clear, then, that no single fac-
tor but a combination of interrelated variables produces schizophrenia (Meltzer, 2000;
McDonald & Murray, 2004; Opler et al., 2008).
Personality Disorders
I had always wanted lots of things; as a child I can remember wanting a bullet that a
friend of mine had brought in to show the class. I took it and put it into my school
bag and when my friend noticed it was missing, I was the one who stayed after
school with him and searched the room, and I was the one who sat with him and
bitched about the other kids and how one of them took his bullet. I even went home
with him to help him break the news to his uncle, who had brought it home from
the war for him.
But that was petty compared with the stuff I did later. I wanted a Ph.D. very badly,
but I didn’t want to work very hard—just enough to get by. I never did the experiments
I reported; hell, I was smart enough to make up the results. I knew enough about
statistics to make anything look plausible. I got my master’s degree without even
spending one hour in a laboratory. I mean, the professors believed anything. I’d stay
out all night drinking and being with my friends, and the next day I’d get in just before
them and tell ‘em I’d been in the lab all night. They'd actually feel sorry for me. (Duke
& Nowicki, 1979, pp. 309-310)
This excerpt provides a graphic first-person account of a person with a personality
disorder. A personality disorder is characterized by a set of inflexible, maladaptive
behavior patterns that keep a person from functioning appropriately in society.
Personality disorders differ from the other problems we have discussed because
those affected by them often have little sense of personal distress associated with
the psychological maladjustment. In fact, people with personality disorders fre-
quently lead seemingly normal lives. However, just below the surface lies a set of
inflexible, maladaptive personality traits that do not permit these individuals to
function as members of society (Davis & Millon, 1999; Clarkin & Lenzenweger,
2004; Friedman, Oltmanns, & Turkheimer, 2007).
The best-known type of personality disorder, illustrated by the case above, is the
antisocial personality disorder (sometimes referred to as a sociopathic personality).
Individuals with this disturbance show no regard for the moral and ethical rules of
society or the rights of others. Although they can appear quite intelligent and likable
(at least at first), upon closer examination they turn out to be manipulative and
deceptive. Moreover, they lack any guilt or anxiety about their wrongdoing. When
those with antisocial personality disorder behave in a way that injures someone else,
they understand intellectually that they have caused harm but feel no remorse (Lyk-
ken, 1995; Goodwin & Hamilton, 2003; Hilarski, 2007).
People with antisocial personality disorder are often impulsive and lack the abil-
ity to withstand frustration. They can be extremely manipulative. They also may have
y Alert
Remember that the multiple
causes of schizophrenia
include biological and
environmental factors.
personality disorder A disorder
characterized by a set of inflexible,
maladaptive behavior patterns that
keep a person from functioning
appropriately in society.
antisocial personality disorder
A disorder in which individuals show
no regard for the moral and ethical
rules of society or the rights of others.
y Alert
Unlike most psychological
disorders, personality dis-
orders produce little or
no personal distress.
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530 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
borderline personality disorder
A disorder in which individuals have
difficulty developing a secure sense
of who they are.
narcissistic personality disorder
A personality disturbance charac-
terized by an exaggerated sense of
self-importance.
attention-deficit hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD) A disorder marked
by inattention, impulsiveness, a low
tolerance for frustration, and a great
deal of inappropriate activity.
excellent social skills; they can be charming, engaging, and highly persuasive. Some
of the best con artists have antisocial personalities.
What causes such an unusual constellation of problem behaviors? A variety of
factors have been suggested ranging from an inability to experience emotions appro-
priately to problems in family relationships. For example, in many cases of antisocial
behavior, the individual has come from a home in which a parent has died or left or
one in which there is a lack of affection, a lack of consistency in discipline, or outright
rejection. Other explanations concentrate on sociocultural factors because an unusu-
ally high proportion of people with antisocial personalities come from lower socio-
economic groups. Still, no one has been able to pinpoint the specific causes of
antisocial personalities, and it is likely that some combination of factors is respon-
sible (Nigg & Goldsmith, 1994; Rosenstein & Horowitz, 1996; Costa & Widiger, 2002).
People with borderline personality disorder have difficulty developing a secure
sense of who they are. As a consequence, they tend to rely on relationships with
others to define their identity. The problem with this strategy is that rejections are
devastating. Furthermore, people with this disorder distrust others and have diffi-
culty controlling their anger. Their emotional volatility leads to impulsive and self-
destructive behavior. Individuals with borderline personality disorder often feel
empty and alone, and they have difficulty cooperating with others. They may form
intense, sudden, one-sided relationships in which they demand the attention of
another person and then feel angry when they don’t receive it. One reason for this
behavior is that they may have a background in which others discounted or criti-
cized their emotional reactions, and they may not have learned to regulate their
emotions effectively (Links, Eynan, & Heisel, 2007; King-Casas et al., 2008; Hopwood
et al., 2009).
Another example of a personality disturbance is the narcissistic personality
disorder, which is characterized by an exaggerated sense of self-importance. Those
with the disorder expect special treatment from others while at the same time disre-
garding others’ feelings. In some ways, in fact, the main attribute of the narcissistic
personality is an inability to experience empathy for other people.
There are several other categories of personality disorder that range in severity
from individuals who may simply be regarded by others as eccentric, obnoxious, or
difficult to people who act in a manner that is criminal and dangerous to others.
Although they are not out of touch with reality like people with schizophrenia, peo-
ple with personality disorders lead lives that put them on the fringes of society
(Millon, Davis, & Millon, 2000; Trull & Widiger, 2003).
Childhood Disorders
We typically view childhood as a time of innocence and relative freedom from stress.
In reality, though, almost 20% of children and 40% of adolescents experience sig-
nificant emotional or behavioral disorders (Romano et al., 2001; Broidy, Nagin, &
Tremblay, 2003; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007).
For example, although major depression is more prevalent in adults, around 2.5%
of children and more than 8% of adolescents suffer from the disorder. In fact, by the
time they reach age 20, between 15-20% of children and adolescents will experience
an episode of major depression (Garber & Horowitz, 2002).
Children do not always display depression the same way adults do. Rather than
showing profound sadness or hopelessness, childhood depression may produce the
expression of exaggerated fears, clinginess, or avoidance of everyday activities. In
older children, the symptoms may be sulking, school problems, and even acts of
delinquency (Wenar, 1994; Seroczynski, Jacquez, & Cole, 2003; Koplewicz, 2002).
A considerably more common childhood disorder is attention-deficit hyperactivity
disorder, or ADHD, a disorder marked by inattention, impulsiveness, a low tolerance
for frustration, and generally a great deal of inappropriate activity. Although all children
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Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 531
show such behavior some of the time, it is so common in children diagnosed with
ADHD that it interferes with their everyday functioning (Barkley, 2005; Swanson, Harris,
& Graham, 2003; Smith, Barkley, & Shapiro, 2006).
ADHD is surprisingly widespread with estimates ranging between 3-5% of the
school-age population—or some 3.5 million children under the age of 18 in the
United States. Children diagnosed with the disorder are often exhausting to parents
and teachers, and even their peers find them difficult to deal with.
The cause of ADHD is not known, although most experts feel that it is produced
by dysfunctions in the nervous system. For example, one theory suggests that
unusually low levels of arousal in the central nervous system cause ADHD. To
compensate, children with ADHD seek out stimulation to increase arousal. Still,
such theories are speculative. Furthermore, because many children occasionally
show behaviors characteristic of ADHD, it often is misdiagnosed or in some cases
overdiagnosed. Only the frequency and persistence of the symptoms of ADHD
allow for a correct diagnosis, which only a trained professional can do (Barkley,
2000; Sciutto & Eisenberg, 2007).
Autism, a severe developmental disability that impairs children’s ability to com-
municate and relate to others, is another childhood disorder that usually appears in
the first three years and typically continues throughout life. Children with autism
have difficulties in both verbal and nonverbal communication, and they may avoid
social contact. About one in 110 children are now thought to have the disorder, and
its prevalence has risen significantly in the last decade. Whether the increase is the
result of an actual rise in the incidence of autism or is due to better reporting is a
question of intense debate among researchers (Rice, 2009).
Other Disorders
It’s important to keep in mind that the various forms of psychological disorders
described in DSM-IV-TR cover much more ground than we have been able to discuss
in this module. Some relate to topics previously considered in other chapters. For
example, psychoactive substance use disorder relates to problems that arise from the use
and abuse of drugs. Furthermore, alcohol use disorders are among the most serious
and widespread problems. Both psychoactive substance use disorder and alcohol use
disorder co-occur with many other psychological disorders such as mood disorders,
posttraumatic stress disorder, and schizophrenia, which complicates treatment con-
siderably (Salgado, Quinlan, & Zlotnick, 2007).
Another widespread problem is eating disorders. They include such disorders as
anorexia nervosa and bulimia, which we considered in the chapter on motivation and
emotion, as well as binge-eating disorder, characterized by binge eating without behav-
iors designed to prevent weight gain. Finally, sexual disorders, in which one’s sexual
activity is unsatisfactory, are another important class of problems. They include sex-
ual desire disorders, sexual arousal disorders, and paraphilias, atypical sexual activities
that may include nonhuman objects or nonconsenting partners.
Another important class of disorders is organic mental disorders, some of which
we touched on previously. These are problems that have a purely biological basis,
such as Alzheimer’s disease and some types of mental retardation. Remember, there
are other disorders that we have not mentioned at all, and each of the classes we
have discussed can be divided into several subcategories (Kopelman & Fleminger,
2002; Pratt et al., 2003; Reijonen et al., 2003).
>
4
a
ay ` 4
In the most severe cases of autism,
children display self-injurious behavior
and must wear protective head gear.
autism A severe developmental
disability that impairs children’s
ability to communicate and relate
to others.
532
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Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
What are the major psychological disorders?
Anxiety disorders are present when a person experiences
so much anxiety that it affects daily functioning. Specific
types of anxiety disorders include phobic disorder, panic
disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, and obsessive-
compulsive disorder. (p. 513)
Somatoform disorders are psychological difficulties that
take on a physical (somatic) form but for which there is
no medical cause. Examples are hypochondriasis and
conversion disorders. (p. 518)
Dissociative disorders are marked by the separation, or
dissociation, of different facets of a person’s personality
that are usually integrated. Major kinds of dissociative
disorders include dissociative identity disorder, dissocia-
tive amnesia, and dissociative fugue. (p. 518)
Mood disorders are characterized by emotional states of
depression or euphoria so strong that they intrude on
everyday living. They include major depression and
bipolar disorder. (p. 520)
Schizophrenia is one of the more severe forms of mental
illness. Symptoms of schizophrenia include declines in
functioning, thought and language disturbances, percep-
tual disorders, emotional disturbance, and withdrawal
from others. (p. 524)
Strong evidence links schizophrenia to genetic, bio-
chemical, and environmental factors. According to the
predisposition model, an interaction among various
factors produces the disorder. (p. 529)
People with personality disorders experience little or no
personal distress, but they do suffer from an inability to
function as normal members of society. These disorders
include antisocial personality disorder, borderline per-
sonality disorder, and narcissistic personality disorder.
(p. 529)
Childhood disorders include major depression, attention-
deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), and autism.
(p. 530)
EVALUATE
1. Kathy is terrified of elevators. She could be suffering from
a(n)
a. Obsessive-compulsive disorder
b. Phobic disorder
c. Panic disorder
d. Generalized anxiety disorder
2. Carmen described an incident in which her anxiety sud-
denly rose to a peak, and she felt a sense of impending
doom. Carmen experienced a(n) :
3. Troubling thoughts that persist for weeks or months are
known as
a. Obsessions
b. Compulsions
c. Rituals
d. Panic attacks
4. An overpowering urge to carry out a strange ritual is
called a(n) —___.
5. The separation of the personality, which provides escape
from stressful situations, is the key factor in
disorders.
6. States of extreme euphoria and energy paired with severe
depression characterize _____ disorder.
T _— schizophrenia is characterized by symptoms
that are sudden and of easily identifiable onset;
schizophrenia develops gradually over a per-
son’s life span.
8. The states that schizophrenia may
be caused by an excess of certain neurotransmitters in the
brain.
RETHINK
1. What cultural factors might contribute to the rate of anxi-
ety disorders found in a culture? How might the experi-
ence of anxiety differ among people of different cultures?
2. From the perspective of a social worker: Personality disorders
are often not apparent to others, and many people with
these problems seem to live basically normal lives and are
not a threat to others. Because these people often appear
from the outside to function well in society, why should
they be considered psychologically disordered?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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‘rejodiq *g ‘aayeossip ‘g tuorsmdwo ‘p e'g Spee oued ‘z ‘qr
KEY TERMS
anxiety disorder p. 513
phobias p. 514
panic disorder p. 514
generalized anxiety
disorder p. 515
obsessive-compulsive
disorder (OCD) p. 515
obsession p. 515
compulsion p. 516
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somatoform
disorders p. 518
hypochondriasis p. 518
conversion disorder p. 518
dissociative
disorders p. 519
dissociative identity
disorder (DID) p. 519
dissociative amnesia p. 520
Module 47 The Major Psychological Disorders 533
dissociative fugue p. 520
mood disorder p. 520
major depression p. 521
mania p. 522
bipolar disorder p. 522
schizophrenia p. 524
personality disorder p. 529
antisocial personality
disorder p. 529
borderline personality
disorder p. 530
natcissistic personality
disorder p. 530
attention-deficit
hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD) p. 530
autism p. 531
How prevalent are psycho-
logical disorders?
What indicators signal a need
for the help of a mental
health practitioner?
> Study Alert
Remember that the incidence
of various types of psycho-
logical disorders in the
general population is
surprisingly high.
534
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How common are the kinds of psychological disorders we’ve been discussing? Here’s
one answer: Every second person you meet in the United States is likely to suffer at
some point during his or her life from a psychological disorder.
That’s the conclusion drawn from a massive study on the prevalence of psycho-
logical disorders. In that study, researchers conducted face-to-face interviews with
more than 8,000 men and women between the ages of 15 and 54. The sample was
designed to be representative of the population of the United States. According to
results of the study, 48% of those interviewed had experienced a disorder at some
point in their lives. In addition, 30% experienced a disorder in any particular year,
and the number of people who experienced simultaneous multiple disorders (known
as comorbidity) was significant (Welkowitz et al., 2000; Merikangas et al., 2007; Kessler
& Wang, 2008).
The most common disorder reported in the study was depression; 17% of those
surveyed reported at least one major episode. Ten percent had suffered from depres-
sion during the current year. The next most common disorder was alcohol depen-
dence, which occurred at a lifetime incidence rate of 14%. In addition, 7% of those
interviewed had experienced alcohol dependence in the last year. Other frequently
occurring psychological disorders were drug dependence, disorders involving panic
(such as an overwhelming fear of talking to strangers and terror of heights), and
posttraumatic stress disorder.
Although some researchers think the estimates of severe disorders may be too
high (Narrow et al., 2002), the national findings are consistent with studies of college
students and their psychological difficulties. For example, in one study of the prob-
lems of students who visited a college counseling center, more than 40% of students
reported being depressed (see Figure 1). These figures include only students who
sought help from the counseling center and not those who did not seek treatment.
Consequently, the figures are not representative of the entire college population
(Benton et al., 2003; also see Applying Psychology in the 21st Century on page 537).
The significant level of psychological disorders is a problem not only in the
United States; according to the World Health Organization, mental health difficulties
are also a global concern. Throughout the world, psychological disorders are wide-
spread. Furthermore, there are economic disparities in treatment; more affluent peo-
ple with mild disorders receive more and better treatment than poor people who
have more severe disorders. In fact, psychological disorders make up 14% of global
illness, and 90% of people in developing countries receive no care at all for their
disorders (see Figure 2 on page 536; The WHO World Mental Health Survey Con-
sortium, 2004; Jacob et al., 2007; Wang et al., 2007).
Also, keep in mind that the incidence of specific disorders varies significantly in
other cultures. For instance, cross-cultural surveys show that the incidence of major
depression varies significantly from one culture to another. The probability of having
at least one episode of depression is only 1.5% in Taiwan and 2.9% in Korea com-
pared with 11.6% in New Zealand and 16.4% in France. Such notable differences
underscore the importance of considering the cultural context of psychological dis-
orders (Weissman et al., 1997; Tseng, 2003).
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Module 48 Psychological Disorders in Perspective 535
Stress anxiety
Situational
Relationship
Family issues
Developmental
Depression
Academic skills
Medication use
Educational/vocational
Physical problems
Abuse
Grief
Suicidal
Personality disorders
Substance abuse
Eating disorders
Chronic mental disorder
Sexual assault
Legal
o
Ll | |
20 40 60 80
Percentage of students reporting problem
The Social and Cultural Context
of Psychological Disorders
In considering the nature of the psychological disorders described in DSM-IV-TR, it’s
important to keep in mind that the specific disorders reflect Western cultures at the
turn of the 21st century. The classification system provides a snapshot of how its
authors viewed mental disorder when it was published. In fact, the development of
the most recent version of the DSM was a source of great debate, which in part
reflects issues that divide society.
For example, two disorders caused particular controversy during the revision
process. One, known as self-defeating personality disorder, was ultimately removed from
the appendix, where it had appeared in the previous revision. The term self-defeating
personality disorder had been applied to cases in which people who were treated
unpleasantly or demeaningly in relationships neither left nor took other action. It
was typically used to describe people who remained in abusive relationships.
Although some clinicians argued that it was a valid category they observed in
clinical practice, the disorder lacked enough research evidence to support its designation
FIGURE 1 The problems reported by
students visiting a college counseling
center. Would you have predicted this
pattern of psychological difficulties?
(Source: Benton et al., 2003.)
y Alert
It is important to understand
that the DSM is a living doc-
ument that presents a
view of disorders that re-
flects the culture and his-
torical context of its authors.
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536 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
Developed Countries
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
I United States [| Netherlands I Spain E Japan
E France I Belgium E Germany |) Italy
Less-Developed Countries
0
5 10 15 20 25 30
E Lebanon E Ukraine I Colombia I China-Shanghai
|] China—Beijing I Mexico Mi Nigeria
FIGURE 2 According to a global survey conducted by the World Health Organization, the
prevalence of psychological disorders is widespread. These figures show the prevalence of any
psychological disorder within the last 12 months. (Source: The WHO World Mental Health Survey
Consortium, 2004, Table 3.)
as a disorder in DSM. Furthermore, some critics complained that use of the label
had the effect of condemning targets of abuse for their plight—a blame-the-victim
phenomenon—and as a result, the category was removed from the manual.
A second and even more controversial category was premenstrual dysphoric disor-
der, which is characterized by severe, incapacitating mood changes or depression
related to a woman’s menstrual cycle. Some critics argued that the classification sim-
ply labels normal female behavior as a disorder. Former U.S. Surgeon General Antonia
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Students Stressed
and Depressed
The years spent in college are often thought
to be a carefree time filled with growth, in-
tellectual stimulation, and socializing. But
a recent survey shows that the opposite
may be true: 85% of college students re-
ported feeling stressed in their daily lives
and cited such stress factors as grades,
school work, finances, family issues, and
relationships (Associated Press, 2009).
More troubling is the fact that many stu-
dents reported mood problems. Forty-two
percent said they had felt down, depressed,
or hopeless for at least several days during
the prior two weeks. More than half re-
ported feeling tired or having sleep prob-
lems. More than a third said they felt bad
about themselves or that they felt like a fail-
ure, and 38% reported having little interest
or pleasure in doing things. Eleven percent
said they had recently had thoughts that
they would be better off dead or that they
wanted to hurt themselves in some way.
In all, 9% of college students were
judged to be at risk of at least moderate de-
pression. Having a parent who had lost a
job during the school year seemed to be an
important risk factor: It doubled the
chances that a student would be at risk for
at least mild depression and would report
thoughts of being better off dead.
Another poll found that 55% of under-
graduate students had thoughts of suicide
at least one time, and 18% had seriously
considered it. In addition, the severity of
mental health issues among students at-
tending college has been on the rise. One
reason is that more people with relatively
severe psychological disorders are now at-
In spite of the high percentage of college students reporting mood disorders, few take
advantage of available mental health resources.
tending college as a result of better treat-
ment options (Jayson, 2008).
Despite their stress and depression, sur-
prisingly few students report taking advan-
tage of the mental health resources that are
available to them. Of those who showed at
least moderate symptoms of depression,
only a third sought counseling, while fewer
than half of those who had suicidal thoughts
had done so. Many hadn’t even familiarized
themselves with the mental health resources
that were available on campus.
Part of the problem is that students are
reluctant to use counseling services per-
haps because they tend to believe that their
problems just aren’t serious enough to war-
rant doing so. The survey found that while
84% of students reported having a source of
support that they could rely on if they were
feeling bad or had suicidal thoughts, most
looked to friends or family. Only 20% said
that they would consider campus counsel-
ing resources (Laven, 2008; Associated
Press, 2009; Benac & Tompson, 2009).
e Do you think college students might be at particular risk for developing a psycho-
logical disorder? Why?
e Why might having a parent lose a job during the school year lead to an increased
risk for depression?
Novello suggested that what “in women is called PMS [premenstrual syndrome, a
similar classification] in men is called healthy aggression and initiative” (Cotton,
1993, p. 270). Advocates for including the disorder prevailed, however, and “premen-
strual dysphoric disorder” appears in the appendix of DSM-IV-TR (Hartung & Widiger,
1998; Pearlstein & Steiner, 2008).
Such controversies underline the fact that our understanding of abnormal behav-
ior reflects the society and culture in which we live. Future revisions of DSM may
include a different catalog of disorders. Even now, other cultures might include a list
of disorders that are very different from the list that appears in the current DSM, as
we discuss next.
537
538
16
P
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Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
7
F
7 7
3
Exploring
DSM and Culture—
and the Culture of DSM
In most people’s estimation, a person who hears voices of the
DIVERSITY recently deceased is probably a victim of a psychological
disturbance. Yet some Plains Indians routinely hear the voices
of the dead calling to them from the afterlife.
This is only one example of the role of culture in labeling
behavior as “abnormal.” In fact, among all the major adult
disorders included in the DSM categorization, only four are found
across all cultures of the world: schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, major depression, and
anxiety disorders. The rest are prevalent primarily in North America and Western Europe
(Kleinman, 1996; Cohen, Slomkowski, & Robins, 1999; López & Guarnaccia, 2000).
For instance, take anorexia nervosa, the disorder in which people develop inaccurate
views of their body appearance, become obsessed with their weight, and refuse to eat,
sometimes starving to death in the process. This disorder typically occurs only in
cultures that hold the societal standard that slender female bodies are the most
desirable. In most of the world, where such a standard does not exist, anorexia nervosa
is rare. Until recently, there was little anorexia nervosa in Asia with some exceptions,
such as the upper and upper-middle classes of Japan and Hong Kong, where Western
influence is greatest (Watters, 2010).
Similarly, dissociative identity (multiple personality) disorder makes sense as a
problem only in societies in which a sense of self is fairly concrete. In India, the self is
based more on external factors that are relatively independent of the person. There,
when an individual displays symptoms of what people in a Western society would
call dissociative identity disorder, Indians assume that that person is possessed either
by demons (which they view as a malady) or by gods (which does not require
treatment).
Furthermore, even though disorders such as schizophrenia are found throughout
the world, cultural factors influence the specific symptoms of the disorder. Hence,
catatonic schizophrenia in which unmoving patients appear to be frozen in the same
position (sometimes for days), is rare in North America and Western Europe. In
contrast, in India, 80% of those with schizophrenia are catatonic.
Other cultures have disorders that do not appear in the West. For example, in
Malaysia, a behavior called amok is characterized by a wild outburst in which a usually
quiet and withdrawn person kills or severely injures another. Koro is a condition found
in Southeast Asian males who develop an intense panic that the penis is about to
withdraw into the abdomen. Some West African men develop a disorder when they
first attend college that they call “brain fag”; it includes feelings of heaviness or heat in
the head as well as depression and anxiety. Finally, ataque de nervios is a disorder found
most often among Latinos from the Caribbean. It is characterized by trembling, crying,
uncontrollable screams, and incidents of verbal or physical aggression (Cohen,
Slomkowski, & Robins, 1999; Lopez & Guarnaccia, 2000; Adams, 2007).
Explanations for psychological disorders also differ among cultures. For example,
in China, psychological disorders are commonly viewed as a weakness of the heart, a
concept that derives from thousands of years of traditional Chinese medicine. Many
terms used to describe emotions and symptoms of psychological disorders make direct
reference to the heart—but the association isn’t simply a metaphorical one. Chinese
people are more likely than people in Western cultures to express their emotional
anguish in terms of physical symptoms such as heart pain, “heart panic,” or “heart
vexed.” They may also see their emotional pain as merely a side effect of some
underlying physical cause or even focus more on the effects that their symptoms are
having on their relationships with friends and family members (Miller, 2006a; Lee,
Kleinman, & Kleinman, 2007; Watters, 2010).
Insum, we should not assume that the DSM provides the final word on psychological
disorders. The disorders it includes are very much a creation and function of Western
cultures at a particular moment in time, and its categories should not be seen as
universally applicable (Tseng, 2003).
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Module 48 Psychological Disorders in Perspective
After you've considered the range and variety of psychological BECOMING AN
disturbances that can afflict people, you may begin to feel that INFORMED CONSUMER
you suffer from one (or more) of the problems we have
discussed. In fact, this perception has a name: medical student's of Psyc h O | og y
disease. Although in this case it might more aptly be labeled Deciding When You Need Help
“psychology student’s disease,” the basic symptoms are the
same: feeling that you suffer from the same sorts of problems
you are studying.
Most often, of course, your concerns will be unwarranted. As we have discussed,
the differences between normal and abnormal behavior are often so fuzzy that it is easy
to jump to the conclusion that you might have the same symptoms that are involved in
serious forms of mental disturbance.
Before coming to such a conclusion, though, keep in mind that from time to time we
all experience a wide range of emotions, and it is not unusual to feel deeply unhappy,
fantasize about bizarre situations, or feel anxiety about life’s circumstances. It is the
persistence, depth, and consistency of such behavior that set normal reactions apart
from abnormal ones. If you have not previously had serious doubts about the normality
of your behavior, it is unlikely that reading about others’ psychological disorders will
prompt you to re-evaluate your earlier conclusion.
On the other hand, many people do have problems that merit concern, and in such
cases, it is important to consider the possibility that professional help is warranted. The
following list of symptoms can serve as a guideline to help you determine whether
outside intervention might be useful (Engler & Goleman, 1992):
e Long-term feelings of distress that interfere with your sense of well-being,
competence, and ability to function effectively in daily activities
e Occasions in which you experience overwhelmingly high stress accompanied by
feelings of inability to cope with the situation
e Prolonged depression or feelings of hopelessness, especially when they do not
have any clear cause (such as the death of someone close)
e Withdrawal from other people
e Thoughts of inflicting harm on oneself or suicide
e A chronic physical problem for which no physical cause can be determined
e A fear or phobia that prevents you from engaging in everyday activities
e Feelings that other people are out to get you or are talking about and plotting
against you
e Inability to interact effectively with others, preventing the development of friend-
ships and loving relationships
This list offers a rough set of guidelines for determining when the normal problems of
everyday living have escalated beyond your ability to deal with them by yourself. In
such situations, the least reasonable approach would be to pore over the psychological
disorders we have discussed in an attempt at self-diagnosis. A more reasonable strategy
is to consider seeking professional help.
539
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540 Chapter 15 Psychological Disorders
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Match the disorder with the culture in which it is most
How prevalent are psychological disorders? eee ee
e About half the people in the United States are likely to 5 A b. Noe
experience a psychological disorder at some point in a brain fag oY A Sree
their lives; 30% experience a disorder in any specific
year. (p. 534) 4. catatonic schizophrenia d. West Africa
What indicators signal a need for the help of a mental health
a RETHINK
practitioner?
e The signals that indicate a need for professional help 1. Why is inclusion in the DSM-IV-TR of “borderline”
include long-term feelings of psychological distress, disorders such as self-defeating personality disorder and
feelings of inability to cope with stress, withdrawal from premenstrual dysphoric disorder so controversial and
other people, thoughts of inflicting harm on oneself or political? What disadvantages does inclusion bring? Does
suicide, prolonged feelings of hopelessness, chronic inclusion bring any benefits?
physical problems with no apparent causes, phobias and 2. From the perspective of a college counselor: What indicators
compulsions, paranoia, and an inability to interact with might be most important in determining whether a college
others. (p. 539) student is experiencing a psychological disorder? Do you
believe that all students who show signs of a psychologi-
EVALUATE cal disorder should seek professional help? How might
your responses change if the student were from a different
1. The latest version of DSM is considered to be the culture (e.g., an African society)?
conclusive guideline on defining psychological disorders.
True or false? Answers to Evaluate Questions
2 , characterized by e-p ‘p-g 0-Z ‘q-T ‘g ‘əp10os1p ooydsAp [enysusutaid ‘z
severe, incapacitating mood changes or depression related ‘Ajo1D0s aprarp yey} sansst Suydayar red u ÁsIƏA0IJU00 yvar8 JO
to a woman’s menstrual cycle, was eventually added to EENES P SEMA GTI OBS SE SEH E O MUGEN PCMH ea)
the appendix of DSM-IV-TR despite controversy
surrounding its inclusion.
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Psychology on the Web
1. On the web, research the insanity defense as it is used in U.S. courts of law by
consulting at least two sources. Summarize your findings and evaluate them against
the perspectives on psychological disorders. Are there differences between legal and
psychological interpretations of “sanity”? If so, what are they? Do you think such
differences are appropriate?
2. Find information on the web about the controversy surrounding dissociative (or
multiple) personality disorder. Summarize both sides of the controversy. Using your
knowledge of psychology, state your opinion on the matter.
E D | | OQ U e We've discussed some of the many types of psychologi-
cal disorders to which people are prone, noted the
difficulty psychologists and physicians have in clearly differentiating normal from
abnormal behavior, and looked at some of the approaches mental health professionals
have taken to explain and treat psychological disorders. We considered today’s most
commonly used classification scheme, categorized in the DSM-IV-TR, and examined some
of the more prevalent forms of psychological disorders. To gain a perspective on the
topic of psychological disorders, we discussed the surprisingly broad incidence of
psychological disorders in U.S. society and the cultural nature of such disorders.
Turn back to the prologue that described the case of Lily. Using the knowledge
you've gained about psychological disorders, consider the following questions.
1. Lily was diagnosed as suffering from borderline personality disorder. What elements
of her behavior seem to fit the description of the disorder?
2. More generally, what are the symptoms of borderline personality disorder?
3. Which perspective (i.e, medical, psychoanalytic, behavioral, cognitive, humanistic, or
sociocultural) provides the most useful explanation for Lily's case, in your opinion?
Why?
4. What advantages might there be in using multiple perspectives to address and
explain Lily’s case?
541
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Key Concepts for Chapter 16
MODULE 49
What are the goals of psychologically and Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic,
Behavioral, and Cognitive
Approaches to Treatment
Psychodynamic Approaches to Therapy
biologically based treatment approaches?
@ What are the psychodynamic, behavioral,
Behavioral Approaches to Therapy
and cognitive approaches to treatment? Neuroséience in Your tite: How
Behavioral Therapy Changes Your Brain
Cognitive Approaches to Therapy
MODULE 50
What are the humanistic approaches to Psychotherapy: Humanistic,
. Interpersonal, and Group
treatment? @ What is interpersonal therapy? Approaches to Treatment
Humanistic Therapy
@ How does group therapy differ from individual
PsychWork: Case Manager and
types of therapy? @ How effective is psychotherapy, Substance Abuse Counselor
nterpersonal Therapy
and which kind of psychotherapy works best in a AR are ee
given situation? and Self-Help Groups
Evaluating Psychotherapy:
Does Therapy Work?
Exploring Diversity: Racial and Ethnic
Factors in Treatment: Should
Therapists Be Color Blind?
MODULE 51
How are drug, electroconvulsive, and Biomedical Therapy: Biological
: . ; Approaches to Treatment
psychosurgical techniques used today in the a ae
treatment of psychological disorders? Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT)
Psychosurgery
Biomedical Therapies in Perspective
Community Psychology:
Focus on Prevention
Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Beating the Odds: Preventing
Psychological Disorders Before They Start
Becoming an Informed
Consumer of Psychology:
Choosing the Right Therapist
543
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Prologue Taking on Tourette’s
Marg MackKrell was just three when her parents noticed the first
signs of what turned out to be Tourette syndrome. The blond
toddler began sniffing her fingers repeatedly, and over the next
six years, her uncontrolled tics came to include clicking, whirring
and scrunching her nose. Her-condition was manageable until
last year, when, at the age of 9, she began to suffer about 60
episodes a day of repeated head jerks.that left her sore and spent
by nighttime. \ i
So when MacKrell’s parents learned about an old but little-
used therapy called habit-reversal training (HRT), they decided
\
\
\
The therapy that helped young Marg Mackrell start to enjoy a
more normal life again is just one of many that have revolution-
ized the treatment of psychological disorders. Although treat-
ment can take dozens of forms that range from one-meeting
informal counseling sessions to long-term drug therapy, all the
approaches have a common objective: the relief of psychological
disorders with the ultimate aim of enabling individuals to achieve
richer, more meaningful, and more fulfilling lives.
Despite their diversity, approaches to treating psychological
disorders fall into two main categories: psychologically based
and biologically based therapies. Psychologically based therapy,
or psychotherapy, is treatment in which a trained professional—
a therapist—uses psychological techniques to help someone
overcome psychological difficulties and disorders, resolve
problems in living, or bring about personal growth. In psycho-
therapy, the goal is to produce psychological change in a person
(called a “client” or “patient”) through discussions and interac-
tions with the therapist. In contrast, biomedical therapy relies
on drugs and medical procedures to improve psychological
functioning.
544
to try it. Last November, Marg started learning new ways to
pre-empt her most severe tics at the Child and Family Study
Center at Duke University Medical Center in Durham, N.C. When
she felt a head jerk coming on, she was taught to drop her head
and stare at the second hand on her watch for a minute. “Soon
the head jerking was down by 90 percent,” says Marg’s mother,
Diane MacKrell. “I couldn't believe it.’ (Skipp & Campo-Flores,
2007, p. 53)
Ahead
As we describe the various approaches to therapy, keep in
mind that although the distinctions may seem clear cut, the
classifications and procedures overlap a good deal. In fact, many
therapists today take an eclectic approach to therapy and use a
variety of methods with an individual patient. Assuming that
both psychological and biological processes often produce
psychological disorders, eclectic therapists may draw from
several perspectives simultaneously to address both the psycho-
logical and the biological aspects of a person's problems (Goin,
2005; Berman, Jobes, & Silverman, 2006).
psychotherapy Treatment in which a trained professional—a
therapist—uses psychological techniques to help a person overcome
psychological difficulties and disorders, resolve problems in living, or
bring about personal growth.
biomedical therapy Therapy that relies on drugs and other medical
procedures to improve psychological functioning.
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MODULE 49
Therapists use some 400 different varieties of psychotherapy, approaches to therapy
that focus on psychological factors. Although diverse in many respects, all psycho-
logical approaches see treatment as a way of solving psychological problems by
modifying people’s behavior and helping them gain a better understanding of them-
selves and their past, present, and future.
In light of the variety of psychological approaches, it is not surprising that the
people who provide therapy vary considerably in educational background and train-
ing (see Figure 1). Many have doctoral degrees in psychology (that is, they have
attended graduate school, learned clinical and research techniques, and held an
internship). But therapy is also provided by people in fields allied with psychology,
such as psychiatry and social work.
Regardless of their specific training, almost all psychotherapists employ one of
four major approaches to therapy: psychodynamic, behavioral, cognitive, and human-
istic treatments. These approaches are based on the models of personality and psy-
chological disorders developed by psychologists. Here we'll consider the
psychodynamic, behavioral, and cognitive approaches in turn. In the next module,
we'll explore the humanistic approach as well as interpersonal psychotherapy and
group therapy, and we will evaluate the effectiveness of psychotherapy.
Getting Help from the Right Person
Clinical Psychologists
Psychologists with a Ph.D. or Psy.D. who have also completed a postgraduate
internship. They specialize in assessment and treatment of psychological difficulties,
providing psychotherapy and, in some U.S. states, can prescribe drugs.
Counseling Psychologists
Psychologists with a Ph.D. or Ed.D. who typically treat day-to-day adjustment problems,
often in a university mental health clinic.
Psychiatrists
M.D.s with postgraduate training in abnormal behavior. Because they can prescribe
medication, they often treat the most severe disorders.
Psychoanalysts
Either M.D.s or psychologists who specialize in psychoanalysis, the treatment technique
first developed by Freud.
Licensed Professional Counselors or Clinical Mental Health Counselors
Professionals with a master’s degree who provide therapy to individuals, couples, and
families and who hold a national or state certification.
Clinical or Psychiatric Social Workers
Professionals with a master’s degree and specialized training who may provide therapy,
usually regarding common family and personal problems.
What are the goals of psycho-
logically and biologically
based treatment approaches?
What are the psychodynamic,
behavioral, and cognitive
approaches to treatment?
A variety of professionals
provide therapy and counseling. Each
could be expected to give helpful advice
and direction. However, the nature of
the problem a person is experiencing
may make one or another therapy more
appropriate. For example, a person who
is suffering from a severe disturbance
and who has lost touch with reality will
typically require some sort of biologically
based drug therapy. In that case, a
psychiatrist—who is a physician—would
be the professional of choice. In contrast,
those suffering from milder disorders,
such as difficulty adjusting to the death
of a family member, have a broader
choice that might include any of the
professionals listed in the figure.
545
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546 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
© Robert Mankoff/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
“Look, call it denial if you like, but I think what goes on in
my personal life is none of my own damn business.”
psychodynamic therapy Therapy that
seeks to bring unresolved past conflicts
and unacceptable impulses from the
unconscious into the conscious, where
patients may deal with the problems
more effectively.
psychoanalysis Freudian psycho-
therapy in which the goal is to release
hidden unconscious thoughts and
feelings in order to reduce their power
in controlling behavior.
y Alert
To better understand how
psychodynamic therapy
works, review Freud's
psychoanalytic theory
discussed in the chapter
on personality.
Psychodynamic
Approaches to
Therapy
Psychodynamic therapy seeks to bring unresolved past
conflicts and unacceptable impulses from the unconscious
into the conscious, where patients may deal with the prob-
lems more effectively. Psychodynamic approaches are
based on Freud’s psychoanalytic approach to personality,
which holds that individuals employ defense mechanisms,
psychological strategies to protect themselves from unac-
ceptable unconscious impulses.
The most common defense mechanism is repression,
which pushes threatening conflicts and impulses back into the unconscious. However,
since unacceptable conflicts and impulses can never be completely buried, some of the
anxiety associated with them can produce abnormal behavior in the form of what
Freud called neurotic symptoms.
How do we rid ourselves of the anxiety produced by unconscious, unwanted
impulses and drives? To Freud, the answer was to confront the conflicts and impulses
by bringing them out of the unconscious part of the mind and into the conscious part.
Freud assumed that this technique would reduce anxiety stemming from past conflicts
and that the patient could then participate in his or her daily life more effectively.
A psychodynamic therapist, then, faces the challenge of finding a way to assist
patients’ attempts to explore and understand the unconscious. The technique that has
evolved has a number of components, but basically it consists of guiding patients to
consider and discuss their past experiences in explicit detail from the time of their first
memories. This process assumes that patients will eventually stumble upon long-hidden
crises, traumas, and conflicts that are producing anxiety in their adult lives. They will
then be able to “work through”—understand and rectify—those difficulties.
MANKOFF
PSYCHOANALYSIS: FREUD’S THERAPY
Classic Freudian psychodynamic therapy, called psychoanalysis, tends to be a lengthy
and expensive affair. Psychoanalysis is Freudian psychotherapy in which the goal is
to release hidden unconscious thoughts and feelings in order to reduce their power
in controlling behavior.
In psychoanalysis, patients may meet with a therapist with considerable frequency,
sometimes as much as 50 minutes a day, four to five days a week, for several years.
In their sessions, they often use a technique developed by Freud called free association.
Psychoanalysts using this technique tell patients to say aloud whatever comes to mind,
regardless of its apparent irrelevance or senselessness, and the analysts attempt to
recognize and label the connections between what a patient says and the patient’s
unconscious. Therapists also use dream interpretation, examining dreams to find clues
to unconscious conflicts and problems. Moving beyond the surface description of a
dream (called the manifest content), therapists seek its underlying meaning (the latent
content), which thereby reveals the true unconscious meaning of the dream (Galatzer-
Levy & Cohler, 1997; Auld, Hyman, & Rudzinski, 2005; Bodin, 2006).
The processes of free association and dream interpretation do not always move
forward easily. The same unconscious forces that initially produced repression may
keep past difficulties out of the conscious mind, which produces resistance. Resistance
is an inability or unwillingness to discuss or reveal particular memories, thoughts,
or motivations. Patients can express resistance in many ways. For instance, they may
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Module 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment 547
be discussing a childhood memory and suddenly forget what they were saying, or
they may change the subject completely. It is the therapist’s job to pick up instances
of resistance and interpret their meaning as well as to ensure that patients return to
the subject—which is likely to hold difficult or painful memories for the patients.
Because of the close, almost intimate interaction between patient and psycho-
analyst, the relationship between the two often becomes emotionally charged and
takes on a complexity unlike most other relationships. Patients may eventually think
of the analyst as a symbol of a significant other in their past, perhaps a parent or a
lover, and apply some of their feelings for that person to the analyst—a phenomenon
known as transference. Transference is the transfer to a psychoanalyst feelings of
love or anger that had been originally directed to a patient’s parents or other author-
ity figures (Van Beekum, 2005; Evans, 2007; Steiner, 2008).
A therapist can use transference to help a patient recreate past relationships that
were psychologically difficult. For instance, if a patient undergoing transference views
her therapist as a symbol of her father—with whom she had a difficult relationship—
the patient and therapist may “redo” an earlier interaction, this time including more
positive aspects. Through this process, the patient may resolve conflicts regarding her
real father—something that is beginning to happen in the following therapy session:
Sandy: My father . . . never took any interest in any of us. . . . It was my
mother—rest her soul—who loved us, not our father. He worked her to
death. Lord, I miss her. . . . I must sound angry at my father. Don’t you
think I have a right to be angry?
Therapist: Do you think you have a right to be angry?
Sandy: Of course, I do! Why are you questioning me? You don’t believe me,
do you?
Therapist: You want me to believe you.
Sandy: I don’t care whether you believe me or not. . . . I know what you're
thinking—you think I’m crazy—you must be laughing at me—I’ll probably
be a case in your next book! You're just sitting there—smirking—making
me feel like a bad person—thinking I’m wrong for being mad, that I have
no right to be mad.
Therapist: Just like your father.
Sandy: Yes, you're just like my father—Oh my God! Just now—I—I—thought
I was talking to him. (Sue, Sue, & Sue, 1990, pp. 514-515)
CONTEMPORARY PSYCHODYNAMIC APPROACHES
Few people have the time, money, or patience to participate in years
of traditional psychoanalysis. Moreover, no conclusive evidence
shows that psychoanalysis, as originally conceived by Freud in the
19th century, works better than other, more recent forms of psycho-
dynamic therapy.
Today, psychodynamic therapy tends to be of shorter duration
and usually lasts no longer than 3 months or 20 sessions. The thera-
pist takes a more active role than Freud would have liked by control-
ling the course of therapy and prodding and advising the patient with
considerable directness. Finally, the therapist puts less emphasis on a
patient’s past history and childhood and concentrates instead on an
individual’s current relationships and specific complaints (Goode,
2003; Charman, 2004; Wolitzky, 2006).
EVALUATING PSYCHODYNAMIC THERAPY
The close and intense relationship
between therapist and patient may
become highly complex.
transference The transfer of feelings
to a psychoanalyst of love or anger
that had been originally directed to a
patient’s parents or other authority
figures.
4 i C M A en
© Michael Maslin/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
Even with its current modifications, psychodynamic therapy has its “And when did you first realize you weren't like
critics. In its longer versions, it can be time consuming and expensive,
other precipitation?”
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548 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
especially in comparison with other forms of psychotherapy, such as behavioral and
cognitive approaches. Furthermore, less articulate patients may not do as well as
more articulate ones.
Ultimately, the most important concern about psychodynamic treatment is
whether it actually works, and there is no simple answer to this question. Psycho-
dynamic treatment techniques have been controversial since Freud introduced them.
Part of the problem is the difficulty in establishing whether patients have improved
after psychodynamic therapy. Determining effectiveness depends on reports from the
therapist or the patients themselves—reports that are obviously open to bias and
subjective interpretation.
Furthermore, critics have questioned the entire theoretical basis of psycho-
dynamic theory; they maintain that constructs such as the unconscious have not been
scientifically confirmed. Despite the criticism, though, the psychodynamic treatment
approach has remained viable. For some people, it provides solutions to difficult
psychological issues, provides effective treatment for psychological disturbance, and
also permits the potential development of an unusual degree of insight into one’s
life (Clay, 2000; Ablon & Jones, 2005; Bond, 2006).
Behavioral Approaches
to Therapy
Perhaps, when you were a child, your parents rewarded you with an ice cream cone
when you were especially good . . . or sent you to your room if you misbehaved.
Sound principles back up such a child-rearing strategy: Good behavior is maintained
by reinforcement, and unwanted behavior can be eliminated by punishment.
behavioral treatment approaches These principles represent the basic underpinnings of behavioral treatment
Treatment approaches that build on approaches. Building on the basic processes of learning, behavioral treatment
the basic processes of learning, such as approaches make this fundamental assumption: Both abnormal behavior and normal
reinforcement and extinction, and behavior are learned. People who act abnormally either have failed to learn the skills
assume that normal and abnormal they need to cope with the problems of everyday living or have acquired faulty skills
behavior are both learned. and patterns that are being maintained through some form of reinforcement. To
modify abnormal behavior, then, proponents of behavioral
approaches propose that people must learn new behavior to
replace the faulty skills they have developed and unlearn their
maladaptive behavior patterns (Krijn et al., 2004; Norton &
Price, 2007).
Behavioral psychologists do not need to delve into peo-
ple’s pasts or their psyches. Rather than viewing abnormal
behavior as a symptom of an underlying problem, they con-
sider the abnormal behavior as the problem in need of mod-
ification. The goal of therapy is to change people’s behavior
to allow them to function more effectively, such as the treat-
ment that was employed with Marg MacKrell, whose case was
/ discussed in the chapter Prologue. In this view, then, there is
Ai i no problem other than the maladaptive behavior itself; if you
NN W can change that behavior, treatment is successful.
r Keu
Ni
CLASSICAL CONDITIONING TREATMENTS
Suppose you bite into your favorite candy bar and find that
not only is it infested with ants, but you’ve also swallowed a
Behavioral approaches to treatment would seek to modify the bunch of them. You immediately become sick to your stomach
behavior of this couple rather than to focus on the underlying and throw up. Your long-term reaction? You never eat that
causes of the behavior. kind of candy bar again, and it may be months before you eat
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Module 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment 549
any type of candy. You have learned through the basic process of classical condition-
ing to avoid candy so that you will not get sick and throw up.
Aversive Conditioning. This simple example illustrates how a person can be classi-
cally conditioned to modify behavior. Behavior therapists use this principle when
they employ aversive conditioning, a form of therapy that reduces the frequency of aversive conditioning A form of
undesired behavior by pairing an aversive, unpleasant stimulus with undesired therapy that reduces the frequency of
behavior. For example, behavior therapists might use aversive conditioning by pair- undesired behavior by pairing an
ing alcohol with a drug that causes severe nausea and vomiting. After the two have aversive, unpleasant stimulus with
been paired a few times, the person associates the alcohol alone with vomiting and undesired behavior.
finds alcohol less appealing.
Although aversion therapy works reasonably well in inhibiting substance-abuse
problems such as alcoholism and certain kinds of sexual disorders, critics question
its long-term effectiveness. Also, important ethical concerns surround aversion tech-
niques that employ such potent stimuli as electric shock, which therapists use only
in the most extreme cases, such as patient self-mutilation. Clearly, though, aversion
therapy offers an important procedure for eliminating maladaptive responses for
some period of time—a respite that provides, even if only temporarily, an opportu-
nity to encourage more adaptive behavior patterns (Bordnick et al., 2004; Delgado,
Labouliere, & Phelps, 2006).
Systematic Desensitization. Another treatment that grew out of the classical condi-
tioning is systematic desensitization. In systematic desensitization, gradual exposure systematic desensitization A behav-
to an anxiety-producing stimulus is paired with relaxation to extinguish the response ioral technique in which gradual
of anxiety (Pagoto, Kozak, & Spates, 2006; Choy, Fyer, & Lipsitz, 2007; Dowling, exposure to an anxiety-producing
Jackson, & Thomas, 2008). stimulus is paired with relaxation to
Suppose, for instance, you were extremely afraid of flying. The very thought extinguish the response of anxiety.
of being in an airplane would make you begin to sweat and shake, and you
couldn’t get yourself near enough to an airport to know how you'd react if you
actually had to fly somewhere. Using systematic desensitization to treat your prob-
lem, you would first be trained in relaxation techniques by a behavior therapist
and learn to relax your body fully—a highly pleasant state, as you might imagine
(see Figure 2).
Step |. Pick a focus word or short phrase that's firmly rooted in your personal belief system. For
example, a nonreligious individual might choose a neutral word like one or peace or love.
A Christian person desiring to use a prayer could pick the opening words of Psalm 23.
The Lord is my shepherd; a Jewish person could choose Shalom.
Step 2. Sit quietly in a comfortable position.
Step 3. Close your eyes.
Step 4. Relax your muscles.
Step 5. Breathe slowly and naturally, repeating your focus word or phrase silently as you exhale.
Step 6. Throughout, assume a passive attitude. Don’t worry about how well you're doing. When
other thoughts come to mind, simply say to yourself, “Oh, well,’ and gently return to the
repetition.
Step 7. Continue for 10 to 20 minutes. You may open your eyes to check the time, but do not
use an alarm.When you finish, sit quietly for a minute or so, at first with your eyes closed
and later with your eyes open. Then do not stand for one or two minutes.
Step 8. Practice the technique once or twice a day.
FIGURE 2 Following these basic steps will help you achieve a sense of calmness by
employing the relaxation response.
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550 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
y Alert
To help remember the
concept of hierarchy of
fears, think of something
that you are afraid of and
construct your own
hierarchy of fears.
exposure A behavioral treatment for
anxiety in which people are confronted
either suddenly or gradually with a
stimulus that they fear.
The next step would involve constructing a hierarchy of fears—a list in order of
increasing severity of the things you associate with your fears. For instance, your
hierarchy might resemble this one:
. Watching a plane fly overhead
. Going to an airport
Buying a ticket
. Stepping into the plane
. Seeing the plane door close
. Having the plane taxi down the runway
. Taking off
. Being in the air
Once you had developed this hierarchy and learned relaxation techniques, you
would learn to associate the two sets of responses. To do this, your therapist might
ask you to put yourself into a relaxed state and then imagine yourself in the first
situation identified in your hierarchy. Once you could consider that first step while
remaining relaxed, you would move on to the next situation. Eventually you would
move up the hierarchy in gradual stages until you could imagine yourself being in
the air without experiencing anxiety. Ultimately, you would be asked to make a visit
to an airport and later to take a flight.
Exposure Treatments. Although systematic desensitization has proven to be a suc-
cessful treatment, today it is often replaced with a less complicated form of therapy
called exposure. Exposure is a behavioral treatment for anxiety in which people are
confronted either suddenly or gradually with a stimulus that they fear. However,
unlike systematic desensitization, relaxation training is omitted. Exposure allows the
maladaptive response of anxiety or avoidance to extinguish, and research shows that
this approach is generally as effective as systematic desensitization (Havermans et
al., 2007; Hoffmann, 2007; Bush, 2008).
In most cases, therapists use graded exposure in which patients are exposed to a
feared stimulus in gradual steps. For example, a patient who is afraid of dogs might
first view a video of dogs. Gradually the exposure escalates to seeing a live, leashed
dog across the room and then actually petting and touching the dog (Berle, 2007;
Means & Edinger, 2007).
Exposure has proved to be an effective treatment for a number of problems,
including phobias, anxiety disorders, and even impotence and fear of sexual contact.
Through this technique, people can learn to enjoy the things they once feared (Choy,
Fyer, & Lipsitz, 2007; Franklin, March, & Garcia, 2007; Powers & Emmelkamp, 2008).
OPERANT CONDITIONING TECHNIQUES
Some behavioral approaches make use of the operant conditioning principles that we
discussed earlier in the book when considering the topic of learning. These approaches
are based on the notion that we should reward people for carrying out desirable
behavior and extinguish undesirable behavior by either ignoring it or punishing it.
One example of the systematic application of operant conditioning principles is
the token system, which rewards a person for desired behavior with a token such as
a poker chip or some kind of play money. Although it is most frequently employed
in institutional settings for individuals with relatively serious problems and some-
times with children as a classroom management technique, the system resembles
what parents do when they give children money for being well behaved—money
that the children can later exchange for something they want. The desired behavior
may range from simple things such as keeping one’s room neat to personal grooming
and interacting with other people. In institutions, patients can exchange tokens for
some object or activity, such as snacks, new clothes, or, in extreme cases, sleeping in
one’s own bed rather than in a sleeping bag on the floor.
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Module 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment 551
Contingency contracting, a variant of the token system,
has proved quite effective in producing behavior modifica-
tion. In contingency contracting, the therapist and client (or
teacher and student or parent and child) draw up a written
agreement. The contract states a series of behavioral goals the
client hopes to achieve. It also specifies the positive conse-
quences for the client if the client reaches goals—usually an
explicit reward such as money or additional privileges. Con-
tracts frequently state negative consequences if the client does
not meet the goals. For example, clients who are trying to quit
smoking might write out a check to a cause they have no
interest in supporting (for instance, the National Rifle
Association if they are strong supporters of gun control). If
the client smokes on a given day, the therapist will mail
the check.
Behavior therapists also use observational learning, the pro- A “Fearless Peer” who models appropriate and effective behavior
cess in which the behavior of other people is modeled, to sys- can help children overcome their fears.
tematically teach people new skills and ways of handling their
fears and anxieties. For example, modeling helps when therapists are teaching basic
social skills, such as maintaining eye contact during conversation and acting assert-
ively. Similarly, children with dog phobias have been able to overcome their fears by
watching another child—called the “Fearless Peer”— repeatedly walk up to a dog,
touch it, pet it, and finally play with it. Modeling, then, can play an effective role in
resolving some kinds of behavior difficulties, especially if the model receives a
reward for his or her behavior (Bandura, Grusec, & Menlove, 1967; Greer, Dudek-
Singer, & Gautreaux, 2006; Egliston & Rapee, 2007).
DIALECTICAL BEHAVIOR THERAPY
In dialectical behavior therapy, the focus is on getting people to accept who they
are regardless of whether it matches their ideal. Even if their childhood has been
dysfunctional or they have ruined relationships with others, that’s in the past. What
matters is who they wish to become (Manning, 2005; Lynch et al., 2007; Wagner,
Rizvi, & Hamed, 2007).
Like treatment approaches based on the principles of classical and operant con-
ditioning, dialectical behavior therapy is an outgrowth of behavioral approaches, but
it also includes components of other perspectives. Therapists using dialectical behav-
ior therapy seek to have patients realize that they basically have two choices: Either
they remain unhappy, or they change. Once patients agree that they wish to change,
it is up to them to modify their behavior. Patients are taught that even if they expe-
rience unhappiness, anger, or any other negative emotion, it doesn’t need to rule
their behavior. It’s their behavior that counts—not their inner life.
Dialectical behavior therapy teaches behavioral skills that help people behave
more effectively and keep their emotions in check. Although it is a relatively new
form of therapy, increasing evidence supports its effectiveness, particularly with cer-
tain personality disorders (Swales & Heard, 2007; Katz, Fotti, & Postl, 2009; Soler et
al., 2009).
EVALUATING BEHAVIOR THERAPY
Behavior therapy works especially well for eliminating anxiety disorders, treating
phobias and compulsions, establishing control over impulses, and learning complex
social skills to replace maladaptive behavior. More than any of the other therapeutic
techniques, it provides methods that nonprofessionals can use to change their own
behavior. Moreover, it is efficient because it focuses on solving carefully defined
problems (Richard & Lauterbach, 2006; Barlow, 2007).
dialectical behavior therapy A form
of treatment in which the focus is on
getting people to accept who they are
regardless of whether it matches their
ideal.
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552 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
cognitive treatment approaches Treat-
ment approaches that teach people to
think in more adaptive ways by
changing their dysfunctional cogni-
tions about the world and themselves.
How Behavioral
Therapy Changes Your Brain
FIGURE 3 This figure highlights areas of the brain that show a reduced response to highly
emotionally arousing pictures after behavioral therapy in patients with borderline personality
disorder. The scans on the left (a) show areas of increased activity (in red, yellow, and orange)
in those with borderline personality disorder before behavioral therapy as compared to
participants who do not have this disorder. The scans on the right (b) show this same
comparison after treatment. The scans on the right (b) contain fewer areas of activation,
which suggests that after behavioral therapy, the brains of those with borderline personality
disorder react more similarly to the brains of those who do not have the disorder. (Source:
Schnell & Herpertz, 2007, Figure 3)
(a) (b)
Critics of behavior therapy believe that because it emphasizes changing external
behavior, people do not necessarily gain insight into thoughts and expectations that
may be fostering their maladaptive behavior. On the other hand, neuroscientific evi-
dence shows that behavioral treatments can produce actual changes in brain func-
tioning, which suggests that behavioral treatments can produce changes beyond
external behavior.
For example, one experiment looked at the neurological reactions of patients
with borderline personality disorder who participated in a 12-week dialectical behav-
ioral therapy program. Compared with a control group composed of people who did
not have the disorder, the patients showed significant changes in their reactions to
highly arousing emotion-evoking stimuli. Following therapy, the patients’ neuro-
logical functioning was more similar to those without the disorder than it was prior
to therapy (see Figure 3).
Cognitive Approaches
to Therapy
If you assumed that illogical thoughts and beliefs lie at the heart of psychological
disorders, wouldn’t the most direct treatment route be to teach people new, more
adaptive modes of thinking? The answer is yes, according to psychologists who take
a cognitive approach to treatment.
Cognitive treatment approaches teach people to think in more adaptive ways
by changing their dysfunctional cognitions about the world and themselves. Unlike
behavior therapists, who focus on modifying external behavior, cognitive therapists
attempt to change the way people think as well as their behavior. Because they often
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Module 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment
FIGURE 4 In the A-B-C model of rational-emotive behavior therapy, negative activating
conditions (A) lead to the activation of an irrational belief system (B), which leads to
emotional consequences (C). Those emotional consequences then feed back and support the
belief system. At what steps in the model could change occur as a result of rational-emotive
behavior therapy?
use basic principles of learning, the methods they employ are sometimes referred to
as the cognitive-behavioral approach (Beck & Rector, 2005; Butler et al., 2006; Fried-
berg, 2006).
Although cognitive treatment approaches take many forms, they all share the
assumption that anxiety, depression, and negative emotions develop from maladap-
tive thinking. Accordingly, cognitive treatments seek to change the thought patterns
that lead to getting “stuck” in dysfunctional ways of thinking. Therapists systemati-
cally teach clients to challenge their assumptions and adopt new approaches to old
problems.
Cognitive therapy is relatively short term and usually lasts a maximum of 20
sessions. Therapy tends to be highly structured and focused on concrete problems.
Therapists often begin by teaching the theory behind the approach and then continue
to take an active role throughout the course of therapy by acting as a combination
of teacher, coach, and partner.
One good example of cognitive treatment, rational-emotive behavior therapy,
attempts to restructure a person’s belief system into a more realistic, rational, and
logical set of views. According to psychologist Albert Ellis (2002, 2004), many people
lead unhappy lives and suffer from psychological disorders because they harbor
irrational, unrealistic ideas such as these:
e We need the love or approval of virtually every significant other person for
everything we do.
e We should be thoroughly competent, adequate, and successful in all possible
respects in order to consider ourselves worthwhile.
e It is horrible when things don’t turn out the way we want them to.
Such irrational beliefs trigger negative emotions, which in turn support the irra-
tional beliefs and lead to a self-defeating cycle. Ellis calls it the A-B-C model in which
negative activating conditions (A) lead to the activation of an irrational belief system
(B), which in turn leads to emotional consequences (C). For example, if a person
experiences the breakup of a close relationship (A) and holds the irrational belief (B)
that “TIl never be loved again,” this triggers negative emotions (C) that in turn feed
back into support of the irrational belief (see Figure 4).
Rational-emotive behavior therapy aims to help clients eliminate maladaptive
thoughts and beliefs and adopt more effective thinking. To accomplish this goal,
therapists take an active, directive role during therapy and openly challenge patterns
of thought that appear to be dysfunctional. Consider this example:
Martha: The basic problem is that I’m worried about my family. I’m worried
about money. And I never seem to be able to relax.
Therapist: Why are you worried about your family? . . .What’s to be concerned
about? They have certain demands which you don’t want to adhere to.
cognitive-behavioral approach
A treatment approach that incorpo-
rates basic principles of learning to
change the way people think.
rational-emotive behavior therapy
A form of therapy that attempts to
restructure a person’s belief system
into a more realistic, rational, and
logical set of views by challenging
dysfunctional beliefs that maintain
irrational behavior.
553
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554 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
Martha: I was brought up to think that I mustn’t be selfish.
Therapist: Oh, we’ll have to knock that out of your head!
Martha: My mother feels that I shouldn’t have left home—that my place is
with them. There are nagging doubts about what I should—
Therapist: Why are there doubts? Why should you?
Martha: I think it’s a feeling I was brought up with that you always have to
give of yourself. If you think of yourself, you’re wrong.
Therapist: That’s a belief. Why do you have to keep believing that—at your
age? You believed a lot of superstitions when you were younger. Why do
you have to retain them? Your parents indoctrinated you with this non-
sense, because that’s their belief. . . . Who needs that philosophy? All it’s
gotten you, so far, is guilt. (Ellis, 1974, pp. 223-286)
By poking holes in Martha’s reasoning, the therapist is attempting to help her
adopt a more realistic view of herself and her circumstances (Ellis, 2002; Dryden &
David, 2008).
Another influential form of therapy that builds on a cognitive perspective is that
of Aaron Beck (Beck, 1995, 2004). Like rational-emotive behavior therapy, Beck’s
cognitive therapy aims to change people’s illogical thoughts about themselves and
the world.
However, cognitive therapy is considerably less confrontational and challenging
than rational-emotive behavior therapy. Instead of the therapist actively arguing
with clients about their dysfunctional cognitions, cognitive therapists more often
play the role of teacher. Therapists urge clients to obtain information on their own
that will lead them to discard their inaccurate thinking through a process of cogni-
tive appraisal. In cognitive appraisal, clients are asked to evaluate situations, them-
selves, and others in terms of their memories, values, beliefs, thoughts, and
expectations. During the course of treatment, therapists help clients discover ways
of thinking more appropriately about themselves and others (Rosen, 2000; Beck,
Freeman, & Davis, 2004; Moorey, 2007).
EVALUATING COGNITIVE APPROACHES TO THERAPY
Cognitive approaches to therapy have proved successful in dealing with a broad
range of disorders, including anxiety disorders, depression, substance abuse, and
eating disorders. Furthermore, the willingness of cognitive therapists to incorporate
additional treatment approaches (e.g., combining cognitive and behavioral tech-
niques in cognitive behavioral therapy) has made this approach a particularly effec-
tive form of treatment (Mitte, 2005; Ishikawa et al., 2007; Bhar et al., 2008).
At the same time, critics have pointed out that the focus on helping people to
think more rationally ignores the fact that life is in reality sometimes irrational.
Changing one’s assumptions to make them more reasonable and logical thus may
not always be helpful—even assuming it is possible to bring about true cognitive
change. Still, the success of cognitive approaches has made it one of the most
frequently employed therapies (Leahy, 2003; Beck & Rector, 2005).
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Module 49 Psychotherapy: Psychodynamic, Behavioral, and Cognitive Approaches to Treatment 555
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 2. According to Freud, people use as
a means of preventing unwanted impulses from intruding
on conscious thought.
3. In dream interpretation, a psychoanalyst must learn to
distinguish between the ________ content of a dream,
which is what appears on the surface, and the
content, its underlying meaning.
4. Which of the following treatments deals with phobias by
gradual exposure to the item producing the fear?
What are the goals of psychologically and biologically based
treatment approaches?
e Psychotherapy (psychologically based therapy) and bio-
medical therapy (biologically based therapy) share the
goal of resolving psychological problems by modifying
people’s thoughts, feelings, expectations, evaluations,
and ultimately behavior. (p. 544)
What are the psychodynamic, behavioral, and cognitive a. Systematic desensitization
approaches to treatment? b. Partial reinforcement
e Psychoanalytic approaches seek to bring unresolved past c. Behavioral self-management
conflicts and unacceptable impulses from the uncon- d. Aversion therapy
scious into the conscious, where patients may deal with
the problems more effectively. To do this, therapists use RETHINK
techniques such as free association and dream interpreta-
tion. (p. 546) 1. In what ways are psychoanalysis and cognitive therapy
e Behavioral approaches to treatment view abnormal be- similar, and how do they differ?
havior as the problem rather than viewing that behavior 2. From the perspective of a child-care provider: How might you
as a symptom of some underlying cause. To bring about use systematic desensitization to help children overcome
a “cure,” this view suggests that the outward behavior their fears?
must be changed by using methods such as aversive con-
ditioning, systematic desensitization, observational
learning, token systems, contingency contracting, and di-
alectical behavior therapy. (p. 548)
e Cognitive approaches to treatment consider that the goal
of therapy is to help a person restructure his or her faulty
belief system into a more realistic, rational, and logical
view of the world. Two examples of cognitive treatments
are the rational-emotive behavior therapy and cognitive
therapy. (p. 552)
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Vp ‘JuoszL] ‘Jsaftueul “Eg “SUISTURYDOUT esUeJep 7 ‘q-f ‘P-E “L-7 -ŢI
EVALUATE
1. Match the following mental health practitioners with the
appropriate description.
1. Psychiatrist a. PhD specializing in the treatment
2. Clinical of psychological disorders
psychologist b. Professional specializing in
3. Counseling Freudian therapy techniques
psychologist c. MD trained in abnormal behavior
4. Psychoanalyst d. PhD specializing in the adjustment
of day-to-day problems
KEY TERMS
psychotherapy p. 544 behavioral treatment exposure p. 550 cognitive-behavioral
biomedical therapy p. 544 approaches p. 548 dialectical behavior approach p. 553
psychodynamic aversive therapy p. 551 rational-emotive behavior
therapy p. 546 conditioning p. 549 cognitive treatment therapy p. 553
psychoanalysis p. 546 systematic approaches p. 552
transference p. 547 desensitization p. 549
MODULE 50
What are the humanistic
approaches to treatment?
What is interpersonal therapy?
How does group therapy
differ from individual types of
therapy?
How effective is psycho-
therapy, and which kind of
psychotherapy works best
in a given situation?
Therapy in which
the underlying rationale is that people
have control of their behavior, can
make choices about their lives, and are
essentially responsible for solving their
own problems.
Humanistic therapy focuses on
self-responsibility.
556
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Humanistic Therapy
As you know from your own experience, a student cannot master the material cov-
ered in a course without some hard work, no matter how good the teacher and the
textbook are. You must take the time to study, memorize the vocabulary, and learn
the concepts. Nobody else can do it for you. If you choose to put in the effort, you'll
succeed; if you don’t, you'll fail. The responsibility is primarily yours.
Humanistic therapy draws on this philosophical perspective of self-responsibility
in developing treatment techniques. The many different types of therapy that fit into
this category have a similar rationale: We have control of our own behavior, we can
make choices about the kinds of lives we want to live, and it is up to us to solve the
difficulties we encounter in our daily lives.
Humanistic therapists believe that people naturally are motivated to strive for self-
actualization. As we discussed in the chapter on motivation, self-actualization is the term
that clinical psychologist Abraham Maslow used to describe the state of self-fulfillment
in which people realize their highest potentials in their own unique way.
Instead of acting in the more directive manner of some psychodynamic and
behavioral approaches, humanistic therapists view themselves as guides or facilita-
tors. Therapists using humanistic techniques seek to help people understand them-
selves and find ways to come closer to the ideal they hold for themselves. In this
view, psychological disorders result from the inability to find meaning in life and
from feelings of loneliness and a lack of connection to others (Cain, 2002).
Humanistic approaches have produced many therapeutic techniques. Among the
most important is person-centered therapy.
PERSON-CENTERED THERAPY
Consider the following therapy session excerpt:
Alice: I was thinking about this business of standards. I somehow developed a
sort of a knack, I guess, of—well—habit—of trying to make people feel at
ease around me, or to make things go along smoothly. . . .
Therapist: In other words, what you did was always in the direction of trying
to keep things smooth and to make other people feel better and to smooth
the situation.
Alice: Yes. I think that’s what it was. Now the reason why I did it probably
was—I mean, not that I was a good little Samaritan going around making
other people happy, but that was probably the role that felt easiest for me
to play. ...
Therapist: You feel that for a long time you've been playing the role of kind of
smoothing out the frictions or differences or what not... .
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Module 50 Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal, and
Alice: M-hm.
Therapist: Rather than having any opinion or reaction of your own in the
situation. Is that it? (Rogers, 1951, pp. 152-153)
The therapist does not interpret or answer the questions the client has raised.
Instead, the therapist clarifies or reflects back what the client has said (e.g., “In other
words, what you did... .”; “You feel that. . . .”; “Is that it?”). This therapeutic tech-
nique, known as nondirective counseling, is at the heart of person-centered therapy,
which was first practiced by Carl Rogers in the mid-20th century (Rogers, 1951, 1980;
Raskin & Rogers, 1989).
Person-centered therapy (also called client-centered therapy) aims to enable people
to reach their potential for self-actualization. By providing a warm and accepting
environment, therapists hope to motivate clients to air their problems and feelings.
In turn, this enables clients to make realistic and constructive choices and decisions
about the things that bother them in their current lives (Bozarth, Zimring, & Tausch,
2002; Kirschenbaum, 2004; Bohart, 2006).
Instead of directing the choices clients make, therapists provide what Rogers
calls unconditional positive regard—expressing acceptance and understanding, regard-
less of the feelings and attitudes the client expresses. By doing this, therapists hope
to create an atmosphere that enables clients to come to decisions that can improve
their lives (Kirschenbaum & Jourdan, 2005; Vieira & Freire, 2006).
Furnishing unconditional positive regard does not mean that therapists must
approve of everything their clients say or do. Rather, therapists need to communicate
that they are caring, nonjudgmental, and empathetic—that is, understanding of a cli-
ent’s emotional experiences (Fearing & Clark, 2000).
Person-centered therapy is rarely used today in its purest form. Contemporary
approaches tend to be somewhat more directive with therapists nudging clients toward
insights rather than merely reflecting back their statements. However, therapists still
view clients’ insights as central to the therapeutic process (also see PsychWork).
“At the Kansas City Community Center, we help people
rebuild their lives.”
For Vickie Dickerman, a case manager and substance
abuse counselor, this statement is the foundation of her work.
PsychWork
CASE MANAGER AND
Group Approaches to Treatment 557
person-centered therapy Therapy
in which the goal is to reach one’s
potential for self-actualization.
y Alert
To better remember the
concept of unconditional
positive regard, try offering
it to a friend during a
conversation by showing
your support, acceptance, and
understanding no matter what
thought or attitude is being offered.
“Treatment is a collaboration between what the client
wants from a program and what you, as the professional, see
as essential in the treatment planning process. We also assist
clients in obtaining their basic needs in order that they may
become productive members of society,” she said.
Dickerman, who has worked for 20 years in the field of
substance abuse with criminal offenders, uses several
approaches in helping people rebuild their lives.
“I address ‘criminal thinking errors’ along with client-
SUBSTANCE ABUSE
COUNSELOR
Name: Vicki Dickerman
Position: Case Manager and Substance Abuse
Counselor, Kansas City Community Center
Education: BS in Addiction Studies and
Psychology, Park University, Parkville, Missouri;
Certified Co-Occurring Disorders Professional
centered therapy,” she explained. “When clients engage in
‘criminal thinking,’ they view themselves as victims, focus
only their positive attributes, and avoid taking responsibility for their actions.” Dick-
erman seeks to change such thinking and help clients rebuild their self-confidence in
their ability to meet their own basic needs.
“Expressing praise to offenders for something that would not appear to be an
accomplishment to most of us is of importance since clients’ low self-esteem and lack
of self-confidence are often the result of lack of reinforcement from family members
and their peers,” Dickerman added. “Allowing setbacks should be considered a part
of the process since individuals with criminal thinking errors experience difficulty
with receiving praise and may attempt to sabotage their success.”
558
interpersonal therapy (IPT) Short-
term therapy that focuses on the
context of current social relationships.
group therapy Therapy in which
people meet in a group with a thera-
pist to discuss problems.
© Tom Cheney/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
“So, would anyone in the group care to respond to
what Clifford has just shared with us?” some, the therapist is quite directive; in others, the members of the group
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Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
EVALUATING HUMANISTIC APPROACHES TO THERAPY
The notion that psychological disorders result from restricted growth potential
appeals philosophically to many people. Furthermore, when humanistic thera-
pists acknowledge that the freedom we possess can lead to psychological difficul-
ties, clients find an unusually supportive environment for therapy. In turn, this
atmosphere can help clients discover solutions to difficult psychological problems
(Cooper, 2007).
However, humanistic treatments lack specificity, a problem that has troubled
their critics. Humanistic approaches are not very precise and are probably the least
scientifically and theoretically developed type of treatment. Moreover, this form of
treatment works best for the same type of highly verbal client who profits most from
psychoanalytic treatment.
Interpersonal Therapy
Interpersonal therapy (IPT) considers therapy in the context of social relationships.
Although its roots stem from psychodynamic approaches, interpersonal therapy con-
centrates more on the here and now with the goal of improving a client’s current
relationships. It typically focuses on interpersonal issues such as conflicts with others,
social skills issues, role transitions (such as divorce), or grief (Weissman, Markowitz,
& Klerman, 2007).
Interpersonal therapy is more active and directive than traditional psycho-
dynamic approaches, and sessions are more structured. The approach makes no
assumptions about the underlying causes of psychological disorders but focuses on
the interpersonal context in which a disorder is developed and maintained. It also
tends to be shorter than traditional psychodynamic approaches and typically lasts
only 12-16 weeks. During those sessions, therapists make concrete suggestions on
improving relations with others and offer recommendations and advice.
Because interpersonal therapy is short and structured, researchers have been able
to demonstrate its effectiveness more readily than longer-term types of therapy. Eval-
uations of the approach have shown that interpersonal therapy is especially effective
in dealing with depression, anxiety, addictions, and eating disorders (Salsman, 2006;
Grigoriadis & Ravitz, 2007; Miller et al., 2008).
Group Therapy, Family Therapy,
and Self-Help Groups
Although most treatment takes place between a single individual and a
therapist, some forms of therapy involve groups of people seeking treat-
ment. In group therapy, several unrelated people meet with a therapist
to discuss some aspect of their psychological functioning.
People typically discuss with the group their problems, which often
center on a common difficulty, such as alcoholism or a lack of social
skills. The other members of the group provide emotional support and
dispense advice on ways they have coped effectively with similar prob-
lems (Alonso, Alonso, & Piper, 2003; Scaturo, 2004; Rigby & Waite, 2007).
Groups vary greatly in terms of the particular model they employ;
there are psychoanalytic groups, humanistic groups, and groups corre-
sponding to the other therapeutic approaches. Furthermore, groups also
differ with regard to the degree of guidance the therapist provides. In
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Module 50 Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal, and Group Approaches to Treatment 559
set their own agenda and determine how the group will pro-
ceed (Beck & Lewis, 2000; Stockton, Morran, & Krieger, 2004).
Because several people are treated simultaneously in
group therapy, it is a much more economical means of treat-
ment than individual psychotherapy. On the other hand, crit-
ics argue that group settings lack the individual attention
inherent in one-to-one therapy and that especially shy and
withdrawn individuals may not receive the attention they
need in a group setting.
FAMILY THERAPY
One specialized form of group therapy is family therapy. As
the name implies, family therapy involves two or more fam-
ily members, one (or more) of whose problems led to treat-
ment. But rather than focusing simply on the members of the
family who present the initial problem, family therapists con-
sider the family as a unit to which each member contributes.
By meeting with the entire family simultaneously, family therapists try to understand
how the family members interact with one another (Cooklin, 2000; Strong & Tomm,
2007).
Family therapists view the family as a “system” and assume that individuals in family therapy An approach that
the family cannot improve without understanding the conflicts found in interactions focuses on the family and its dynamics.
among family members. Thus, the therapist expects each member to contribute to
the resolution of the problem being addressed.
Many family therapists believe that family members fall into rigid roles or set
patterns of behavior with one person acting as the scapegoat, another as a bully, and
so forth. In their view, that system of roles perpetuates family disturbances. One goal
of this type of therapy, then, is to get the family members to adopt new, more con-
structive roles and patterns of behavior (Minuchin, 1999; Sprenkle & Moon, 1996;
Sori, 2006).
In group therapy, people with psychological difficulties meet with a
therapist to discuss their problems.
SELF-HELP THERAPY
In many cases, group therapy does not involve a professional therapist. Instead,
people with similar problems get together to discuss their shared feelings and expe-
riences. For example, people who have recently experienced the death of a spouse
might meet in a bereavement support group, or college students may get together to
discuss their adjustment to college.
One of the best-known self-help groups is Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), designed
to help members deal with alcohol-related problems. AA prescribes 12 steps that
alcoholics must pass through on their road to recovery; they begin with an admission
that they are alcoholics and powerless over alcohol. AA provides more treatment for
alcoholics than any other therapy; AA and other 12-step programs (such as Narcotics
Anonymous) can be as successful in treating alcohol and other substance-abuse prob-
lems as traditional types of therapy (Bogenschutz, Geppert, & George, 2006; Galanter,
2007; Gossop, Stewart, & Marsden, 2008).
Evaluating Psychotherapy:
Does Therapy Work?
Your best friend, Ben, comes to you because he just hasn’t been feeling right about
things lately. He’s upset because he and his girlfriend aren’t getting along, but his
difficulties go beyond that. He can’t concentrate on his studies, has a lot of trouble
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560 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
getting to sleep, and—this is what really bothers him—has begun to think that peo-
ple are ganging up on him, talking about him behind his back. It seems that no one
really cares about or understands him or makes any effort to see why he’s become
so miserable.
Ben knows that he ought to get some kind of help, but he is not sure where to
turn. He is fairly skeptical of psychologists and thinks that a lot of what they say
is just mumbo-jumbo, but he’s willing to put his doubts aside and try anything to
feel better. He also knows there are many different types of therapy, and he doesn’t
have a clue about which would be best for him. He turns to you for advice because
he knows you are taking a psychology course. He asks, “Which kind of therapy
works best?”
IS THERAPY EFFECTIVE?
This question requires a complex response. In fact, identifying the single most appro-
y Alert priate form of treatment is a controversial and still unresolved task for psychologists
Pay special attention to the specializing in psychological disorders. In fact, even before considering whether one
discussion of (1) whether form of therapy works better than another, we need to determine whether therapy
therapy is effective in in any form effectively alleviates psychological disturbances.
general and (2) what Until the 1950s, most people simply assumed that therapy was effective. But in
specific types of therapy 1952 psychologist Hans Eysenck published an influential study challenging that
are effective because it is a assumption. He claimed that people who received psychodynamic treatment and
key issue for therapists. related therapies were no better off at the end of treatment than were people who
were placed on a waiting list for treatment but never received it. Eysenck concluded
spontaneous remission Recovery that people would go into spontaneous remission, recovery without treatment, if
without treatment. they were simply left alone—certainly a cheaper and simpler process.
Although other psychologists quickly challenged Eysenck’s conclusions, his
review stimulated a continuing stream of better controlled, more carefully crafted
studies on the effectiveness of psychotherapy. Today most psychologists agree: Ther-
apy does work. Several comprehensive reviews indicate that therapy brings about
greater improvement than no treatment at all, with the rate of spontaneous remis-
sion being fairly low. In most cases, then, the symptoms of abnormal behavior do
not go away by themselves if left untreated—although the issue continues to be
hotly debated (Seligman, 1996; Westen, Novotny, & Thompson-Brenner, 2004; Lutz
et al., 2006).
WHICH KIND OF THERAPY WORKS BEST?
Although most psychologists feel confident that psychotherapeutic treatment in gen-
eral is more effective than no treatment at all, the question of whether any specific
form of treatment is superior to any other has not been answered definitively (Nathan,
Stuart, & Dolan, 2000; Westen, Novotny, & Thompson-Brenner, 2004; Abboud, 2005).
For instance, one classic study comparing the effectiveness of various approaches
found that although success rates vary somewhat by treatment form, most treatments
show fairly equal success rates. As Figure 1 indicates, the rates ranged from about
70-85% greater success for treated compared with untreated individuals. Behavioral
and cognitive approaches tended to be slightly more successful, but that result may
have been due to differences in the severity of the cases treated (Smith, Glass, &
Miller, 1980; Orwin & Condray, 1984).
Other research, which relies on meta-analysis in which data from a large number
of studies are statistically combined, yields similar general conclusions. Furthermore,
a large survey of 186,000 individuals found that respondents felt they had benefited
substantially from psychotherapy. However, there was little difference in “consumer
satisfaction” on the basis of the specific type of treatment they had received (Selig-
man, 1995; Malouff, Thorsteinsson, & Schutte, 2007; Cuijpers et al., 2008).
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Module 50 Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal, and Group Approaches to Treatment 561
FIGURE 1 Estimates of the effective-
ness of different types of treatment,
in comparison to control groups of
untreated people. The percentile score
shows how much more effective a
specific type of treatment is for the
average patient rather than is no
treatment. For example, people given
psychodynamic treatment score, on
average, more positively on outcome
measures than about three-quarters of
untreated people. (Source: Adapted from
Smith, Glass, & Miller, 1980).
Psychodynamic
Gestalt
Person- or client-centered
Systematic desensitization
Behavior modification
Cognitive behavioral
50 60 70 80 90
Success rate (percentage)
In short, converging evidence allows us to draw several conclusions about the
effectiveness of psychotherapy (Strupp & Binder, 1992; Seligman, 1996; Goldfried &
Pachankis, 2007):
e For most people, psychotherapy is effective. This conclusion holds over different
lengths of treatment, specific kinds of psychological disorders, and various
types of treatment. Thus, the question, “Does psychotherapy work?” appears
to have been answered convincingly: It does (Seligman, 1996; Spiegel, 1999;
Westen, Novotny, & Thompson-Brenner, 2004; Payne & Marcus, 2008).
e On the other hand, psychotherapy doesn’t work for everyone. As many as 10% of
people treated show no improvement or actually deteriorated (Boisvert &
Faust, 2003; Pretzer & Beck, 2005; Coffman et al., 2007; Lilienfeld, 2007).
e No single form of therapy works best for every problem, and certain specific types
of treatment are better, although not invariably, for specific types of problems. For
example, cognitive therapy works especially well for panic disorders, and
exposure therapy relieves specific phobias effectively. However, there are
exceptions to these generalizations, and often the differences in success rates
for different types of treatment are not substantial (Miller & Magruder, 1999;
Westen, Novotny, & Thompson-Brenner, 2004).
e Most therapies share several basic similar elements. Despite the fact that the specific
methods used in different therapies are very different from one another, there
are several common themes that lead them to be effective. These elements
include the opportunity for a client to develop a positive relationship with a
therapist, an explanation or interpretation of a client’s symptoms, and confron-
tation of negative emotions. The fact that these common elements exist in most
therapies makes it difficult to compare one treatment against another (Nor-
cross, 2002; Norcross, Beutler & Levant, 2006).
Consequently, there is no single, definitive answer to the broad question, “Which
therapy works best?” because of the complexity in sorting out the various factors
that enter into successful therapy. Recently, however, clinicians and researchers have
reframed the question by focusing on evidence-based psychotherapy practice.
Evidence-based psychotherapy practice seeks to use research findings to determine the
best practices for treating a specific disorder. To determine best practices, researchers
use clinical interviews, client self-reports of improvement in quality of life, reductions
in symptoms, observations of behavior, and other outcomes to compare different
therapies. By using objective research findings, clinicians are increasingly able to
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562 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
determine the most effective treatment for a specific disorder (APA Presidential Task
Force, 2006; Brownlee, 2007; Kazdin, 2008).
Because no single type of psychotherapy is invariably effective for every indi-
vidual, some therapists use an eclectic approach to therapy. In an eclectic approach to
therapy, therapists use a variety of techniques, thus integrating several perspectives,
to treat a person’s problems. By employing more than one approach, therapists can
choose the appropriate mix of evidence-based treatments to match the individual’s
specific needs. Furthermore, therapists with certain personal characteristics may
work better with particular individuals and types of treatments, and—as we consider
next—even racial and ethnic factors may be related to the success of treatment
(Cheston, 2000; Chambless et al., 2006; Hayes, 2008).
Aas; k Ex p | O ri nN g Consider the following case report written by a school counselor
oe ~e # 73 DIVERSITY about Jimmy Jones, a 12-year-old student who was referred to a
" Pas. Bacial'and Ethnic Factorsin Treatment: counselor because of his lack of interest in schoolwork:
Da Should Therapists Be Color Blind? Jimmy does not pay attention, daydreams often, and frequently falls
asleep during class. There is a strong possibility that Jimmy is
harboring repressed rage that needs to be ventilated and dealt with.
His inability to directly express his anger had led him to adopt
passive-aggressive means of expressing hostility, i.e., inattentiveness, daydreaming,
falling asleep. It is recommended that Jimmy be seen for intensive counseling to
discover the basis of the anger. (Sue & Sue, 1990, p. 44)
The counselor was wrong, however. Rather than suffering from “repressed rage,”
Jimmy lived in a poverty stricken and disorganized home. Because of overcrowding at
his house, he did not get enough sleep and consequently was tired the next day.
Frequently, he was also hungry. In short, the stresses arising from his environment and
not any deep-seated psychological disturbances caused his problems.
This incident underscores the importance of taking people’s environmental and
cultural backgrounds into account during treatment for psychological disorders. In
particular, members of racial and ethnic minority groups, especially those who are also
poor, may behave in ways that help them deal with a society that discriminates against
them. As a consequence, behavior that may signal psychological disorder in middle-
class and upper-class whites may simply be adaptive in people from other racial and
socioeconomic groups. For instance, characteristically suspicious and distrustful
people may be displaying a survival strategy to protect themselves from psychological
and physical injury rather than suffering from a psychological disturbance (Paniagua,
2000; Tseng, 2003; Pottick et al., 2007).
In fact, therapists must question some basic assumptions of psychotherapy when
dealing with racial, ethnic, and cultural minority group members. For example,
compared with the dominant culture, Asian and Latino cultures typically place much
greater emphasis on the group, family, and society. When an Asian or Latino faces a
critical decision, the family helps make it—a cultural practice suggesting that family
members should also play a role in psychological treatment. Similarly, the traditional
Chinese recommendation for dealing with depression or anxiety is to urge people who
experience such problems to avoid thinking about whatever is upsetting them. Consider
how this advice contrasts with treatment approaches that emphasize the value of insight
(Ponterotto, Gretchen, & Chauhan, 2001; McCarthy, 2005; Leitner, 2007).
Therapists’ interpretation of their clients’ Clearly, therapists cannot be “colorblind.” Instead, they must take into account the
behavior is influenced by racial, ethnic, racial, ethnic, cultural, and social class backgrounds of their clients in determining the
cultural, and social class backgrounds of nature of a psychological disorder and the course of treatment (Aponte & Wohl, 2000;
the clients. Pedersen et al., 2002; Hayes, 2008).
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Module 50 Psychotherapy: Humanistic, Interpersonal, and Group Approaches to Treatment 563
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Behavioral b. “I want you all to take turns talking
therapy about why you decided to come and
4. Nondirective what you hope to gain from therapy.”
counseling c. “I can understand why you wanted
to wreck your friend’s car after she
hurt your feelings. Now tell me more
about the accident.”
. “That’s not appropriate behavior.
Let’s work on replacing it with some-
thing else.”
What are humanistic approaches to treatment?
e Humanistic therapy is based on the premise that people
have control of their behavior, that they can make
choices about their lives, and that it is up to them to
solve their own problems. Humanistic therapies, which
take a nondirective approach, include person-centered a
therapy. (p. 556)
What is interpersonal therapy?
e Interpersonal therapy focuses on interpersonal relation- 2. therapies assume that people should take re-
ships and strives for immediate improvement during sponsibility for their lives and the decisions they make.
short-term therapy. (p. 558) 3. One of the major criticisms of humanistic therapies is that
a. They are too imprecise and unstructured.
b. They treat only the symptom of the problem.
c. The therapist dominates the patient-therapist interaction.
d. They work well only on clients of lower socioeconomic
How does group therapy differ from individual types
of therapy?
e In group therapy, several unrelated people meet with a
therapist to discuss some aspect of their psychological
mate status.
eee erraio fier con nena commen poay 4. Ina controversial study, Eysenck found that some people
[P+ go into , or recovery without treat-
How effective is psychotherapy, and which kind of psycho- ment, if they are simply left alone instead of treated.
therapy works best in a given situation?
e Most research suggests that, in general, therapy is more
effective than no therapy, although how much more
effective is not known. (p. 559)
e The more difficult question of which therapy works best
RETHINK
1. How can people be successfully treated in group therapy
when individuals with the “same” problem are so differ-
is harder to answer, but it is clear particular kinds of
therapy are more appropriate for some problems than
for others. (p. 560)
e Because no single type of psychotherapy is invariably
effective, eclectic approaches in which a therapist uses a
ent? What advantages might group therapy offer over in-
dividual therapy?
. From the perspective of a social worker: How might the types
of therapies you employ vary depending on a client’s cul-
tural and socioeconomic background?
variety of techniques and thus integrates several
i q Answers to Evaluate Questions
perspectives are sometimes used. (p. 561)
UOISsTUaI snoougzuods ‘p ‘e'g ONSsTURUNY ‘g ‘e-p ‘P-E 0-7 q- “T
EVALUATE
1. Match each of the following treatment strategies with the
statement you might expect to hear from a therapist using
that strategy.
1. Group therapy a. “In other words, you don’t get
2. Unconditional along with your mother because she
positive regard hates your girlfriend, is that right?”
KEY TERMS
humanistic therapy p. 556
person-centered therapy p. 557
interpersonal therapy (IPT) p. 558
group therapy p. 558
family therapy p. 559
spontaneous remission p. 560
How are drug, electroconvul-
sive, and psychosurgical
techniques used today in the
treatment of psychological
disorders?
Control of psychological
disorders through the use of drugs.
Drugs that
temporarily reduce psychotic symp-
toms such as agitation, hallucinations,
and delusions.
564
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If you get a kidney infection, your doctor gives you an antibiotic; with luck your
kidney should be as good as new about a week later. If your appendix becomes
inflamed, a surgeon removes it and your body functions normally once more. Could
a comparable approach that focuses on the body’s physiology be effective for psy-
chological disturbances?
According to biological approaches to treatment, the answer is yes. Therapists
routinely use biomedical therapies. This approach suggests that rather than focusing
on a patient’s psychological conflicts, past traumas, or environmental factors that
may produce abnormal behavior, focusing treatment directly on brain chemistry and
other neurological factors may be more appropriate. To do this, therapists can pro-
vide treatment with drugs, electric shock, or surgery.
Drug Therapy
Drug therapy, the control of psychological disorders through drugs, works by altering
the operation of neurotransmitters and neurons in the brain. Some drugs operate by
inhibiting neurotransmitters or receptor neurons, which reduces activity at particular
synapses, the sites where nerve impulses travel from one neuron to another. Other
drugs do just the opposite: They increase the activity of certain neurotransmitters or
neurons, which allows particular neurons to fire more frequently (see Figure 1).
ANTIPSYCHOTIC DRUGS
Probably no greater change has occurred in mental hospitals than the successful
introduction in the mid-1950s of antipsychotic drugs—drugs used to reduce severe
symptoms of disturbance, such as loss of touch with reality and agitation. Previously,
the typical mental hospital wasn’t very different from the stereotypical 19th-century
insane asylum; it gave mainly custodial care to screaming, moaning, clawing patients
who displayed bizarre behaviors. However, in just a matter of days after hospital
staff members administered antipsychotic drugs, the wards became considerably
calmer environments in which professionals could do more than just try to get
patients through the day without causing serious harm to themselves or others.
This dramatic change came about through the introduction of the drug chlor-
promazine. Along with other similar drugs, chlorpromazine rapidly became the most
popular and successful treatment for schizophrenia. Today drug therapy is the pre-
ferred treatment for most cases of severely abnormal behavior and is used for most
patients hospitalized with psychological disorders. The newest generation of anti-
psychotics, referred to as atypical antipsychotics, have fewer side effects; they include
rizperidone, olanzapine, and paliperidone (Lublin, Eberhard, & Levander, 2005; Savas,
Yumru, & Kaya, 2007; Nasrallah et al., 2008).
How do antipsychotic drugs work? Most block dopamine receptors at the brain’s
synapses. Atypical antipsychotics affect both serotonin and dopamine levels in cer-
tain parts of the brain, such as those related to planning and goal-directed activity
(Sawa & Snyder, 2002; Advokat, 2005).
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Module 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment 565
Drug Treatments
Class of Drug Effects of Drug Primary Action of Drug Examples
Antipsychotic Drugs, Atypical Reduction in loss of touch with Block dopamine receptors Antipsychotic: Chlorpromazine
Antipsychotic Drugs reality, agitation
Antidepressant Drugs
Tricyclic antidepressants Reduction in depression
MAO inhibitors Reduction in depression
down neurotransmitters
Selective serotonin reuptake Reduction in depression
inhibitors (SSRIs)
Mood Stabilizers
Lithium Mood stabilization
Antianxiety Drugs Reduction in anxiety Increase activity of
neurotransmitter GABA
FIGURE 1 The major classes of drugs used to treat psychological disorders have different
effects on the brain and nervous system.
Despite the effectiveness of antipsychotic drugs, they do not produce a “cure”
in the same way that, say, penicillin cures an infection. Most of the time, the symp-
toms reappear when the drug is withdrawn. Furthermore, such drugs can have long-
term side effects, such as dryness of the mouth and throat, dizziness, and sometimes
tremors and loss of muscle control, which may continue after drug treatments are
stopped (Voruganti et al., 2007).
ANTIDEPRESSANT DRUGS
As their name suggests, antidepressant drugs are a class of medications used in cases
of severe depression to improve the patient’s mood and feeling of well-being. They
are also sometimes used for other disorders, such as anxiety disorders and bulimia
(Walsh et al., 2006; Hedges et al., 2007).
Most antidepressant drugs work by changing the concentration of specific neu-
rotransmitters in the brain. For example, tricyclic drug increase the availability of
norepinephrine at the synapses of neurons, whereas MAO inhibitors prevent the
enzyme monoamine oxidase (MAO) from breaking down neurotransmitters. Newer
antidepressants—such as Lexapro—are selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs).
SSRIs target the neurotransmitter serotonin and permit it to linger at the synapse.
Some antidepressants produce a combination of effects. For instance, nefazodone
(Serzone) blocks serotonin at some receptor sites but not others, while bupropion
(Wellbutrin and Zyban) affects the norepinephrine and dopamine systems (see Figure 2;
Lucki & O'Leary, 2004; Robinson, 2007; Dhillon, Yang, & Curran, 2008).
Finally, there are some newer drugs on the horizon. For instance, scientists have
found that the anesthetic ketamine blocks the neural receptor NMDA, which affects
the neurotransmitter glutamate. Glutamate plays an important role in mood regula-
tion and the ability to experience pleasure, and researchers believe that ketamine
blockers may prove to be useful in the treatment of depression (Skolnick, Popik, &
Trullas, 2009).
Permit rise in neurotransmitters
such as norepinepherine
Prevent MAO from breaking
Inhibit reuptake of serotonin
Can alter transmission of
impulses within neurons
(Thorazine), clozapine (Clozaril),
haloperidol (Haldol)
Atypical Antipsychotic:
rizperadine, olanzapine
Trazodone (Desyrel),
amitriptyline (Elavil),
desipramine (Norpamin)
Phenelzine (Nardil),
tranylcypromine (Parnate)
Fluoxetine (Prozac), Luvox, Paxil,
Celexa, Zoloft, nefazodone
(Serzone)
Lithium (Lithonate), Depakote,
Tegretol
Benzodiazepines (Valium,
Xanax)
antidepressant drugs Medications
that improve a severely depressed
patient’s mood and feeling of well-
being.
dy Alert
To help organize your study
of different drugs used in
therapy, review Figure 1,
which classifies them
according to the catego-
ries of antipsychotic, atypical
antipsychotic, antidepressant,
mood-stabilizing, and antianxiety
drugs.
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566 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
FIGURE 2 In (a), selective serotonin | | q
reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) reduce | New N Renie | Neuron N
depression by permitting the neuro- | blocked Nefazodone / à
transmitter serotonin to remain in the / oO / ®
synapse. In (b), a newer antidepressant, © ©
selectively to block serotonin at some
J (
sites but not others, which helps to i n= \ : rh =) a
reduce the side effects of the drug. U 5 y 5 y ww
S SSRI —® D a ® i;
(Source: Based on Mischoulon, 2000.) ynapse @ > v o fai gl = g ® ynapse
p a
p”
Nefazodone (Serzone), operates more Q 2 2 C. 4 © & ® ©
\ D /
\
f Receptor neuron Receptor neuron |
(a) 7 (b)
The overall success rates of antidepressant drugs is good. Unlike antipsychotic
drugs, antidepressants can produce lasting, long-term recovery from depression. In
many cases, even after patients stop taking the drugs, their depression does not
return. On the other hand, antidepressant drugs may produce side effects such as
drowsiness and faintness, and there is evidence that SSRI antidepressants can increase
the risk of suicide in children and adolescents (Gibbons et al., 2007; Leckman & King,
2007; Olfson & Marcus, 2008).
Consumers spend billions of dollars each year on antidepressant drugs. In par-
ticular, the antidepressant Fluoxetine, sold under the trade name Prozac, has been
highlighted on magazine covers and has been the topic of best-sellers.
Does Prozac deserve its acclaim? In some respects, yes. It is effective and has
relatively few side effects. Furthermore, many people who do not respond to other
types of antidepressants do well on Prozac. On the other hand, 20-30% of users
report experiencing nausea and diarrhea, and a smaller number report sexual dys-
functions (Kramer, 1993; Brambilla et al., 2005; Fenter, 2006).
Another substance that has received a great deal of publicity is St. John’s wort,
an herb that some have called a “natural” antidepressant. Although it is widely used
in Europe for the treatment of depression, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration
considers it a dietary supplement, and therefore the substance is available here with-
out a prescription.
Prozac is a widely prescribed—but still Despite the popularity of St. John’s wort, definitive clinical tests have found that
controversial—antidepressant. the herb is ineffective in the treatment of depression. However, because some research
shows that the herb successfully reduces certain psychological symptoms, some pro-
ponents argue that using it is reasonable. In any case, people should not use St. John’s
wort to medicate themselves without consulting a mental health-care professional
(Williams et al., 2000; Shelton et al., 2002; Thachil, Mohan & Bhugra, 2007).
MOOD STABILIZERS
mood stabilizers Drugs used to treat Mood stabilizers are used to treat mood disorders. For example, the drug lithium, a
mood disorders that prevent manic form of mineral salts, has been used very successfully in patients with bipolar dis-
episodes of bipolar disorder. orders. Although no one knows definitely why, lithium and other mood stabilizers
such as divalproex sodium (Depakote) and carbamazepine (Tegretol) effectively reduce
manic episodes. However, they do not effectively treat depressive phases of bipolar
disorder, so antidepressants are usually prescribed during those phases (Abraham &
Calabrese, 2007; L. Smith et al., 2007; Salvi et al., 2008).
Lithium and similar drugs have a quality that sets them apart from other drug
treatments: They can be a preventive treatment that blocks future episodes of manic
depression. Often, people who have had episodes of bipolar disorder can take a daily
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Module 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment 567
dose of lithium to prevent a recurrence of their symptoms. Most other drugs are
useful only when symptoms of psychological disturbance occur.
ANTIANXIETY DRUGS
As the name implies, antianxiety drugs reduce the level of anxiety a person experi-
ences and increase feelings of well-being. They are prescribed not only to reduce
general tension in people who are experiencing temporary difficulties, but also to aid
in the treatment of more serious anxiety disorders (Zito, 1993).
Antianxiety drugs such as Xanax and Valium are among the medications physi-
cians most frequently prescribe. In fact, more than half of all U.S. families have
someone who has taken such a drug at one time or another.
Although the popularity of antianxiety drugs suggests that they hold few risks,
they can produce a number of potentially serious side effects. For instance, they can
cause fatigue, and long-term use can lead to dependence. Moreover, when taken in
combination with alcohol, some antianxiety drugs can be lethal. But a more impor-
tant issue concerns their use to suppress anxiety. Almost every therapeutic approach
to psychological disturbance views continuing anxiety as a signal of some other sort
of problem. Thus, drugs that mask anxiety may simply be hiding other difficulties.
Consequently, rather than confronting their underlying problems, people may be
hiding from them through the use of antianxiety drugs.
Electroconvulsive Therapy (ECT)
First introduced in the 1930s, electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) is a procedure used
in the treatment of severe depression. In the procedure, an electric current of 70-150
volts is briefly administered to a patient’s head, which causes a loss of consciousness
and often causes seizures. Typically, health-care professionals sedate patients and
give them muscle relaxants before administering the current; such preparations help
reduce the intensity of muscle contractions produced during ECT. The typical patient
receives about 10 ECT treatments in the course of a month, but some patients con-
tinue with maintenance treatments for months afterward (Greenberg & Kellner, 2005;
Stevens & Harper, 2007).
ECT is a controversial technique. Apart from the obvious distastefulness of a treat-
ment that evokes images of electrocution, side effects occur frequently. For instance,
after treatment patients often experience disorientation, confusion, and sometimes
memory loss that may remain for months. Furthermore, ECT often does not produce
long-term improvement; one study found that without follow-up medication, depres-
sion returned in most patients who had undergone ECT treatments. Finally, even when
ECT does work, we do not know why, and some critics believe it may cause permanent
brain damage (Sackeim et al., 2001; Gardner & O’Connor, 2008; Kato, 2009).
In light of the drawbacks to ECT, why do therapists use it at all? Basically, they
use it because in many severe cases of depression, it offers the only quickly effective
treatment. For instance, it may prevent depressed, suicidal individuals from commit-
ting suicide, and it can act more quickly than antidepressive medications.
The use of ECT has risen in the last decade with more than 100,000 people
undergoing it each year. Still, ECT tends to be used only when other treatments have
proved ineffective, and researchers continue to search for alternative treatments
(Fink, 2000; Eranti & McLoughlin, 2003; Pandya, Pozuelo, & Malone, 2007).
One new and promising alternative to ECT is transcranial magnetic stimulation
(TMS). TMS creates a precise magnetic pulse in a specific area of the brain. By acti-
vating particular neurons, TMS has been effective in relieving the symptoms of major
depression in a number of controlled experiments. However, the therapy can produce
side effects, such as seizures and convulsions, and it is still considered experimental
(Lefaucheur et al., 2007; Leo & Latif, 2007; Kim, Pesiridou, & O’Reardon, 2009).
antianxiety drugs Drugs that reduce
the level of anxiety a person experi-
ences essentially by reducing excitabil-
ity and increasing feelings of well-being.
electroconvulsive therapy (ECT)
A procedure used in the treatment of
severe depression in which an electric
current of 70-150 volts is briefly
administered to a patient's head.
transcranial magnetic stimulation
(TMS) A depression treatment in
which a precise magnetic pulse is
directed to a specific area of the brain.
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568 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
psychosurgery Brain surgery once
used to reduce the symptoms of
mental disorder but rarely used today.
Psychosurgery
If ECT strikes you as a questionable procedure, the use of psychosurgery—brain
surgery in which the object is to reduce symptoms of mental disorder—probably
appears even more dubious. A technique used only rarely today, psychosurgery was
introduced as a “treatment of last resort” in the 1930s.
The initial form of psychosurgery, a prefrontal lobotomy, consisted of surgically
destroying or removing parts of a patient’s frontal lobes, which surgeons thought
controlled emotionality. In the 1930s and 1940s, surgeons performed the procedure
on thousands of patients often with little precision. For example, in one common
technique, a surgeon literally would jab an ice pick under a patient’s eyeball and
swivel it back and forth (El-Hai, 2005; Ogren & Sandlund, 2007).
Psychosurgery often did improve a patient’s behavior—but not without drastic
side effects. Along with remission of the symptoms of the mental disorder, patients
sometimes experienced personality changes and became bland, colorless, and unemo-
tional. In other cases, patients became aggressive and unable to control their impulses.
In the worst cases, treatment resulted in the patient’s death.
With the introduction of effective drug treatments—and the obvious ethical ques-
tions regarding the appropriateness of forever altering someone’s personality—
psychosurgery became nearly obsolete. However, it is still used in very rare cases
when all other procedures have failed and the patient’s behavior presents a high risk
to the patient and others. For example, surgeons sometimes use a more precise form
of psychosurgery called a cingulotomy in rare cases of obsessive-compulsive disorder
in which they destroy tissue in the anterior cignulate area of the brain. In another
technique, gamma knife surgery, beams of radiation are used to destroy areas of the
brain related to obsessive-compulsive disorder (Shah et al., 2008; Carey, 2009c; Lopes
et al, 2009; Wilkinson, 2009).
Occasionally, dying patients with severe, uncontrollable pain also receive psy-
chosurgery. Still, even these cases raise important ethical issues, and psychosurgery
remains a highly controversial treatment (Mashour, Walker, & Martuza, 2005; Steele
et al., 2007).
Biomedical Therapies
in Perspective
In some respects, no greater revolution has occurred in the field of mental health
than biological approaches to treatment. As previously violent, uncontrollable patients
have been calmed by the use of drugs, mental hospitals have been able to concentrate
more on actually helping patients and less on custodial functions. Similarly, patients
whose lives have been disrupted by depression or bipolar episodes have been able
to function normally, and other forms of drug therapy have also shown remarkable
results.
The use of biomedical therapy for everyday problems is rising. For example, one
survey of users of a college counseling service found that from 1989 to 2001, the
proportion of students receiving treatment who were taking medication for psycho-
logical disorders increased from 10% to 25% (Benton et al., 2003).
Furthermore, new forms of biomedical therapy are promising. For example, the
newest treatment possibility—which remains experimental at this point—is gene
therapy. As we discussed when considering behavioral genetics, specific genes may
be introduced to particular regions of the brain. These genes then have the potential
to reverse or even prevent biochemical events that give rise to psychological disor-
ders (Sapolsky, 2003; Lymberis et al., 2004; Tuszynski, 2007).
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Module 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment 569
© Paul Noth/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
“The drug has, however, proved more effective We
than traditional psychoanalysis.” wo
Despite their current usefulness and future promise, biomedical therapies do not
represent a cure-all for psychological disorders. For one thing, critics charge that such
therapies merely provide relief of the symptoms of mental disorder; as soon as the
drugs are withdrawn, the symptoms return. Although it is considered a major step
in the right direction, biomedical treatment may not solve the underlying problems
that led a patient to therapy in the first place. Biomedical therapies also can produce
side effects that range from minor to serious physical reactions to the development
of new symptoms of abnormal behavior. Finally, an overreliance on biomedical ther-
apies may lead therapists to overlook alternative forms of treatment that may be
helpful.
Still, biomedical therapies—sometimes alone and more often in conjunction with
psychotherapy—have permitted millions of people to function more effectively. Fur-
thermore, although biomedical therapy and psychotherapy appear distinct, research
shows that biomedical therapies ultimately may not be as different from talk thera-
pies as one might imagine, at least in terms of their consequences.
Specifically, measures of brain functioning as a result of drug therapy compared
with psychotherapy show little difference in outcomes. For example, one study com-
pared the reactions of patients with major depression who received either an anti-
depressant drug or psychotherapy. After six weeks of either therapy, activity in the
portion of the brain related to the disorder—the basal ganglia—had changed in sim-
ilar ways, and that area appeared to function more normally. Although such research
is not definitive, it does suggest that at least for some disorders, psychotherapy may
be just as effective as biomedical interventions—and vice versa. Research also makes
it clear that no single treatment is effective universally and that each type of treat-
ment has both advantages and disadvantages (Hollon, Thase, & Markowitz, 2002;
DeRubeis, Hollon, & Shelton, 2003; Pinquart, Duberstein, & Lyness, 2006; Greenberg
& Goldman, 2009).
y Alert
Remember that biomedical
treatments have both bene-
fits and drawbacks.
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570 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
While deinstitutionalization has had
many successes, it has also contributed
to the release of mental patients into
the community with little or no support.
As a result, many have become
homeless.
community psychology A branch of
psychology that focuses on the
prevention and minimization of
psychological disorders in the
community.
deinstitutionalization The transfer of
former mental patients from institu-
tions to the community.
Community Psychology:
Focus on Prevention
Each of the treatments we have reviewed has a common element: It is a “restorative”
treatment aimed at alleviating psychological difficulties that already exist. However,
an approach known as community psychology has a different aim: to prevent or
minimize the incidence of psychological disorders.
Community psychology came of age in the 1960s, when mental health profes-
sionals developed plans for a nationwide network of community mental health cen-
ters. The hope was that those centers would provide low-cost mental health services,
including short-term therapy and community educational programs. In another
development, the population of mental hospitals has plunged as drug treatments
made physical restraint of patients unnecessary.
This transfer of former mental patients out of institutions and into the commu-
nity—a process known as deinstitutionalization—was encouraged by the growth of
the community psychology movement (see Figure 3). Proponents of deinstitutional-
ization wanted to ensure not only that deinstitutionalized patients received proper
treatment, but also that their civil rights were maintained (Wolff, 2002; St. Dennis et
al., 2006).
Unfortunately, the promise of deinstitutionalization has not been met largely
because insufficient resources are provided to deinstitutionalized patients. What
started as a worthy attempt to move people out of mental institutions and into the
community ended, in many cases, with former patients being dumped into the com-
munity without any real support. Many became homeless—between 15-35% of all
homeless adults are thought to have a major psychological disorder—and some
became involved in illegal acts caused by their disorders. In short, many people who
4000
3000
Outpatient
facilities
N
So
Q
[=]
Inpatient
facilities
Mental health care patient episodes
per 100,000 population
1000
State mental
hospitals
1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Year
FIGURE 3 As deinstitutionalization has become more prevalent over the last half century, the
number of patients being treated in state mental hospitals has declined significantly, while the
number of outpatient facilities has increased. (Source: From Rodger Doyle, “Deinstitutionalization,
Scientific American, December 2002, p. 38. Copyright 2002 Rodger Doyle. Reprinted with permission.)
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Module 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment
© Gahan Wilson/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
“Looking good!”
need treatment do not get it, and in some cases care for people with psychological
disorders has simply shifted from one type of treatment site to another (Shinn et al.,
2007; Dumont & Dumont, 2008; Price, 2009).
On the other hand, the community psychology movement has had some positive
outcomes. Its emphasis on prevention has led to new approaches to psychological
disorders as we discuss in Applying Psychology in the 21st Century. Furthermore, tele-
phone “hot lines” are now common. At any time of the day or night, people expe-
riencing acute stress can call a trained, sympathetic listener who can provide
immediate—although obviously limited—treatment (Reese, Conoley, & Brossart,
2002; Paukert, Stagner, & Hope, 2004; Cauce, 2007).
College and high school crisis centers are another innovation that grew out of the
community psychology movement. Modeled after suicide prevention hot-line centers
(services that enable potential suicide victims to call and speak to someone about their
difficulties), crisis centers give callers an opportunity to discuss life crises with a sym-
pathetic listener, who is often a volunteer.
571
Applying Psy gy in
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the 21st Century
Beating the Odds: Preventing
Psychological Disorders
Before They Start
When we think about the possibility of
contracting physical diseases such as can-
cer, diabetes, or heart disease, we often
think of preventive measures we can take:
lose weight, eat nutritious foods, exercise
regularly, don’t smoke. But when we think
of psychological disorders such as depres-
sion, anxiety disorders, or schizophrenia,
we tend to assume that we are just passive
victims and can do nothing to prevent
them. But is that assumption really true?
Rather than treating psychological dis-
orders after the symptoms fully appear,
some researchers now suggest that an al-
ternative might be to provide appropriate
intervention as soon as the initial signs of
an impending problem emerge before a
disorder fully develops. Taking advantage
of opportunities to potentially stop or
reduce the progression of psychological
disorders would reduce the cost of mental
health care as well as lessen the suffering
of individual patients. Essentially, these
researchers argue, it is cheaper and less
painful to prevent a problem from occur-
ring than it is to fix it after the fact (Cloud,
2009; National Research Council and In-
stitute of Medicine of the National Acad-
emies, 2009).
But can psychological disorders be pre-
vented, particularly when they have a
genetic component? The answer, according
to a growing body of research, is yes. The
expression of a genetic disposition toward
mental illness often depends on environ-
mental factors. Research is finding that
young people who are at risk of develop-
ing a disorder (because one of their parents
suffers from the disorder themselves, for
example) benefit from school- and home-
based interventions that reduce the envi-
ronmental stress factors that might trigger
the disorder.
Consider, for example, depression.
Children of depressed parents are at
572
Early intervention can prevent psychological disorders from becoming more serious.
increased risk of developing depression
themselves. But when these children are
active and engaged with others, and when
they understand what depression is and
that it can be treated, their increased risk of
becoming depressed appears to diminish.
Specifically, family-based interventions to
help children of depressed parents develop
resilience have been shown to be effective
in reducing the onset of depression. In such
programs, parents are taught communica-
tion skills, and the children are taught cop-
ing skills. In addition, the entire family is
educated about depression and how it af-
fects their relationships with one another.
Interventions such as this can reduce
children’s predepressive symptoms and
provide better long-term outcomes (Beards-
ETHINK
lee et al., 2007; Riley et al. 2008; Garber et
al., 2009).
Other research suggests that early inter-
ventions can reduce the onset of additional
psychological disorders and related prob-
lems, such as substance abuse, conduct dis-
orders, antisocial behavior, aggression, and
even schizophrenia. The key is to catch and
stop these problems early in life among at-
risk children.
The potential benefits in terms of im-
proved quality of life for those individuals
as well as potential benefits to society of
reducing the cost of care are great, generat-
ing increasing interest in approaches to
prevention of psychological disorders (Na-
tional Research Council and Institute of
Medicine of the National Academies, 2009).
of disorders? Why or why not?
disorder? Why or why not?
e Because it is important to catch the symptoms of psychological disorders early on,
would you favor routine in-school behavioral screening of children for symptoms
e Do you think children of individuals with moderate or severe psychological disor-
ders should receive genetic screening to determine if they carry genes related to the
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Module 51 Biomedical Therapy: Biological Approaches to Treatment 573
If you decide to seek therapy, you're faced with a daunting task.
Choosing a therapist is not a simple matter. One place to begin
the process of identifying a therapist is at the “Help Center” of
the American Psychological Association at http://www.apa
.org/helpcenter. And, if you start therapy, several general
guidelines can help you determine whether you’ve made the
right choice:
You and your therapist should agree on the goals for
treatment. They should be clear, specific, and attainable.
BECOMING AN
INFORMED CONSUMER
of Psychology
Choosing the Right Therapist
e You should feel comfortable with your therapist. You should not be intimidated by or
in awe of a therapist. Rather, you should trust the therapist and feel free to
discuss the most personal issues without fearing a negative reaction. In sum, the
“personal chemistry” should be right.
e Therapists should have appropriate training and credentials and should be licensed by
appropriate state and local agencies. Check therapists’ membership in national and
state professional associations. In addition, the cost of therapy, billing practices,
and other business matters should be clear. It is not a breach of etiquette to put
these matters on the table during an initial consultation.
You should feel that you are making progress after therapy has begun, despite occasional
setbacks. If you have no sense of improvement after repeated visits, you and your
therapist should discuss this issue frankly. Although there is no set timetable, the
most obvious changes resulting from therapy tend to occur relatively early in the
course of treatment. For instance, half of patients in psychotherapy improve by
the 8th session, and three-fourths by the 26th session. The average number of
sessions with college students is just 5 (Crits-Cristoph, 1992; HMHL, 1994;
Lazarus, 1997).
Be aware that you will have to put in a great deal of effort in therapy. Although our
culture promises quick cures for any problem, in reality, solving difficult problems is not
easy. You must be committed to making therapy work and should know that it is you,
not the therapist, who must do most of the work to resolve your problems. The effort
has the potential to pay off handsomely—as you experience a more positive, fulfilling,
and meaningful life.
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
How are drug, electroconvulsive, and psychosurgical tech-
niques used today in the treatment of psychological disorders?
e Biomedical treatment approaches suggest that therapy
should focus on the physiological causes of abnormal
behavior rather than considering psychological factors.
Drug therapy, the best example of biomedical treatments,
has brought about dramatic reductions in the symptoms
of mental disturbance. (p. 564)
e Antipsychotic drugs such as chlorpromazine very effec-
tively reduce psychotic symptoms. Antidepressant drugs
such as Prozac reduce depression so successfully that
they are used very widely. Antianxiety drugs, or minor
tranquilizers, are among the most frequently prescribed
medications of any sort. (p. 564)
In electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), used in severe cases
of depression, a patient receives a brief electric current of
70 to 150 volts. (p. 567)
Psychosurgery typically consists of surgically destroying
or removing certain parts of a patient’s brain. (p. 568)
The community psychology approach encouraged
deinstitutionalization in which previously hospitalized
mental patients were released into the community.
(p. 570)
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574 Chapter 16 Treatment of Psychological Disorders
EVALUATE RETHINK
1. Antipsychotic drugs have provided effective, long-term, 1. One of the main criticisms of biological therapies is that
and complete cures for schizophrenia. True or false? they treat the symptoms of mental disorder without un-
2. One highly effective biomedical treatment for a psycho- covering and treating the underlying problems from
logical disorder that is used mainly to arrest and prevent which people are suffering. Do you agree with this criti-
manic-depressive episodes, is cism? Why?
a. Chlorpromazine 2. From the perspective of a politician: How would you go
b. Lithium about regulating the use of electroconvulsive therapy and
c. Librium psychosurgery? Would you restrict their use or make ei-
d. Valium ther one completely illegal? Why?
3. Psychosurgery has grown in popularity as a method of
treatment as surgical techniques have become more pre- ;
p uUoyezyeuoynyysurop ‘p ‘4108991
cise. True or false? yse] JO 4uəwzea]} L se ATUO pasn Mou st Á1ə3msoypÁsd ‘əsjez 'g fq ‘Z
4. The trend toward releasing more patients from mental fuoyeorpour Aq paid jou mq paTjoryuod aq ued eruarydoztyps ‘as[ey ‘L
hospitals and into the community is known as
Answers to Evaluate Questions
KEY TERMS
drug therapy p. 564 antianxiety drugs p. 567 transcranial magnetic community
antipsychotic drugs p. 564 electroconvulsive stimulation (TMS) p. 567 psychology p. 570
antidepressant drugs p. 565 therapy (ECT) p. 567 psychosurgery p. 568 deinstitutionalization p. 570
mood stabilizers p. 566
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Psychology on the Web
1. Investigate computer-assisted psychotherapy on the web. Locate (a) a computerized
therapy program, such as ELIZA, which offers “therapy” over the Internet, and (b) a
report on “cybertherapy,’ in which therapists use the web to interact with patients.
Compare the two approaches; describe how each one works and relate it to the
therapeutic approaches you have studied.
2. Find more information on the web about deinstitutionalization. Try to find pro and
con arguments about it and summarize the arguments, including your judgment of
the effectiveness and advisability of deinstitutionalization as an approach to dealing
with mental illness.
E © | log U = We have examined how psychological professionals treat
people with psychological disorders. We have considered
a range of approaches that include both psychologically based and biologically based
therapies. Clearly, the field has made substantial progress in recent years both in treating
the symptoms of mental disorders and in understanding their underlying causes.
Before we leave the topic of treatment of psychological disorders, turn back to the
prologue in which Marg MacKrell’s Tourette syndrome was treated by a new therapy. On
the basis of your understanding of the treatment of psychological disorders, consider the
following questions.
1. What approach to therapy seemed to be used successfully with Marg MacKrell?
2. How might Marg MacKrell have been treated differently by a therapist using a
psychodynamic approach? What might be some drawbacks to using this approach?
3. How might a family therapist have approached Marg MacKrell's problem differently?
A
575
CHAPTER 17
Social Psychology
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Key Concepts for Chapter 17
MODULE 52
What are attitudes, and how are they formed, Attitudes and Social Cognition
x š Persuasion: Changing Attitudes
maintained, and changed? @ How often do Aad
PsychWork: Advertising Agency Creator
people form impressions of what others are Social Cognition: Understanding Others
Exploring Diversity: Attributions in a
Cultural Context—How Fundamental Is
the Fundamental Attribution Error?
like and the causes of their behavior? @ What
are the biases that influence the ways in which
people view others’ behavior?
MODULE 53
What are the major sources and tactics of Social Influence and Groups
soa Conformity: Following What Others Do
social influence? 3 H
Compliance: Submitting to
Direct Social Pressure
Obedience: Following Direct Orders
MODULE 54
How do stereotypes, prejudice, and Prejudice and Discrimination
4 weds r ; The Foundati f Prejudi
discrimination differ? @ How can we reduce P wiuuak ches
Neuroscience in Your Life:
prejudice and discrimination? The Prejudiced Brain
Measuring Prejudice and Discrimination:
The Implicit Personality Test
Reducing the Consequences
of Prejudice and Discrimination
MODULE 55
Why are we attracted to certain people, and Positive and Negative
Social Behavior
; f f r 3
what progression do social relationships follow? P ET
@ What factors underlie aggression and prosocial Attaction and the Development
of Relationships
behavior? Applying Psychology in the 21st Century:
Friends Online—Is Facebook
the New Student Union?
Aggression and Prosocial Behavior:
Hurting and Helping Others
Helping Others: The Brighter
Side of Human Nature
Neuroscience in Your Life: Moral
Decisions and the Brain
Becoming an Informed
Consumer of Psychology:
Dealing Effectively with Anger
577
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Prologue A Gift of Life
Ten weeks pregnant, Katie Purdom had just picked up daughter
Victoria Leigh, 4, from preschool in Lebanon, Ky., on a misty
afternoon... when a neighbor's dog ran in front of her SUV. She
swerved to avoid it, Causing the car to flip over and land ina
4-ft.-deep creek; her seat belt locked, Katie was pinned, as was
Victoria, who was belted into her booster seat in back. “The water
was coming in everywhere,’ says Katie, 31, a nonswimmer who
works in the bakery at a local Wal-Mart. “Tori kept saying, ‘I’m
cold, Momma, help!’ It was terrifying.” As she tried to reach back
to hold her child's face above the rising water, Katie heard a man’s
voice: It was Perry Bland, 52, who had spotted them while driving
on the route he’s covered for 27 years. With calming words, he
pulled out his plastic letter opener and started to saw away at the
seat belts. Ten minutes later both mother and daughter were free,
having escaped with only minor scratches. Now seven months
along with a baby boy, Katie says, “| owe Perry our lives.’ Perry,
who has become something of a local celebrity, is just thankful it
all worked out. “I still get choked up,” he says. “I know how close
it could have been.’ (Mascia & Servis, 2009, p. 109)
What led Perry Bland to behave so heroically? Was it simply the
circumstances, or was it something about the kind of person
Bland was? What, in general, drives some people to help others—
and conversely, why do other people show no concern for the
welfare of others? More broadly, how can we improve social
conditions so that people can live together in harmony?
We can fully answer these questions only by taking into
account findings from the field of social psychology, the branch
of psychology that focuses on the aspects of human behavior
that unite—and separate—us from one another. Social psychology
is the scientific study of how people's thoughts, feelings, and
actions are affected by others. Social psychologists consider the
kinds and causes of the individual’s behavior in social situations.
They examine how the nature of situations in which we find
ourselves influences our behavior in important ways.
The broad scope of social psychology is conveyed by the kinds
of questions social psychologists ask, such as: How can we
convince people to change their attitudes or adopt new ideas
and values? In what ways do we come to understand what others
are like? How are we influenced by what others do and think?
578
Why do some people display so much violence, aggression, and
cruelty toward others that people throughout the world live in
fear of annihilation at their hands? And why, in comparison, do
some people place their own lives at risk to help others? In
exploring these and other questions, we also discuss strategies
for confronting and solving a variety of problems and issues that
all of us face—ranging from achieving a better understanding of
persuasive tactics to forming more accurate impressions of
others.
We begin with a look at how our attitudes shape our behavior
and how we form judgments about others. We'll discuss how we
are influenced by others, and we will consider prejudice and
discrimination by focusing on their roots and the ways we can
reduce them. After examining what social psychologists have
learned about the ways people form friendships and relation-
ships, we'll conclude with a look at the determinants of aggres-
sion and helping—two opposing sides of human behavior.
social psychology The scientific study of how people's thoughts,
feelings, and actions are affected by others.
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MODULE 52
What do Rachael Ray and Tom Brady have in common? Both have appeared in
advertisements designed to mold or change our attitudes. Such commercials are part
of the barrage of messages we receive each day from sources as varied as politicians,
sales staff in stores, and celebrities—all of which are meant to influence us.
Persuasion: Changing Attitudes
Persuasion is the process of changing attitudes, one of the central concepts of social
psychology. Attitudes are evaluations of a particular person, behavior, belief, or con-
cept. For example, you probably hold attitudes toward the U.S. president (a person),
abortion (a behavior), affirmative action (a belief), or architecture (a concept) (Brock
& Green, 2005; Hegarty & Massey, 2007; Simon & Hoyt, 2008).
The ease with which we can change our attitudes depends on a number of fac-
tors, including:
e Message source. The characteristics of a person who delivers a persuasive message,
known as an attitude communicator, have a major impact on the effectiveness of
that message. Communicators who are physically and socially attractive produce
greater attitude change than those who are less attractive. Moreover, the commu-
nicator’s expertise and trustworthiness are related to the impact of a message—
except in situations in which the audience believes the communicator has an
ulterior motive (Ariyanto, Hornsey, & Gallois, 2006; McClure, Sutton, & Sibley,
2007; Messner, Reinhard, & Sporer, 2008).
e Characteristics of the message. It is not just who delivers a message but what the
message is like that affects attitudes. Generally, two-sided messages—which
include both the communicator’s position and the one he or she is arguing
against—are more effective than one-sided messages, given the assumption that
the arguments for the other side can be effectively refuted and the audience is
knowledgeable about the topic. In addition, fear-producing messages (“If you
don’t practice safer sex, you'll get AIDS”) are generally effective when they
provide the audience with a means for reducing the fear. However, if the fear
that is aroused is too strong, messages may evoke people’s defense mechanisms
and be ignored (Perloff, 2003).
e Characteristics of the target. Once a communicator has delivered a message, charac-
teristics of the target of the message may determine whether the message will
be accepted. For example, intelligent people are more resistant to persuasion
than those who are less intelligent. Gender differences in persuasibility also
seem to exist. In public settings, women are somewhat more easily persuaded
than men, particularly when they have less knowledge about the message’s
topic. However, they are as likely as men to change their private attitudes. In
fact, the magnitude of the differences in resistance to persuasion between men
and women is not large (Wood, 2000; Guadagno & Cialdini, 2002).
What are attitudes, and how
are they formed, maintained,
and changed?
How do people form impres-
sions of what others are like
and of the causes of their
behavior?
What are the biases that
influence the ways in which
people view others’ behavior?
Evaluations of a particular
person, behavior, belief, or concept.
Do celebrities such as Patriot quarterback
Tom Brady influence attitudes? Advertisers
certainly believe this is true, investing
millions of dollars in endorsement fees.
579
580 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
a
central route processing Message
interpretation characterized by
thoughtful consideration of the issues
and arguments used to persuade.
peripheral route processing Message
interpretation characterized by
consideration of the source and related
general information rather than of the
message itself.
y Alert
Central route processing in-
volves the content of the
message; peripheral route
processing involves how
the message is provided.
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= Ea
=
FIGURE 1 Routes to persuasion. Targets who are highly involved, motivated, and attentive use
central route processing when they consider a persuasive message, which leads to a more
lasting attitude change. In contrast, uninvolved, unmotivated, and inattentive targets are more
likely to use peripheral route processing, and attitude change is likely to be less enduring. Can
you think of specific advertisements that try to produce central route processing?
Peripheral route
processing
ROUTES TO PERSUASION
Recipients’ receptiveness to persuasive messages relates to the type of information-
processing they use. Social psychologists have discovered two primary information-
processing routes to persuasion: central route and peripheral route processing. Central
route processing occurs when the recipient thoughtfully considers the issues and
arguments involved in persuasion. In central route processing, people are swayed in
their judgments by the logic, merit, and strength of arguments.
In contrast, peripheral route processing occurs when people are persuaded on
the basis of factors unrelated to the nature or quality of the content of a persuasive
message. Instead, factors that are irrelevant or extraneous to the issue, such as who
is providing the message, how long the arguments are, or the emotional appeal of
the arguments, influence them (Petty et al., 2005; Wegener et al., 2004; Warden, Wu,
& Tsai, 2006).
In general, people who are highly involved and motivated use central route
processing to comprehend a message. However, if a person is uninvolved, unmoti-
annia
The Need for Cognition
Which of the following statements apply to you?
=
. | really enjoy a task that involves coming up with new solutions to problems.
. | would prefer a task that is intellectual, difficult, and important to one that is some-
what important but does not require much thought.
3. Learning new ways to think doesn’t excite me very much.
4. The idea of relying on thought to make my way to the top does not appeal to me.
5. | think only as hard as | have to.
6
7
8
N
. | like tasks that require little thought once I've learned them.
. | prefer to think about small, daily projects rather than long-term ones.
. | would rather do something that requires little thought than something that is sure
to challenge my thinking abilities.
9. | find little satisfaction in deliberating hard and for long hours.
10. | don't like to be responsible for a situation that requires a lot of thinking.
Scoring: The more you agree with statements 1 and 2, and disagree with the rest, the greater the
likelihood that you have a high need for cognition.
FIGURE 2 This simple questionnaire will give you a general idea of the level of your need for
cognition. (Source: Cacioppo, Berntson, & Crites, 1996.)
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Module 52 Attitudes and Social Cognition 581
vated, bored, or distracted, the nature of the message becomes less
important, and peripheral factors become more critical (see Figure 1).
Although both central route and peripheral route processing lead
to attitude change, central route processing generally leads to
stronger, more lasting attitude change.
Are some people more likely than others to use central route
processing rather than peripheral route processing? The answer is
yes. People who have a high need for cognition, a person’s habitual
level of thoughtfulness and cognitive activity, are more likely to
employ central route processing. Consider the statements shown
in Figure 2. People who agree with the first two statements and
disagree with the rest have a relatively high need for cognition
(Cacioppo et al., 1996; Dai & Wang, 2007).
People who have a high need for cognition enjoy thinking,
© Mick Stevens/The New Yorker Collection/www.
cartoonbank.com.
philosophizing, and reflecting on the world. Consequently, they “T'm neither a good cop nor a bad cop, Jerome. Like yourself,
tend to reflect more on persuasive messages by using central route I’m a complex amalgam of positive and negative personality
processing, and they are likely to be persuaded by complex, logical, traits that emerge or not, depending on circumstances.
and detailed messages. In contrast, those who have a low need for
cognition become impatient when forced to spend too much time thinking about an
issue. Consequently, they usually use peripheral route processing and are persuaded
by factors other than the quality and detail of messages (Dollinger, 2003; VanOver-
walle & Siebler, 2005). (Also see the PsychWork box.)
Over the years, businesses have used dozens of different ways
to catch our attention and lure us into buying their products Psyc hWo r k
or services. For Vlad Kolarov, owner of the FunnySells.com ADVERTISING AGENCY CREATOR
advertising agency, humor is the best approach.
“Humor is universal. It makes us feel better. Everybody
likes a good laugh, even people who say they do not have a Position: Advertising Agency Creator,
sense of humor,” he noted. “Companies that use humor in British Columbia, Canada
advertising campaigns generally enjoy a boost in the sales of
their product and service. The trick, however, is creating a
memorable, humorous advertising campaign. Humor and
comedy, as a genre, are the toughest to master.
“When done correctly, companies can use it to create and maintain a brand iden-
tity; introduce a new product, service, or a change in the existing one; increase the
buzz-value of the brand or the company; and increase sales,” he added.
Using humor as a promotional tool can be beneficial but tricky as well, according
to Kolarov.
“An advertising company needs to determine what the target audience is and
determine the best way to present the advertised product or service. When things
are not done correctly, they may have a reverse effect,” he explained.
Is there anything that can’t be promoted with humor?
“Td like to say no, but the fact is there are products I personally will choose not
to advertise with humor. Then again, every rule has an exception. When done clev-
erly and tastefully, even things we consider impossible can become successful. In this
business, as in life, one has to keep an open mind,” Kolarov said.
Name: Vlad Kolarov
Education: BA in Law, Sofia University, Sofia,
Bulgaria
THE LINK BETWEEN ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIOR
Not surprisingly, attitudes influence behavior. The strength of the link between par-
ticular attitudes and behavior varies, of course, but generally people strive for con-
sistency between their attitudes and their behavior. Furthermore, people hold fairly
consistent attitudes. For instance, you would probably not hold the attitude that
582 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
cognitive dissonance The conflict that
occurs when a person holds two
contradictory attitudes or thoughts
(referred to as cognitions).
Changing perceived
importance of the cognition
(“The evidence is weak that
smoking causes cancer.”)
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eating meat is immoral and still have a positive attitude toward hamburgers (Ajzen,
2002; Conner et al., 2003; Levi, Chan, & Pence, 2006).
Ironically, the consistency that leads attitudes to influence behavior sometimes
works the other way around; in some cases our behavior shapes our attitudes. Con-
sider, for instance, the following incident:
You've just spent what you feel is the most boring hour of your life turning pegs for a
psychology experiment. Just as you finally finish and are about to leave, the experi-
menter asks you to do him a favor. He tells you that he needs a helper for future
experimental sessions to introduce subsequent participants to the peg-turning task. Your
specific job will be to tell them that turning the pegs is an interesting, fascinating
experience. Each time you tell this tale to another participant, you'll be paid $1.
If you agree to help the experimenter, you may be setting yourself up for a state of
psychological tension called cognitive dissonance. According to social psychologist
Leon Festinger (1957), cognitive dissonance occurs when a person holds two contra-
dictory attitudes or thoughts (referred to as cognitions).
If you participate in the situation just described, you are left with two contradic-
tory thoughts: (1) I believe the task is boring, but (2) I said it was interesting with
little justification ($1). These two thoughts should arouse dissonance. How can you
reduce cognitive dissonance? You cannot deny having said that the task is interesting
without breaking with reality. Relatively speaking, it is easier to change your attitude
toward the task—and thus the theory predicts that participants will reduce disso-
nance by adopting more positive attitudes toward the task (Cooper, Mirabile, &
Scher, 2005; Cooper, 2007; Rydell, McConnell, & Mackie, 2008).
A classic experiment (Festinger & Carlsmith, 1959) confirmed this prediction. The
experiment followed essentially the same procedure outlined earlier in which a par-
ticipant was offered $1 to describe a boring task as interesting. In addition, in a
comparison condition, some participants were offered $20 to say that the task was
interesting. The reasoning behind this condition was that $20 was so much money
that participants in this condition had a good reason to be conveying incorrect infor-
mation; dissonance would not be aroused, and less attitude change would be
expected. The results supported this notion. More of the participants who were paid
$1 changed their attitudes (becoming more positive toward the peg-turning task)
than participants who were paid $20.
| Two contradictory cognitions
| 1. “I smoke.”
2. “Smoking leads to cancer.”
|
FIGURE 3 Cognitive dissonance. The simultaneous presence of two contradictory cognitions
(“I smoke” and “Smoking leads to cancer”) produces dissonance, which can be reduced
through several methods. What are additional ways in which dissonance can be reduced?
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Module 52 Attitudes and Social Cognition 583
We now know that dissonance explains many everyday events involving attitudes
and behavior. For example, smokers who know that smoking leads to lung cancer
hold contradictory cognitions: (1) I smoke, and (2) smoking leads to lung cancer. The
theory predicts that these two thoughts will lead to a state of cognitive dissonance.
More important, it predicts that—assuming they don’t change their behavior by
quitting smoking—smokers will be motivated to reduce their dissonance by one of
the following methods: (1) modifying one or both of the cognitions, (2) changing the
perceived importance of one cognition, (3) adding cognitions, or (4) denying that
the two cognitions are related to each other. Hence, a smoker may decide that he really
doesn’t smoke all that much or that he’ll quit soon (modifying the cognition), that the
evidence linking smoking to cancer is weak (changing the importance of a cognition),
that the amount of exercise he gets compensates for the smoking (adding cognitions),
or that there is no evidence linking smoking and cancer (denial). Whichever technique
the smoker uses results in reduced dissonance (see Figure 3).
Social Cognition:
Understanding Others
Regardless of Bill Clinton’s personal transgressions and impeachment trial, many Amer-
icans genuinely liked him when he was president, and his popularity remained high
throughout his term in office. Cases like this illustrate the power of our impressions
and attest to the importance of determining how people develop an understanding of
others. One of the dominant areas in social psychology during the last few years has
focused on learning how we come to understand what others are like and how we
explain the reasons underlying others’ behavior.
UNDERSTANDING WHAT OTHERS ARE LIKE
Consider for a moment the enormous amount of information about other people to
which we are exposed. How can we decide what is important and what is not and
make judgments about the characteristics of others? Social psychologists interested
in this question study social cognition—the way people understand and make sense
of others and themselves. Those psychologists have learned that individuals have
highly developed schemas, sets of cognitions about people and social experiences.
Those schemas organize information stored in memory; represent in our minds the
way the social world operates; and give us a framework to recognize, categorize, and
recall information relating to social stimuli such as people and groups (Brewer &
Hewstone, 2003; Moskowitz, 2004; Smith & Semin, 2007).
We typically hold schemas for specific types of people. Our schema for “teacher,”
for instance, generally consists of a number of characteristics: knowledge of the sub-
ject matter he or she is teaching, a desire to impart that knowledge, and an awareness
of the student’s need to understand what is being said. Or we may hold a schema
for “mother” that includes the characteristics of warmth, nurturance, and caring.
Regardless of their accuracy, schemas are important because they organize the way
in which we recall, recognize, and categorize information about others. Moreover,
they help us predict what others are like on the basis of relatively little information
because we tend to fit people into schemas even when we do not have much concrete
evidence to go on (Bargh & Chartrand, 2000; Ruscher, Fiske, & Schnake, 2000).
IMPRESSION FORMATION
How do we decide that Sayreeta is a flirt, Jacob is obnoxious, or Hector is a really
nice guy? The earliest work on social cognition examined impression formation, the
process by which an individual organizes information about another person to form
an overall impression of that person. In a classic study, for instance, students learned
social cognition The cognitive pro-
cesses by which people understand and
make sense of others and themselves.
schemas Sets of cognitions about
people and social experiences.
584 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
central traits The major traits consid-
ered in forming impressions of others.
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that they were about to hear a guest lecturer (Kelley, 1950). Researchers told one
group of students that the lecturer was “a rather warm person, industrious, critical,
practical, and determined,” and told a second group that he was “a rather cold per-
son, industrious, critical, practical, and determined.”
The simple substitution of “cold” for “warm” caused drastic differences in the way
the students in each group perceived the lecturer even though he gave the same talk
in the same style in each condition. Students who had been told he was “warm” rated
him considerably more positively than students who had been told he was “cold.”
The findings from this experiment led to additional research on impression for-
mation that focused on the way in which people pay particular attention to certain
unusually important traits—known as central traits—to help them form an overall
impression of others. According to this work, the presence of a central trait alters the
meaning of other traits. Hence, the description of the lecturer as “industrious” pre-
sumably meant something different when it was associated with the central trait
“warm” than it meant when it was associated with “cold” (Widmeyer & Loy, 1988;
Glicksohn & Nahari, 2007).
Other work on impression formation has used information-processing approaches
to develop mathematically oriented models of how individual personality traits com-
bine to create an overall impression. Generally, the results of this research suggest
that in forming an overall judgment of a person, we use a psychological “average”
of the individual traits we see just as we would find the mathematical average of
several numbers (Mignon & Mollaret, 2002).
We make such impressions remarkably quickly. In just a few seconds, using what
have been called “thin slices of behavior,” we are able to make judgments of people
that are accurate and that match those of people who make judgments based on
longer samples of behavior (Carney, Colvin, & Hall, 2007; Pavitt, 2007; Holleran,
Mehl, & Levitt, 2009).
Of course, as we gain more experience with people and see them exhibiting
behavior in a variety of situations, our impressions of them become more complex.
However, because our knowledge of others usually has gaps, we still tend to fit
individuals into personality schemas that represent particular “types” of people. For
instance, we may hold a “gregarious person” schema made up of the traits of friend-
liness, aggressiveness, and openness. The presence of just one or two of those traits
may be sufficient to make us assign a person to a particular schema.
However, our schemas are susceptible to error. For example, mood affects how
we perceive others. Happy people form more favorable impressions and make more
positive judgments than people who are in a bad mood (Forgas & Laham, 2005).
Even when schemas are not entirely accurate, they serve an important function:
They allow us to develop expectations about how others will behave. Those expecta-
tions permit us to plan our interactions with others more easily and serve to simplify
a complex social world.
ATTRIBUTION PROCESSES: UNDERSTANDING
THE CAUSES OF BEHAVIOR
When Barbara Washington, a new employee at the Ablex Computer Company, com-
pleted a major staffing project two weeks early, her boss, Yolanda, was delighted. At
the next staff meeting, she announced how pleased she was with Barbara and explained
that this was an example of the kind of performance she was looking for in her staff.
The other staff members looked on resentfully, trying to figure out why Barbara had
worked night and day to finish the project not just on time but two weeks early. She
must be an awfully compulsive person, they decided.
At one time or another, most of us have puzzled over the reasons behind someone’s
behavior. Perhaps it was in a situation similar to the one above, or it may have been
in more formal circumstances, such as being a judge on a student judiciary board in
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Module 52 Attitudes and Social Cognition 585
Yes
a cheating case. In contrast to theories of social cognition, which describe how people
develop an overall impression of others’ personality traits, attribution theory seeks
to explain how we decide, on the basis of samples of an individual’s behavior, what
the specific causes of that person’s behavior are.
The general process we use to determine the causes of behavior and other social
occurrences proceeds in several steps illustrated in Figure 4. After first noticing that
something unusual has happened—for example, tennis star Roger Federer has played
a terrible set of tennis—we try to interpret the meaning of the event. This leads us
to formulate an initial explanation (maybe Federer stayed up late the night before
the match). Depending on the time available, the cognitive resources on hand (such
as the attention we can give to the matter), and our motivation (determined in part
by how important the event is), we may choose to accept our initial explanation or
seek to modify it (Federer was sick, perhaps). If we have the time, cognitive resources,
and motivation, the event triggers deliberate problem solving as we seek a fuller
explanation. During the problem formulation and resolution stage, we may try out
several possibilities before we reach a final explanation that seems satisfactory to us
(Malle, 2004; Brown, 2006).
In seeking an explanation for behavior, we must answer one central question: Is
the cause situational or dispositional? Situational causes are those brought about by
something in the environment. For instance, someone who knocks over a quart of
milk and then cleans it up probably does the cleaning not because he or she is nec-
essarily a neat person but because the situation requires it. In contrast, a person who
spends hours shining the kitchen floor probably does so because he or she is a neat
FIGURE 4 Determining why people
behave the way they do. The general
process we use to determine the causes
of others’ behavior proceeds in several
steps. The kind of explanation we come
up with depends on the time available
to us, our cognitive resources, and our
degree of motivation to come up with
an accurate explanation. If time, cogni-
tive resources, and motivation are
limited, we'll make use of our first
impression, which may be inaccurate.
(Source: Adapted from Krull & Anderson,
1997, p. 2.)
attribution theory The theory of
personality that seeks to explain how
we decide, on the basis of samples of
an individual’s behavior, what the
specific causes of that person’s
behavior are.
situational causes (of behavior)
Perceived causes of behavior that
are based on environmental factors.
586 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
dispositional causes (of behavior) Per-
ceived causes of behavior that are based
on internal traits or personality factors.
y Alert
The central question in
making an attribution is
whether the cause of be-
havior is due to situational
or dispositional factors.
halo effect A phenomenon in which
an initial understanding that a person
has positive traits is used to infer other
uniformly positive characteristics.
assumed-similarity bias The ten-
dency to think of people as being
similar to oneself even when meeting
them for the first time.
The assumed similarity bias leads us to
believe that others hold similar attitudes,
opinions, and likes and dislikes.
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person. Hence, the behavior has a dispositional cause—that is, it is prompted by the
person’s disposition (his or her internal traits or personality characteristics).
In our example involving Barbara Washington, her fellow employees attributed
her behavior to her disposition rather than to the situation. But from a logical stand-
point, it is equally plausible that something about the situation caused the behavior.
If asked, Barbara might attribute her accomplishment to situational factors and
explain that she had so much other work to do she just had to get the project out of
the way or the project was not all that difficult and was easy to complete ahead of
schedule. To her, then, the reason for her behavior might not be dispositional at all;
it could be situational.
ATTRIBUTION BIASES: TO ERR IS HUMAN
If we always processed information in the rational manner that attribution theory
suggests, the world might run a lot more smoothly. Unfortunately, although attribu-
tion theory generally makes accurate predictions, people do not always process infor-
mation about others as logically as the theory seems to suggest. In fact, research
reveals consistent biases in the ways people make attributions. Typical biases include
the following:
e The halo effect. Harry is intelligent, kind, and loving. Is he also conscientious?
If you were to guess, your most likely response probably would be yes. Your
guess reflects the halo effect, a phenomenon in which an initial understanding
that a person has positive traits is used to infer other uniformly positive
characteristics. The opposite would also hold true. Learning that Harry was
unsociable and argumentative would probably lead you to assume that he was
lazy as well. However, few people have either uniformly positive or uniformly
negative traits, so the halo effect leads to misperceptions of others (Goffin,
Jelley, & Wagner, 2003; Dennis, 2007).
e Assumed-similarity bias. How similar to you—in terms of attitudes, opinions,
likes, and dislikes—are your friends and acquaintances? Most people believe
that their friends and acquaintances are fairly similar to themselves. But this
feeling goes beyond just people we know to a general tendency—known as
the assumed-similarity bias—to think of people as being similar to oneself
even when meeting them for the first time. Given the range of people in the
world, this assumption often reduces the accuracy of our judgments (Lemay,
Clark, & Feeney, 2007; Lemay & Clark, 2008).
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Module 52
e The self-serving bias. When their teams win, coaches usually feel that the
success is due to their coaching. But when their teams lose, coaches may think
it’s due to their players’ poor skills. Similarly, if you get an A on a test, you
may think it’s due to your hard work, but if you get a poor grade, it’s due to
the professor’s inadequacies. The reason is the self-serving bias, the tendency
to attribute success to personal factors (skill, ability, or effort) and attribute
failure to factors outside oneself (Krusemark, Campbell, & Clementz, 2008;
Shepperd, Malone, & Sweeny, 2008).
e The fundamental attribution error. One of the more common attribution biases
is the tendency to overattribute others’ behavior to dispositional causes and
the corresponding failure to recognize the importance of situational causes.
Known as the fundamental attribution error, this tendency is prevalent in
Western cultures. We tend to exaggerate the importance of personality
characteristics (dispositional causes) in producing others’ behavior and
minimize the influence of the environment (situational factors). For example,
we are more likely to jump to the conclusion that someone who is often late
to work is too lazy to take an earlier bus (a dispositional cause) than to
assume that the lateness is due to situational factors, such as the bus always
running behind schedule.
Why is the fundamental attribution error so common? One reason pertains
to the nature of information available to the people making an attribution.
When we view another person’s behavior in a particular setting, the most
conspicuous information is the person’s behavior. Because the individual's
immediate surroundings remain relatively unchanged and less attention
grabbing, we center our attention on the person whose behavior we're consid-
ering. Consequently, we are more likely to make attributions based on personal
dispositional factors and less likely to make attributions relating to the situation
(Follett & Hess, 2002; Langdridge & Butt, 2004; Tal-Or & Papirman, 2007).
Social psychologists’ awareness of attribution biases has led, in part, to the devel-
opment of a new branch of economics called behavioral economics. Behavioral economics
is concerned with how individuals’ biases and irrationally affect economic decisions.
Rather than viewing people as rational, thoughtful decision makers who are impar-
tially weighing choices to draw conclusions, behavioral economists focus on the irra-
tionality of judgments (Ariely & Norton, 2009).
culture in which we are raised clearly plays a role in the way we
attribute others’ behavior.
Take, for example, the fundamental attribution error: the
tendency to overestimate the importance of personal, dispositional
factors and underattribute situational factors in determining the
causes of others’ behavior. The error is pervasive in Western
cultures and not in Eastern societies. For instance, adults in India were more likely to use
situational attributions than dispositional ones in explaining events. These findings are
the opposite of those for the United States, and they contradict the fundamental attribution
error (Miller, 1984, Lien et al., 2006).
One reason for the difference may lie in the norms and values of Eastern society,
which emphasize social responsibility and societal obligations to a greater extent than
Western societies. In addition, the language spoken in a culture may lead to different
sorts of attributions. For instance, a tardy person using English may say, “I am late”;
this suggests a personal, dispositional cause (“I am a tardy person”). In contrast,
speakers of Spanish who are late say, “The clock caused me to be late.” Clearly, the
statement in Spanish implies that the cause is situational (Zebrowitz-McArthur, 1988;
Macduff, 2006; Alon & Brett, 2007).
Attribution biases do not affect all of us in the same way. The Ex p | O ri n g EE 4 s
Attribution Biases in a Cultural
Context: How Fundamental
Is the Fundamental Attribution Error?
Attitudes and Social Cognition
587
self-serving bias The tendency to
attribute personal success to p
ersonal
factors (skill, ability, or effort) and to
attribute failure to factors outside
oneself.
fundamental attribution error
A tendency to overattribute others’
behavior to dispositional causes and
minimize of the importance of
situational causes.
on
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588 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
Cultural differences in attributions affect subsequent behavior. For example, parents
in Asia tend to attribute good academic performance to effort and hard work (situational
factors). In contrast, parents in Western cultures tend to de-emphasize the role of effort
and attribute school success to innate ability (a dispositional factor). As a result, Asian
students in general may strive harder to achieve and ultimately outperform U.S.
students in school (Stevenson, Lee, & Mu, 2000; Lien et al., 2006).
The difference in thinking between people in Asian and Western cultures is a
reflection of a broader difference in the way the world is perceived. Asian societies
generally have a collectivistic orientation, a worldview that promotes the notion of
interdependence. People with a collectivistic orientation generally see themselves as
parts of a larger, interconnected social network and as responsible to others. In contrast,
people in Western cultures are more likely to hold an individualist orientation that
emphasizes personal identity and the uniqueness of the individual. They focus more
on what sets them apart from others and what makes them special (Markus & Kitayama,
2003; Wang, 2004; Markus, 2007).
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP e Attribution theory tries to explain how we understand
the causes of behavior, particularly with respect to situa-
What are attitudes, and how are they formed, maintained, and Yighal or dispositional factors. (p. 585)
changed?
e Social psychology is the scientific study of the ways in What are the biases that influence the ways in which people
which people’s thoughts, feelings, and actions are af- view others’ behavior?
fected by others and the nature and causes of individual e Even though logical processes are involved, attribution
behavior in social situations. (p. 578)
Attitudes are evaluations of a particular person, behav-
ior, belief, or concept. (p. 579)
Cognitive dissonance occurs when an individual simul-
taneously holds two cognitions—attitudes or thoughts—
that contradict each other. To resolve the contradiction,
the person may modify one cognition, change its impor-
tance, add a cognition, or deny a link between the two
cognitions—thus bringing about a reduction in disso-
nance. (p. 582)
How do people form impressions of what others are like and
of the causes of their behavior?
Social cognition involves the way people understand
and make sense of others and themselves. People de-
velop schemas that organize information about people
and social experiences in memory and allow them to in-
terpret and categorize information about others. (p. 583)
People form impressions of others in part through the
use of central traits—personality characteristics that re-
ceive unusually heavy emphasis when we form an im-
pression. (p. 584)
Information-processing approaches have found that we
tend to average together sets of traits to form an overall
impression. (p. 585)
is prone to error. For instance, people are susceptible to
the halo effect, assumed-similarity bias, self-serving bias,
and fundamental attribution error (the tendency to over-
attribute others’ behavior to dispositional causes and the
corresponding failure to recognize the importance of sit-
uational causes). (p. 586)
EVALUATE
1.
2.
An evaluation of a particular person, behavior, belief, or
concept is called a(n) :
One brand of peanut butter advertises its product by de-
scribing its taste and nutritional value. It is hoping to per-
suade customers through ________ route processing. In
ads for a competing brand, a popular actor happily eats
the product—but does not describe it. This approach
hopes to persuade customers through _____ route
processing.
. Cognitive dissonance theory suggests that we commonly
change our behavior to keep it consistent with our atti-
tudes. True or false?
. Sopan was happy to lend his textbook to a fellow student
who seemed bright and friendly. He was surprised when
his classmate did not return it. His assumption that the
bright and friendly student would also be responsible
reflects the _____ effect.
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RETHINK
1. Joan sees Annette, a new coworker, act in a way that
seems abrupt and curt. Joan concludes that Annette is
unkind and unsociable. The next day Joan sees Annette
acting kindly toward another worker. Is Joan likely to
Module 52 Attitudes and Social Cognition 589
. From the perspective of a marketing specialist: Suppose you
were assigned to develop a full advertising campaign for a
product, including television, radio, and print ads. How
might theories of persuasion guide your strategy to suit
change her impression of Annette? Why or why not? the different media?
Finally, Joan sees several friends of hers laughing and
joking with Annette, treating her in a very friendly fashion.
Is Joan likely to change her impression of Annette? Why or
why not?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
oey ‘p feoueUOSsSIP aATTUSOD doNpal 0} JOTARYaq INO Jou puer sapnyyyze
Imo asueyp ÁeərdÁ} am ‘asyey Eg ‘Teraydised Jerzu z IPNI “LT
KEY TERMS
social psychology p. 578
attitudes p. 579
central route
processing p. 580
peripheral route
processing p. 580
situational causes
(of behavior) p. 585
dispositional causes
(of behavior) p. 586
halo effect p. 586
cognitive
dissonance p. 582
social cognition p. 583
schemas p. 583
central traits p. 584
attribution theory p. 585
assumed-similarity
bias p. 586
self-serving bias p. 587
fundamental attribution
error p. 587
MODULE 53
What are the major sources
and tactics of social influence?
The process by which
the actions of an individual or group
affect the behavior of others.
Two or more people who
interact with one another, perceive
themselves as part of a group, and
are interdependent.
dy Alert
The distinction between
the three types of social
pressure—conformity,
compliance, and
obedience—depends on
the nature and strength of the social
pressure brought to bear on a person.
A change in behavior or
attitudes brought about by a desire to
follow the beliefs or standards of other
people.
590
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You have just transferred to a new college and are attending your first class. When
the professor enters, your fellow classmates instantly rise, bow to the professor, and
then stand quietly with their hands behind their backs. You’ve never encountered
such behavior, and it makes no sense to you. Is it more likely that you will (1) jump
up to join the rest of the class or (2) remain seated?
On the basis of what research has told us about social influence, the process by
which the actions of an individual or group affect the behavior of others, a person
would almost always choose the first option. As you undoubtedly know from your
own experience, pressures to conform can be painfully strong and can bring about
changes in behavior that otherwise never would have occurred.
Why can conformity pressures in groups be so strong? For one reason, groups
and other people generally play a central role in our lives. As defined by social
psychologists, groups consist of two or more people who (1) interact with one
another; (2) perceive themselves as part of a group; and (3) are interdependent—
that is, the events that affect one group member affect other members, and the
behavior of members has significant consequences for the success of the group in
meeting its goals.
Groups develop and hold norms, expectations regarding behavior appropriate to
the group. Furthermore, we understand that not adhering to group norms can result
in retaliation from other group members, ranging from being ignored to being overtly
derided or even being rejected or excluded by the group. Thus, people conform to
meet the expectations of the group (Baumeister, Twenge, & Nuss, 2002; Jetten, Horn-
sey, & Adarves-Yorno, 2006).
Groups exert considerable social influence over individuals that ranges from the
mundane, such as the decision to wear a certain kind of jeans, to the extreme, such
as the cruelty of guards at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. We’ll consider three types
of social pressure: conformity, compliance, and obedience.
Conformity: Following
What Others Do
Conformity is a change in behavior or attitudes brought about by a desire to follow
the beliefs or standards of other people. Subtle or even unspoken social pressure
results in conformity.
The classic demonstration of pressure to conform comes from a series of studies
carried out in the 1950s by Solomon Asch (Asch, 1951). In the experiments, the par-
ticipants thought they were taking part in a test of perceptual skills with six other
people. The experimenter showed the participants one card with three lines of vary-
ing length and a second card that had a fourth line that matched one of the first three
(see Figure 1). The task was seemingly straightforward: Each of the participants had
to announce aloud which of the first three lines was identical in length to the “standard”
line on the second card. Because the correct answer was always obvious, the task
seemed easy to the participants.
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Module 53 Social Influence and Groups 591
Indeed, because the participants all agreed on the first few trials, the procedure
appeared to be simple. But then something odd began to happen. From the perspec-
tive of the participant in the group who answered last on each trial, all the answers
of the first six participants seemed to be wrong—in fact, unanimously wrong. And
this pattern persisted. Over and over again, the first six participants provided answers
that contradicted what the last participant believed to be correct. The last participant
faced the dilemma of whether to follow his or her own perceptions or follow the | 2 3
group by repeating the answer everyone else was giving. Standard line Comparison lines
As you might have guessed, this experiment was more contrived than it appeared. FIGURE 1 Which of the three comparison
The first six participants were actually confederates (paid employees of the experi- lines is the same length as the “standard”
menter) who had been instructed to give unanimously erroneous answers in many
of the trials. And the study had nothing to do with perceptual skills. Instead, the
issue under investigation was conformity.
Asch found that in about one-third of the trials, the participants conformed to
the unanimous but erroneous group answer; about 75% of all participants conformed
at least once. However, he found strong individual differences. Some participants
conformed nearly all the time, whereas others never did.
line?
CONFORMITY CONCLUSIONS
Since Asch’s pioneering work, literally hundreds of studies have examined confor-
mity, and we now know a great deal about the phenomenon. Significant findings
focus on:
e The characteristics of the group. The more attractive a group appears to its mem-
bers, the greater its ability to produce conformity. Furthermore, a person’s
relative status, the social rank held within a group, is critical: The lower a status The social rank held within
person’s status in the group, the greater groups’ power over that person’s a group.
behavior (Hogg & Hains, 2001).
e The situation in which the individual is responding. Conformity is considerably
higher when people must respond publicly than it is when they can do so
privately, as the founders of the United States noted when they authorized
secret ballots in voting.
e The kind of task. People working on ambiguous tasks and questions (those with
no clear answer) are more susceptible to social pressure. When asked to give
an opinion on something, such as what type of clothing is fashionable, a
person will more likely yield to conformist pressures than he or she will if
asked a question of fact. In addition, tasks at which an individual is less compe-
tent than others in the group make conformity more likely. For example, a
person who is an infrequent computer user may feel pressure to conform to
an opinion about computer brands when in a group of experienced computer
users.
e Unanimity of the group. Groups that unanimously support a position show the
most pronounced conformity pressures. But what about the case in which
people with dissenting views have an ally in the group, known as a social social supporter A group member
supporter, who agrees with them? Having just one person present who shares whose dissenting views make non-
the minority point of view is sufficient to reduce conformity pressures (Prislin, conformity to the group easier.
Brewer, & Wilson, 2002; Goodwin, Costa, & Adonu, 2004; Levine & Moreland,
2006).
GROUPTHINK: CAVING IN TO CONFORMITY
Although we usually think of conformity in terms of our individual relations with
others, in some instances conformity pressures in organizations can lead to disastrous
effects with long-term consequences. For instance, consider NASA's determination
that the falling foam that hit the space shuttle Columbia when it took off in 2003 would
592 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
Groupthink may explain the poor dec-
ision making of NASA engineers that led
to the destruction of the space shuttle
Columbia.
groupthink A type of thinking in
which group members share such a
strong motivation to achieve consensus
that they lose the ability to critically
evaluate alternative points of view.
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pose no significant danger when it was time for the Columbia to land. Despite some
engineers’ misgivings, a consensus formed that the foam was not dangerous to the
shuttle. Ultimately, that consensus proved wrong: The shuttle came apart as it
attempted to land, which killed all the astronauts on board (Schwartz & Wald, 2003).
In hindsight, NASA’s decision was clearly wrong. How could such a poor deci-
sion have been made?
A phenomenon known as groupthink may provide an explanation. Groupthink
is a type of thinking in which group members share such a strong motivation to
achieve consensus that they lose the ability to critically evaluate alternative points of
view. Groupthink is most likely to occur when a popular or powerful leader is sur-
rounded by people of lower status—which is obviously the case with any U.S. pres-
ident and his or her advisers but is also true in a variety of other organizations (Janis,
1997; Kowert, 2002; Baron, 2005; Henningsen, Henningsen, & Eden, 2006).
Groupthink typically leads to poor decisions. Groups limit the list of possible solu-
tions to just a few, and they spend relatively little time considering any alternatives
once the leader seems to be leaning toward a particular solution. In addition, groups
may fall prey to entrapment, a circumstance in which commitments to a failing point
of view or course of action are increased to justify investments in time and energy that
have already been made (Weiss & Weiss, 2003; Turner, Pratkanis, & Struckman, 2007).
Ultimately, group members may completely ignore information that challenges
a developing consensus. Because historical research suggests that many disastrous
decisions reflect groupthink, it is important for groups to be on guard (Kowert, 2002;
Chapman, 2006; Packer, 2009).
CONFORMITY TO SOCIAL ROLES
Another way in which conformity influences behavior is through social roles. Social
roles are the behaviors that are associated with people in a given position. For exam-
ple, the role of “student” comprises behaviors such as studying, listening to an
instructor, and attending class. Like a theatrical role, social roles tell us what behav-
ior is associated with a given position.
In some cases, though, social roles influence us so profoundly that we engage in
behavior in entirely atypical—and damaging—ways. This fact was brought home in
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Module 53 Social Influence and Groups 593
an influential experiment conducted by Philip Zimbardo and colleagues. In the study,
the researchers set up a mock prison complete with cells, solitary confinement cubi-
cles, and a small recreation area. The researchers then advertised for participants who
were willing to spend 2 weeks in a study of prison life. Once they identified the
study participants, a flip of a coin designated who would be a prisoner and who
would be a prison guard. Neither prisoners nor guards were told how to fulfill their
roles (Zimbardo, Maslach, & Haney, 2000; Zimbardo, 1973, 2007).
After just a few days in this mock prison, the students assigned to be guards
became abusive to the prisoners by waking them at odd hours and subjecting them
to arbitrary punishment. They withheld food from the prisoners and forced them
into hard labor. On the other hand, the students assigned to the prisoner role soon
became docile and submissive to the guards. They became extremely demoralized,
and one slipped into a depression so severe he was released after just a few days. In
fact, after only 6 days of captivity, the remaining prisoners’ reactions became so
extreme that the study was ended.
The experiment (which, it’s important to note, drew criticism on both method-
ological and ethical grounds) provided a clear lesson: Conforming to a social role
can have a powerful consequence on the behavior of even normal, well-adjusted
people and induce them to change their behavior in sometimes undesirable ways.
This phenomenon may explain how the situation in which U.S. Army guards at the
Iraq Abu Ghraib prison found themselves could have led to their abusive behavior
toward the prisoners (Zimbardo, 2007; Haney & Zimbardo, 2009).
Compliance: Submitting
to Direct Social Pressure
When we refer to conformity, we usually mean a phenomenon in which the social
pressure is subtle or indirect. But in some situations social pressure is much more
obvious with direct, explicit pressure to endorse a particular point of view or behave
in a certain way. Social psychologists call the type of behavior that occurs in response
to direct social pressure compliance.
Several specific techniques represent attempts to gain compliance. Those fre-
quently employed include:
e Foot-in-the-door technique. A salesperson comes to your door and asks you to
accept a small sample. You agree, thinking you have nothing to lose. A little
later a larger request comes; because you have already agreed to the first one,
you have a hard time turning it down.
The salesperson in this case is using a tried-and-true strategy that social
psychologists call the foot-in-the-door technique. In the foot-in-the-door tech-
nique, you ask a person to agree to a small request and later ask that person to
comply with a more important one. It turns out that compliance with the more
important request increases significantly when the person first agrees to the
smaller favor.
Researchers first demonstrated the foot-in-the-door phenomenon in a
study in which a number of experimenters went door to door asking resi-
dents to sign a petition in favor of safe driving (Freedman & Fraser, 1966).
Almost everyone complied with that small, benign request. A few weeks later,
different experimenters contacted the residents and made a much larger
request for the residents to erect a huge sign on their front lawns that read,
“Drive Carefully.” The results were clear: 55% of those who had signed the
petition agreed to the request to put up a sign, whereas only 17% of the
people in a control group who had not been asked to sign the petition agreed
to put up a sign.
compliance Behavior that occurs in
response to direct social pressure.
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594 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
Why does the foot-in-the-door technique work? For one reason,
involvement with the small request leads to an interest in an issue;
taking an action—any action—makes the individual more commit-
ted to the issue, which thereby increasing the likelihood of future
compliance. Another explanation revolves around people’s self-
perceptions. By complying with the initial request, individuals may
come to see themselves as people who provide help when asked.
Then, when confronted with the larger request, they agree in order
to maintain the kind of consistency in attitudes and behavior that
we described earlier. Although we don’t know which of these two
explanations is more accurate, it is clear that the foot-in-the-door
strategy is effective (Burger & Caldwell, 2003; Bloom, McBride,
& Pollak, 2006; Guéguen et al., 2008).
e Door-in-the-face technique. A fund-raiser asks for a $500 contribution.
You laughingly refuse and tell her that the amount is way out of
your league. She then asks for a $10 contribution. What do you do?
If you are like most people, you'll probably be a lot more compliant
than you would be if she hadn’t asked for the huge contribution
first. In this tactic, called the door-in-the-face technique, someone makes
The persuasive techniques identified by social psychol- a large request, expects it to be refused, and follows it with a smaller
ogists can be seen in practice at auto dealerships.
one. This strategy, which is the opposite of the foot-in-the-door
approach, has also proved to be effective (Pascual & Guéguen, 2005,
2006; Turner et al., 2007; Ebster & Neumayr, 2008).
In a field experiment that demonstrates the success of this approach,
experimenters stopped college students on the street and asked them to
agree to a substantial favor—acting as unpaid counselors for juvenile delin-
quents 2 hours a week for 2 years (Cialdini et al., 1975). Not surprisingly, no
one agreed to make such an enormous commitment. But when they were
later asked the considerably smaller favor of taking a group of delinquents
on a 2-hour trip to the zoo, half the people complied. In comparison, only
17% of a control group of participants who had not first received the larger
request agreed.
The use of this technique is widespread. You may have tried it at some
point yourself by perhaps by asking your parents for a large increase in your
allowance and later settling for less. Similarly, television writers, by sometimes
sprinkling their scripts with obscenities that they know network censors will
cut out, hope to keep other key phrases intact (Cialdini & Sagarin, 2005).
That’s-not-all technique. In this technique, a salesperson offers you a deal at an
inflated price. But immediately after the initial offer, the salesperson offers an
incentive, discount, or bonus to clinch the deal.
Although it sounds transparent, this practice can be quite effective. In
one study, the experimenters set up a booth and sold cupcakes for 75¢ each.
In one condition, the experimenters directly told customers that the price
was 75¢. In another condition, they told customers that the price was origi-
nally $1 but had been reduced to 75¢. As we might predict, more people
bought cupcakes at the “reduced” price—even though it was identical to the
price in the other experimental condition (Burger, Reed, & DeCesare, 1999;
Pratkanis, 2007).
Not-so-free sample. If you ever receive a free sample, keep in mind that it
comes with a psychological cost. Although they may not couch it in these
terms, salespeople who provide samples to potential customers do so to
instigate the norm of reciprocity. The norm of reciprocity is the well accepted
societal standard dictating that we should treat other people as they treat us.
Receiving a not-so-free sample, then, suggests the need for reciprocation—in the
form of a purchase, of course (Cialdini, 2006; Park & Antonioni, 2007; Burger
et al., 2009).
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Module 53 Social Influence and Groups 595
Companies seeking to sell their products to consumers often use the tech-
niques identified by social psychologists for promoting compliance. But employers
also use them to bring about compliance and raise employees’ productivity in the
workplace. In fact, industrial-organizational (I/O) psychology, a close cousin to
social psychology, considers issues such as worker motivation, satisfaction, safety,
and productivity. I/O psychologists also focus on the operation and design of
organizations; they ask questions such as how decision making can be improved
in large organizations and how the fit between workers and their jobs can be
maximized.
Obedience: Following
Direct Orders
Compliance techniques are used to gently lead people toward agreement with a
request. In some cases, however, requests aim to produce obedience, a change in
behavior in response to the commands of others. Although obedience is considerably
less common than conformity and compliance, it does occur in several specific kinds
of relationships. For example, we may show obedience to our bosses, teachers, or
parents merely because of the power they hold to reward or punish us.
To acquire an understanding of obedience, consider for a moment how you
might respond if a stranger said to you:
I’ve devised a new way of improving memory. All I need is for you to teach people a
list of words and then give them a test. The test procedure requires only that you give
learners a shock each time they make a mistake on the test. To administer the shocks,
you will use a “shock generator” that gives shocks ranging from 15 to 450 volts. You
can see that the switches are labeled from “slight shock” through “danger: severe
shock” at the top level, where there are three red Xs. But don’t worry; although the
shocks may be painful, they will cause no permanent damage.
Presented with this situation, you would be likely to think that neither you nor
anyone else would go along with the stranger’s unusual request. Clearly, it lies out-
side the bounds of what we consider good sense.
Or does it? Suppose the stranger asking for your help was a psychologist con-
ducting an experiment. Or suppose the request came from your teacher, your
employer, or your military commander—all people in authority with a seemingly
legitimate reason for the request.
If you still believe it’s unlikely that you would comply—think again. The situa-
tion presented above describes a classic experiment conducted by social psychologist
Stanley Milgram in the 1960s. In the study, an experimenter told participants to give
increasingly stronger shocks to another person as part of a study on learning (see
Figure 2). In reality, the experiment had nothing to do with learning; the real issue
under consideration was the degree to which participants would comply with the
experimenter’s requests. In fact, the “learner” supposedly receiving the shocks was
a confederate who never really received any punishment (Milgram, 2005).
Most people who hear a description of Milgram’s experiment feel it is unlikely
that any participant would give the maximum level of shock—or, for that matter, any
shock at all. Even a group of psychiatrists to whom the situation was described
predicted that fewer than 2% of the participants would fully comply and administer
the strongest shocks.
However, the actual results contradicted both experts’ and nonexperts’ predic-
tions. Some 65% of the participants eventually used the highest setting on the shock
generator—450 volts—to shock the learner. This obedience occurred even though
the learner, who had mentioned at the start of the experiment that he had a heart
industrial-organizational (I/O)
psychology The branch of psychology
focusing on work- and job-related
issues, including worker motivation,
satisfaction, safety, and productivity.
obedience A change in behavior in
response to the commands of others.
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596 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
FIGURE 2 This fearsome “shock generator” led participants to believe they were administering
electric shocks to another person, who was connected to the generator by electrodes that
were attached to the skin. (Source: Copyright 1965 by Stanley Milgram. From the film Obedience,
distributed by the New York University Film Library and Pennsylvania State University, PCR.)
condition, demanded to be released, screaming, “Let me out of here! Let me out of
here! My heart’s bothering me. Let me out of here!” Despite the learner’s pleas, most
participants continued to administer the shocks.
Why did so many individuals comply with the experimenter’s demands? The
participants, who were extensively interviewed after the experiment, said they obeyed
primarily because they believed that the experimenter would be responsible for any
potential ill effects that befell the learner. The participants accepted the experimenter’s
orders, then, because they thought that they personally could not be held accountable
for their actions—they could always blame the experimenter (Blass, 1996, 2004).
Although most participants in the Milgram experiment said later they felt the
knowledge gained from the study outweighed the discomfort they may have felt,
the experiment has been criticized for creating an extremely trying set of circum-
stances for the participants and thereby raised serious ethical concerns. Undoubtedly,
the same experiment could not be conducted today because of ethical considerations.
Other critics have suggested that Milgram’s methods were ineffective in creating
a situation that actually mirrored real-world obedience. For example, how often are
people placed in a situation in which someone orders them to continue hurting a
victim, while the victim’s protests are ignored (Blass, 2000, 2004)?
Despite these concerns, Milgram’s research remains the strongest laboratory
demonstration of obedience. And partial replications of Milgram’s work, conducted
in an ethically defensible way, find similar results, which adds credence to the orig-
inal work (Blass, 2009; Burger, 2009).
y Alert Furthermore, we need only consider actual instances of obedience to authority
Because of its graphic to witness some frightening real-life parallels. For instance, after World War II, the
demonstration of obedience major defense that Nazi officers gave to excuse their participation in atrocities during
to authority, the Milgram the war was that they were “only following orders.” Milgram’s experiment, which
experiment is one of the was motivated in part by his desire to explain the behavior of everyday Germans
most famous and influential during World War IL, forces us to ask ourselves this question: Would we be able to
studies in social psychology. withstand the intense power of authority?
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RECAP
What are the major sources and tactics of social influence?
e Social influence is the area of social psychology con-
Module 53 Social Influence and Groups 597
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
4. The
technique begins with an outrageous request that makes a
subsequent, smaller request seem reasonable.
5. is a ch in behavior that is due t thi
cerned with situations in which the actions of an individ- T o paps N ea a AA
ual or group affect the behavior of others. (p. 590) P f
e Conformity refers to changes in behavior or attitudes
that result from a desire to follow the beliefs or standards RETHINK
of ohera (P 320) 1. Why do you think the Milgram experiment is so contro-
e Compliance is behavior that results from direct social
pressure. Among the ways of eliciting compliance are the
foot-in-the-door, door-in-the-face, that’s-not-all, and not-
so-free-sample techniques. (p. 593)
e Obedience is a change in behavior in response to the
commands of others. (p. 595)
versial? What sorts of effects might the experiment have
had on participants? Do you think the experiment would
have had similar results if it had not been conducted in a
laboratory setting but among members of a social group
(such as a fraternity or sorority) with strong pressures to
conform?
2. From the perspective of a sales representative: Imagine that
you have been trained to use the various compliance tech-
EVALUATE - TOM ;
niques described in this section. Because these compliance
LA , or person who agrees with the techniques are so powerful, should the use of certain such
dissenting viewpoint, is likely to reduce conformity.
2. Who pioneered the study of conformity?
techniques be forbidden? Should consumers be taught de-
fenses against such techniques? Is the use of such tech-
a. Skinner niques ethically and morally defensible? Why?
b. Asch 3. From the perspective of an educator: Student obedience in the
c. Milgram elementary and secondary classroom is a major issue for
d. Fiala many teachers. How might you promote student obedi-
3. Which of the following techniques asks a person to com-
ply with a small initial request to enhance the likelihood
that the person will later comply with a larger request?
a. Door-in-the-face
b. Foot-in-the-door
c. That’s-not-all
d. Not-so-free sample
ence in the classroom? What are some of the potentially
harmful ways that teachers could use their social influence
to elicit student obedience?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
adusIpaqo *g /advJ-ay}-UL-IOOp “pM ‘q'e ‘qz ‘10}10ddns epos “Tf
KEY TERMS
social influence p. 590
group p.590
conformity p. 590
status p. 591
social supporter p. 591
groupthink p. 592
compliance p. 593
industrial-organizational
(I/O) psychology p. 595
obedience p. 595
How do stereotypes, prejudice,
and discrimination differ?
How can we reduce prejudice
and discrimination?
A set of generalized beliefs
and expectations about a particular
group and its members.
A negative (or positive)
evaluation of a particular group and its
members.
Behavior directed
toward individuals on the basis of their
membership in a particular group.
> Study Alert
Remember that prejudice
relates to attitudes about a
group and its members,
while discrimination
relates to behavior directed
to a group and its members.
598
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What do you think when someone says, “He’s African American,” “She’s Chinese,”
or “That’s a woman driver”?
If you're like most people, you'll probably automatically form some sort of
impression of what each person is like. Most likely your impression is based on
a stereotype, a set of generalized beliefs and expectations about a specific group
and its members. Stereotypes, which may be negative or positive, grow out of our
tendency to categorize and organize the vast amount of information we encounter
in our everyday lives. All stereotypes share the common feature of oversimplifying
the world: We view individuals not in terms of their unique, personal character-
istics, but also in terms of characteristics we attribute to all the members of a
particular group.
Stereotypes can lead to prejudice, a negative (or positive) evaluation of a group
and its members. For instance, racial prejudice occurs when a member of a racial
group is evaluated in terms of race and not because of his or her own characteristics
or abilities. Although prejudice can be positive (I love the Irish”), social psychologists
have focused on understanding the roots of negative prejudice ("I hate immigrants”).
Common stereotypes and forms of prejudice involve race, religion, ethnicity, and
gender. Over the years, various groups have been called “lazy” or “shrewd” or
“cruel” with varying degrees of regularity by those who are not members of that
group. Even today, despite major progress toward reducing legally sanctioned forms
of prejudice, such as school segregation, stereotypes remain (Eberhardt et al., 2004;
Pettigrew, 2004; Hunt, Seifert, & Armenta, 2006).
Even people who on the surface appear to be unprejudiced may harbor hidden
prejudice. For example, when white participants in experiments are shown faces on
a computer screen so rapidly that they cannot consciously perceive the faces, they
react more negatively to black than to white faces—an example of what has been
called modern racism (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Pearson, 2005; Liu & Mills, 2006; Pearson,
Dovidio, & Pratto, 2007).
Although usually backed by little or no evidence, stereotypes can have harmful
consequences. Acting on negative stereotypes results in discrimination—behavior
directed toward individuals on the basis of their membership in a particular group.
Discrimination can lead to exclusion from jobs, neighborhoods, and educational
opportunities, and it may result in lower salaries and benefits for members of specific
groups. Discrimination can also result in more favorable treatment to favored
groups—for example, when an employer hires a job applicant of his or her own racial
group because of the applicant’s race (Avery, McKay, & Wilson, 2008; Pager & Shep-
herd, 2008).
Stereotyping not only leads to overt discrimination, but also can cause members
of stereotyped groups to behave in ways that reflect the stereotype through a phe-
nomenon known as the self-fulfilling prophecy. Self-fulfilling prophecies are expecta-
tions about the occurrence of a future event or behavior that act to increase the
likelihood the event or behavior will occur. For example, if people think that mem-
bers of a specific group lack ambition, they may treat them in a way that actually
brings about a lack of ambition (Oskamp, 2000; Seibt & Förster, 2005; Madon, Willard,
& Guyll, 2006).
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Module 54 Prejudice and Discrimination 599
The Foundations of Prejudice
No one has ever been born disliking a specific racial, religious, or ethnic group.
People learn to hate in much the same way that they learn the alphabet.
According to observational learning approaches to stereotyping and prejudice, the
behavior of parents, other adults, and peers shapes children’s feelings about mem-
bers of various groups. For instance, bigoted parents may commend their children
for expressing prejudiced attitudes. Likewise, young children learn prejudice by imi-
tating the behavior of adult models. Such learning starts at an early age: Children as
young as 6 months judge others according to their skin color, and by 3 years of age
they begin to show preferences for members of their own race (Ponterotto, Utsey, &
Pedersen, 2006; Dovidio & Gaertner, 2006; Bronson & Merryman, 2009).
The mass media also provide information about stereotypes not just for children
but for adults as well. Even today, some television shows and movies portray Italians
as Mafia-like mobsters, Jews as greedy bankers, and African Americans as promiscu-
ous or lazy. When such inaccurate portrayals are the primary source of information
about minority groups, they can lead to the development and maintenance of unfa-
vorable stereotypes (Coltraine & Messineo, 2000; Ward, 2004; Do, 2006).
Other explanations of prejudice and discrimination focus on how being a mem-
ber of a specific group helps to magnify one’s sense of self-esteem. According to
social identity theory, we use group membership as a source of pride and self-worth.
Social identity theory suggests that people tend to be ethnocentric, viewing the
world from their own perspective and judging others in terms of their group mem-
bership. Slogans such as “gay pride” and “Black is beautiful” illustrate that the
groups to which we belong give us a sense of self-respect (Tajfel & Turner, 2004;
Hogg, 2006).
However, the use of group membership to provide social respect produces an
unfortunate outcome. In an effort to maximize our sense of self-esteem, we may come
to think that our own group (our ingroup) is better than groups to which we don’t
belong (our outgroups). Consequently, we inflate the positive aspects of our ingroup—
and, at the same time, devalue outgroups. Ultimately, we come to view members of
Fy,
Like father, like son: Social learning approaches to stereotyping and prejudice suggest that
attitudes and behaviors toward members of minority groups are learned through the
observation of parents and other individuals. How can this cycle be broken?
600 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
social neuroscience The subfield of
social psychology that seeks to identify
the neural basis of social behavior.
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The Prejudiced Brain
FIGURE 1 Both white and black participants showed greater activity in the amygdala when
viewing black faces as compared to viewing white faces in this composite fMRI scan. The
researchers hypothesized that negative cultural messages about blacks lead to higher activation
of the amygdala while viewing black faces due to its role in negative emotions. What other
explanations might have produced the same findings? (Source: Lieberman et al., 2005, Figure 1b.)
outgroups as inferior to members of our ingroup (Tajfel & Turner, 2004). The end
result is prejudice toward members of groups of which we are not a part.
Neither the observational learning approach nor the social identity approach
provides a full explanation for stereotyping and prejudice. For instance, some psy-
chologists argue that prejudice results when there is perceived competition for scarce
societal resources. Thus, when competition exists for jobs or housing, members of
majority groups may believe (however unjustly or inaccurately) that minority group
members are hindering their efforts to attain their goals; this belief can lead to prej-
udice. In addition, other explanations for prejudice emphasize human cognitive
limitations that lead us to categorize people on the basis of visually conspicuous
physical features such as race, sex, and ethnic group. Such categorization can lead
to the development of stereotypes and, ultimately, to discriminatory behavior (Mullen
& Rice, 2003; Weeks & Lupfer, 2004; Hugenberg & Sacco, 2008).
The most recent approach to understanding prejudice comes from an increas-
ingly important area in social psychology: social neuroscience. Social neuroscience
seeks to identify the neural basis of social behavior. It looks at how we can illuminate
our understanding of groups, interpersonal relations, and emotions by understand-
ing their neuroscientific underpinnings (Cacioppo, Visser, & Pickett, 2005; Harmon-
Jones & Winkielman, 2007).
In one example of the value of social neuroscience approaches, researchers exam-
ined activation of the amygdala, the structure in the brain that relates to emotion-
evoking stimuli and situations, while viewing white and black faces. Because the
amygdala is especially responsive to threatening, unusual, or highly arousing stimuli,
the researchers hypothesized greater activation of the amygdala during exposure to
black faces due to negative cultural associations with racial minorities (Lieberman et
al., 2005; Lieberman, 2007).
As you can see in Figure 1, the hypothesis was confirmed: The amygdala showed
more activation when participants saw a black face than when they saw a white one.
Because both blacks and whites were participants in the study, it is unlikely that the
amygdala activation was simply the result of the novelty of viewing members of a
racial minority. Instead, the findings suggest that culturally learned societal messages
about race led to the brain activation.
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Module 54 Prejudice and Discrimination 601
Measuring Prejudice and
Discrimination: The Implicit
Personality Test
Could you be prejudiced and not even know it? The answer, according to the
researchers who developed the Implicit Association Test, is probably yes. People often
fool themselves, and they are very careful about revealing their true attitudes about
members of various groups, not only to others but to themselves. However, even
though they may truly believe that they are unprejudiced, the reality is that they
actually routinely differentiate between people on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender,
and sexual orientation.
The Implicit Association Test, or IAT, is an ingenious measure of prejudice that
permits a more accurate assessment of people’s discrimination between members of
different groups. It was developed, in part, as a reaction to the difficulty in finding
a questionnaire that would reveal prejudice. Direct questions such as, “Would you
prefer interacting with a member of Group X rather than Group Y?” typically iden-
tify only the most blatant prejudices, because people try to censor their responses
(Rudman & Ashmore, 2007; Schnabel, Asendorpf, & Greenwald, 2008; Greenwald
et al., 2009).
In contrast, the IAT makes use of the fact that people’s automatic reactions often
provide the most valid indicator of what they actually believe. The test asks people
a series of questions on a computerized survey that assess the degree to which peo-
ple associate members of target groups (say, African-Americans versus Whites) with
positive stimuli (such as a puppy) versus negative stimuli (such as a funeral).
The test is based on the fact that growing up in a particular culture teaches us to
unconsciously associate members of particular groups with positive or negative
qualities, and we tend to absorb associations about those groups that reflect the
culture without even being aware of it (Lane et al., 2007). (If you would like to
try out a version of the IAT yourself, there is a demonstration website with a
sample test at https://implicit.harvard.edu/implicit. You may well be surprised
at the results.)
The results of the IAT show that almost 90% of test-takers have an implicit pro-
white bias, and more than two-thirds of non-Arab, non-Muslim volunteers display
implicit biases against Arab Muslims. Moreover, more than 80% of heterosexuals
display an implicit bias against gays and lesbians (Wittenbrink & Schwarz, 2007).
So, of course, having an implicit bias does not mean that people will overtly
discriminate, which is a criticism that has been made of the test. Yet it does mean
that the cultural lessons to which we are exposed have a considerable unconscious
influence on us. (Interested in how you would perform on the IAT? Go to this web-
site to take the test: https: //implicit.harvard.edu/implicit).
Reducing the Consequences of
Prejudice and Discrimination
How can we diminish the effects of prejudice and discrimination? Psychologists have
developed several strategies that have proved effective.
e Increasing contact between the target of stereotyping and the holder of the stereotype.
Research consistently shows that increasing the amount of interaction between
people can reduce negative stereotyping. But only certain kinds of contact are
y Alert
Remember that the IAT allows
measurement of attitudes
about which people might
not be consciously aware as
well as attitudes they wish
to keep hidden from others.
602
Chapter 17 Social Psychology
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likely to reduce prejudice and discrimination. Situations in which contact is
relatively intimate, the individuals are of equal status, or participants must
cooperate with one another or are dependent on one another are more likely
to reduce stereotyping (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Kawakami, 2003; Tropp &
Pettigrew, 2005; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006).
e Making values and norms against prejudice more conspicuous. Sometimes just
reminding people about the values they already hold regarding equality and
fair treatment of others is enough to reduce discrimination. Similarly, people
who hear others making strong, vehement antiracist statements are subse-
quently more likely to strongly condemn racism (Czopp & Monteith, 2006;
Ponterotto, Utsey, & Pedersen, 2006; Tropp & Bianchi, 2006).
e Providing information about the targets of stereotyping. Probably the most direct
means of changing stereotypical and discriminatory attitudes is education:
teaching people to be more aware of the positive characteristics of targets of
stereotyping. For instance, when the meaning of puzzling behavior is
explained to people who hold stereotypes, they may come to appreciate the
actual significance of the behavior (Isbell & Tyler, 2003; Banks, 2006; Nagda,
Tropp, & Paluck, 2006).
e Reducing stereotype threat. Social psychologist Claude Steele suggests that many
African Americans suffer from stereotype vulnerability, obstacles to performance
that stem from their awareness of society’s stereotypes regarding minority
group members. He argues that African-American students who receive
instruction from teachers who may doubt their abilities and who set up special
remedial programs to assist them may come to accept society’s stereotypes and
believe that they are prone to fail (Aronson & Steele, 2005; Nussbaum &
Steele, 2007).
Such beliefs can have devastating effects. When confronted with an academic
task, African-American students may fear that their performance will simply confirm
society’s negative stereotypes. The immediate consequence of this fear is anxiety that
hampers performance. But the long-term consequences may be even worse: Doubting
their ability to perform successfully in academic environments, African Americans
may decide that the risks of failure are so great it is not worth the effort even to
attempt to do well. Ultimately, they may “disidentify” with academic success by
minimizing the importance of academic endeavors (Steele, 1997; Stone, 2002).
However, Steele’s analysis suggests that African Americans may be able to over-
come their predicament. Specifically, schools can design intervention programs to
train minority group members about their vulnerability to stereotypes and provide
them with self-affirmation that reinforces their confidence in their abilities and
thereby inoculates them against the fear and doubt triggered by negative stereotypes
(Cohen et al., 2006; Wilson, 2006).
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Module 54 Prejudice and Discrimination 603
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP
How do stereotypes, prejudice, and discrimination differ?
Stereotypes are generalized beliefs and expectations
about a specific group and its members. Stereotyping can
lead to prejudice and self-fulfilling prophecies. (p. 598)
Prejudice is the negative (or positive) evaluation of a par-
ticular group and its members. (p. 598)
Stereotyping and prejudice can lead to discrimination,
behavior directed toward individuals on the basis of
their membership in a particular group. (p. 598)
According to observational learning approaches, chil-
dren learn stereotyping and prejudice by observing the
behavior of parents, other adults, and peers. Social iden-
tity theory suggests that group membership is used as
a source of pride and self-worth, and this may lead
people to think of their own group as better than
others. (p. 599)
Social neuroscientific approaches to prejudice examine
the functioning of the brain and nervous system to un-
derstand the basis of prejudice. (p. 600)
How can we reduce prejudice and discrimination?
Among the ways of reducing prejudice and discrimina-
tion are increasing contact, demonstrating positive val-
ues against prejudice, and education. (p. 601)
EVALUATE
1.
Any expectation—positive or negative—about an individ-
ual solely on the basis of that person’s membership in a
group can be a stereotype. True or false?
KEY TERMS
stereotype p. 598
prejudice p. 598
discrimination p. 598
social neuroscience p. 600
2. The negative (or positive) evaluation of a group and its
members is called
a. Stereotyping
b. Prejudice
c. Self-fulfilling prophecy
d. Discrimination
. Paul is a store manager who does not expect women to
succeed in business. He therefore offers important, high-
profile responsibilities only to men. If the female employ-
ees fail to move up in the company, it could be an example
ofa prophecy.
RETHINK
1. Do you think women can be victims of stereotype vulner-
ability? In what topical areas might this occur? Can men
be victims of stereotype vulnerability? Why?
. From the perspective of a corrections officer: How might overt
forms of prejudice and discrimination toward disadvan-
taged groups (such as African Americans) be reduced in a
state or federal prison?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Suys e ‘qz ‘ony T
Why are we attracted to
certain people, and what
progression do social
relationships follow?
What factors underlie aggres-
sion and prosocial behavior?
interpersonal attraction (or close
relationship) Positive feelings for
others; liking and loving.
604
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Are people basically good or bad?
Like philosophers and theologians, social psychologists have pondered the basic
nature of humanity. Is it represented mainly by the violence and cruelty we see
throughout the world, or does something special about human nature permit loving,
considerate, unselfish, and even noble behavior as well?
We turn to two routes that social psychologists have followed in seeking answers
to these questions. We first consider what they have learned about the sources of our
attraction to others, we end with a look at two opposite sides of human behavior:
aggression and helping.
Liking and Loving: Interpersonal
Attraction and the Development
of Relationships
Nothing is more important in most people’s lives than their feelings for others. Con-
sequently, it is not surprising that liking and loving have become a major focus of
interest for social psychologists. Known more formally as the study of interpersonal
attraction or close relationships, this area addresses the factors that lead to positive
feelings for others.
By far the greatest amount of research has focused on liking, probably because it is
easier for investigators conducting short-term experiments to produce states of liking
in strangers who have just met than to instigate and observe loving relationships
over long periods. Consequently, research has given us a good deal of knowledge
about the factors that initially attract two people to each other. The important factors
social psychologists consider are the following:
e Proximity. If you live in a dormitory or an apartment, consider the friends you
made when you first moved in. Chances are that you became friendliest with
those who lived geographically closest to you. In fact, this is one of the more
firmly established findings in the literature on interpersonal attraction: Proxim-
ity leads to liking (Burgoon et al., 2002; Smith & Weber, 2005).
e Mere exposure. Repeated exposure to a person is often sufficient to produce
attraction. Interestingly, repeated exposure to any stimulus—a person, picture,
compact disc, or virtually anything—usually makes us like the stimulus more.
Becoming familiar with a person can evoke positive feelings; we then transfer
the positive feelings stemming from familiarity to the person him- or herself.
There are exceptions, though. In cases of strongly negative initial interactions,
repeated exposure is unlikely to cause us to like a person more. Instead, the
more we are exposed to him or her, the more we may dislike the individual
(Zajonc, 2001; Butler & Berry, 2004).
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Module 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior 605
e Similarity. Folk wisdom tells us that birds of a feather flock
together. However, it also maintains that opposites attract. Social
psychologists have come up with a clear verdict regarding which
of the two statements is correct: We tend to like those who are
similar to us. Discovering that others have similar attitudes,
values, or traits promotes our liking for them. Furthermore, the
more similar others are, the more we like them. One reason
similarity increases the likelihood of interpersonal attraction is
that we assume people with similar attitudes will evaluate us
positively. Because we experience a strong reciprocity-of-liking
effect (a tendency to like those who like us), knowing that
someone evaluates us positively promotes our attraction to that
person. In addition, we assume that when we like someone else,
that person likes us in return (Bates, 2002; Umphress, Smith-
Crowe, & Brief, 2007; Montoya & Insko, 2008).
e Physical attractiveness. For most people, the equation beautiful =
good is quite true. As a result, physically attractive people are
more popular than physically unattractive ones, if all other
factors are equal. This finding, which contradicts the values that
most people say they hold, is apparent even in childhood—with < | Í
children of nursery school age rating their peers’ popularity on
the basis of attractiveness—and continues into adulthood.
Indeed, physical attractiveness may be the single most important
element promoting initial liking in college dating situations,
although its influence eventually decreases when people get to know each
other better (Zebrowitz & Montepare, 2005; Little, Burt, & Perrett, 2006; Luo &
Zhang, 2009).
These factors alone, of course, do not account for liking. For example, in one
experiment that examined the desired qualities in a friendship, the top-rated qualities
in a same-sex friend included sense of humor, warmth and kindness, expressiveness
and openness, an exciting personality, and similarity of interests and leisure activities
(Sprecher & Regan, 2002). (For more on friendship, see Applying Psychology in the 21st
Century for a discussion of online social networking.)
HOW DO I LOVE THEE? LET ME COUNT THE WAYS
Whereas our knowledge of what makes people like one another is extensive, our
understanding of love is more limited in scope and recently acquired. For some time,
many social psychologists believed that love was too difficult to observe and study
in a controlled, scientific way. However, love is such a central issue in most people’s
lives that eventually social psychologists could not resist its allure.
As a first step, researchers tried to identify the characteristics that distinguish
between mere liking and full-blown love. They discovered that love is not simply a
greater quantity of liking but a qualitatively different psychological state. For instance,
at least in its early stages, love includes relatively intense physiological arousal, an
all-encompassing interest in another individual, fantasizing about the other, and
relatively rapid swings of emotion. Similarly, love, unlike liking, includes elements
of passion, closeness, fascination, exclusiveness, sexual desire, and intense caring. We
idealize partners by exaggerating their good qualities and minimizing their imperfec-
tions (Garza-Guerrero, 2000; Murray, Holmes, & Griffin, 2004).
Other researchers have theorized that there are two main types of love: passion-
ate love and companionate love. Passionate (or romantic) love represents a state of
intense absorption in someone. It includes intense physiological arousal, psycho-
logical interest, and caring for the needs of another. In contrast, companionate love
is the strong affection we have for those with whom our lives are deeply involved.
The love we feel for our parents, other family members, and even some close friends
© Richard Cline/The New Yorker Collection/www.cartoonbank.com.
| ZAI
fA. —
“I’m attracted to you, but then I'm attracted to me, too.”
reciprocity-of-liking effect A tendency
to like those who like us.
passionate (or romantic) love A state
of intense absorption in someone that
includes intense physiological arousal,
psychological interest, and caring for
the needs of another.
companionate love The strong
affection we have for those with whom
our lives are deeply involved.
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Friends Online: Is Facebook
the New Student Union?
If you're a typical college student, you
probably use Facebook or some other so-
cial networking website. In fact, estimates
of usage rates of social networking sites on
college campuses run as high as 90%, com-
pared to 33% of older Internet users. When
that many people are using a new technol-
ogy for interpersonal communication, so-
cial psychologists take note, and they have
begun to examine how college students
use social network sites (Lenhart, 2009).
One finding is clear: College students use
Facebook primarily to keep in touch with
their friends. Few use it to keep in touch
with their parents or to meet new people.
What seems to interest college students most
is the ability to maintain social connections
across geographic boundaries efficiently.
Specifically, social networking sites allow
them to easily keep tabs on old friends from
home while at the same time interacting
with new friends made at college (Wiley &
Sisson, 2006; Pempek, Yermolayeva, & Cal-
vert, 2009; Subrahmanyam et al., 2008).
Another way college students use social
network sites is to explore their developing
identities. Because users can control how
they present themselves to the world on a
social network profile, it is easy for college
students to “try on” an identity by posting
selected photos of themselves, revealing
specific tastes and interests, or otherwise
presenting themselves in new and different
606
ways. The feedback they get from others
may help them decide which identities and
forms of self-presentation suit them best.
College students report that religion, polit-
ical ideology, work, and tastes in media
such as music and movies are their most
important identity expressions (Pempek,
Yermolayeva, & Calvert, 2009).
But how do social network sites affect
users’ nonvirtual social lives? Maintaining
social connections that might otherwise
have withered and died seems like a good
thing, but it may be detrimental if students
spend so much time maintaining online
distant or superficial friendships that they
sacrifice time spent on intimate, face-to-
face interactions with close friends.
New research suggests that social net-
working sites provide a less intimidating
social outlet for students who otherwise
have trouble making and keeping friend-
ships, such as those who are introverted or
have low self-esteem. One study that
tracked college students’ Facebook use
over time found that those with low self-
esteem benefitted the most in terms of
building greater social networks through
Facebook. Students reported that they
found it less awkward to initiate contact
with people through Facebook than
through other means. They were also bet-
ter able to learn about social events and
other opportunities for face-to-face interac-
tion through Facebook postings than by
direct word of mouth, which thereby im-
proved their offline social lives (Steinfeld,
Ellison, & Lampe, 2008).
In addition, intensity of Facebook use is
positively related to students’ life satisfac-
tion, social trust, and civic engagement. In
short, research suggests that users of social
network sites are not disengaged from the
real world and that the benefits of social
networking outweigh the costs to students’
social lives (Valenzuela, Park, & Kee, 2009).
e Why might college students who use social networking sites more heavily have
greater satisfaction in life than those who use it less?
e What aspects of social networking sites allow students to explore their identities?
What might be the drawbacks of such experimentation?
falls into the category of companionate love (Masuda, 2003; Regan, 2006; Loving,
Crockett, & Paxson, 2009).
Psychologist Robert Sternberg makes an even finer differentiation between types
of love. He proposes that love consists of three parts:
e Decision/commitment, the initial thoughts that one loves someone and the
longer-term feelings of commitment to maintain love.
e Intimacy component, feelings of closeness and connectedness.
e Passion component, the motivational drives relating to sex, physical closeness,
and romance.
According to Sternberg, these three components combine to produce the different
types of love. He suggests that different combinations of the three components vary
over the course of relationships. For example, in strong, loving relationships, the level
of commitment peaks and then remains stable. Passion, on the other hand, peaks
quickly and then declines and levels off relatively early in most relationships. In
addition, relationships are happiest in which the strength of the various components
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Module 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior 607
Liking FIGURE 1 According to Sternberg, love
(intimacy) has three main components: intimacy,
passion, and decision/commitment.
Different combinations of these compo-
nents can create other types of love.
Nonlove contains none of the three
Companionate love components.
(intimacy + decision/commitment)
A Empty love
i (decision/
(passion) Fatuous love commitment)
(passion + decision/commitment)
Romantic love
(intimacy + passion)
love
(intimacy + passion +
cision/commitment)
Infatuation
are similar between the two partners (Sternberg, Hojjat, & Barnes, 2001; Sternberg,
2004a; Sternberg, 2006; see Figure 1).
Is love a necessary ingredient in a good marriage? Yes, if you live in the United
States. In contrast, it’s considerably less important in other cultures. Although mutual
attraction and love are the two most important characteristics men and women in
the United States desire in a mate, men in China rated good health as most important,
and women there rated emotional stability and maturity as most important. Among
the Zulu in South Africa, men rated emotional stability first and women rated
dependable character first (Buss, Abbott, & Angleitner, 1990; see Figure 2).
Rank Ordering of Desired Characteristics in a Mate
United States China South Africa Zulu
Females Males Females Males Females Males
Mutual attraction—love 1 1 8 4 5 10
Emotional stability and maturity 2 2 1 5 2 1
Dependable character 3 3 y 6 1 3
Pleasing disposition 4 4 16 13 3 4
Education and intelligence 5 5 4 8 6 6
Good health 9 6 3 1 4 5
Good looks 13 7 15 1 16 14
Sociability 8 8 9 12 8 11
Desire for home and children 7 9 2 2 9 9
Refinement, neatness 12 10 10 7 10 7
Ambition and industriousness 6 11 5 10 7 8
Similar education 10 12 12 15 12 12
Good cook and housekeeper 16 13 11 9 5 2
Favorable social status or rating 14 14 13 14 14 17
Similar religious background 15 15 18 18 11 16
Good financial prospect 11 16 14 16 13 18
Chastity (no prior sexual intercourse) 18 17 6 3 18 ils)
Similar political background 17 18 17 17 17 15
FIGURE 2 Although love may be an important factor in choosing a marriage partner if you
live in the United States, other cultures place less importance on it. (Source: Buss, Abbott, &
Angleitner, 1990.)
608 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
aggression The intentional injury of,
or harm to, another person.
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Liking and loving clearly show a positive side of human social behavior. Now
we turn to behaviors that are just as much a part of social behavior: aggression and
helping behavior.
Aggression and Prosocial
Behavior: Hurting and
Helping Others
Drive-by shootings, carjackings, and abductions are just a few examples of the vio-
lence that seems all too common today. Yet we also find examples of generous, unself-
ish, thoughtful behavior that suggest a more optimistic view of humankind. Consider,
for instance, people such as Mother Teresa, who ministered to the poor in India. Or
contemplate the simple kindnesses of life: lending a valued compact disc, stopping
to help a child who has fallen off a bicycle, or merely sharing a candy bar with a
friend. Such instances of helping are no less characteristic of human behavior than
the distasteful examples of aggression.
HURTING OTHERS: AGGRESSION
We need look no further than the daily paper or the nightly news to be bombarded
with examples of aggression both on a societal level (war, invasion, assassination)
and on an individual level (crime, child abuse, and the many petty cruelties humans
are capable of inflicting on one another). Is such aggression an inevitable part of the
human condition? Or is aggression primarily a product of particular circumstances
that, if changed, could lead to its reduction?
The difficulty of answering such knotty questions becomes apparent as soon as
we consider how best to define the term aggression. Depending on the way we define
the word, many examples of inflicted pain or injury may or may not qualify as
aggression (see Figure 3). For instance, a rapist is clearly acting with aggression
toward his victim. On the other hand, it is less certain that a physician carrying out
an emergency medical procedure without an anesthetic, thereby causing incredible
pain to the patient, should be considered aggressive.
Most social psychologists define aggression in terms of the intent and the purpose
behind the behavior. Aggression is intentional injury of or harm to another person.
By this definition, the rapist is clearly acting aggressively, whereas the physician
causing pain during a medical procedure is not (Berkowitz, 2001).
We turn now to several approaches to aggressive behavior developed by social
psychologists.
INSTINCT APPROACHES: AGGRESSION AS A RELEASE
If you have ever punched an adversary in the nose, you may have experienced a
certain satisfaction despite your better judgment. Instinct theories, which note the
prevalence of aggression not only in humans but in animals as well, propose that
aggression is primarily the outcome of innate—or inborn—urges.
Sigmund Freud was one of the first to suggest, as part of his theory of personal-
ity, that aggression is a primary instinctual drive. Konrad Lorenz, an ethologist (a
scientist who studies animal behavior), expanded Freud’s notions by arguing that
humans, along with members of other species, have a fighting instinct, which in
earlier times ensured protection of food supplies and weeded out the weaker of the
species (Lorenz, 1966, 1974). Lorenz’s instinct approach led to the controversial notion
that aggressive energy constantly builds up in an individual until the person finally
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Module 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior 609
—feahialibaalilaalie PDO
Is This Aggression?
To see for yourself the difficulties involved in defining aggression, consider each of the
following acts and determine whether it represents aggressive behavior—according to
your own definition of aggression.
1. A spider eats a fly. Yes No
2. Two wolves fight for the leadership of the pack. Yes No
3. A soldier shoots an enemy at the front line. Yes No
4. The warden of a prison executes a convicted criminal. Yes No
5. A man viciously kicks a cat. Yes No
6. Aman, while cleaning a window, knocks over a flower pot, which, in falling, injures a
pedestrian. Yes No
7. Mr. X, a notorious gossip, speaks disparagingly of many people of his acquaintance.
Yes No
8. A man mentally rehearses a murder he is about to commit. Yes
No
9. An angry son purposely fails to write to his mother, who is expecting a letter and will
be hurt if none arrives. Yes No
10. An enraged boy tries with all his might to inflict injury on his antagonist, a bigger
boy, but is not successful in doing so. His efforts simply amuse the bigger boy.
Yes No
11. A senator does not protest the escalation of bombing to which she is normally
opposed. Yes No
12. A farmer beheads a chicken and prepares it for supper. Yes
No
13. A hunter kills an animal and mounts it as a trophy. Yes No
14. A physician gives a flu shot to a screaming child. Yes No
15. A boxer gives his opponent a bloody nose. Yes No
16. A Girl Scout tries to assist an elderly woman but trips her by accident. Yes
No =
17. A bank robber is shot in the back while trying to escape. Yes No
18. Atennis player smashes her racket after missing a volley. Yes No
19. A person commits suicide. Yes No
20. A cat kills a mouse, parades around with it, and then discards it. Yes
No
discharges it in a process called catharsis. The longer the energy builds up, says
Lorenz, the greater the amount of the aggression displayed when it is discharged.
Probably the most controversial idea to come out of instinct theories of aggression
is Lorenz’s proposal that society should provide acceptable ways of permitting cathar-
sis. For example, he suggested that participation in aggressive sports and games
would prevent the discharge of aggression in less socially desirable ways. However,
little research has found evidence for the existence of a pent-up reservoir of aggression
that needs to be released. In fact, some studies flatly contradict the notion of catharsis,
which leads psychologists to look for other explanations for aggression (Bushman,
Wang, & Anderson, 2005; Scheele & DuBois, 2006; Verona & Sullivan, 2008).
FRUSTRATION-AGGRESSION APPROACHES:
AGGRESSION AS A REACTION TO FRUSTRATION
Suppose you've been working on a paper that is due for a class early the next morn-
ing, and your computer printer runs out of ink just before you can print out the
paper. You rush to the store to buy more ink only to find the sales clerk locking the
FIGURE 3 What is aggression? It
depends on how the word is defined
and in what context it is used. (Source:
Adapted from Benjamin, 1985, p. 41.)
catharsis The process of discharging
built-up aggressive energy.
610 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
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door for the day. Even though the clerk can see you gesturing and beg-
ging him to open the door, he refuses, shrugs his shoulders, and points
to a sign that indicates when the store will open the next day. At that
moment, the feelings you experience toward the sales clerk probably
place you on the verge of real aggression, and you are undoubtedly seeth-
ing inside.
Frustration-aggression theory tries to explain aggression in terms of
events like this one. It suggests that frustration (the reaction to the thwart-
ing or blocking of goals) produces anger, which leads to a readiness to
act aggressively. Whether actual aggression occurs depends on the pres-
ence of aggressive cues, stimuli that have been associated in the past with
actual aggression or violence and that will trigger aggression again
(Berkowitz, 2001).
What kinds of stimuli act as aggressive cues? They can range from
the most explicit, such as the presence of weapons, to more subtle cues,
such as the mere mention of the name of an individual who behaved
violently in the past. For example, angered participants in experiments
behave significantly more aggressively when in the presence of a gun
than in a comparable situation in which no guns are present. Similarly,
frustrated participants who view a violent movie are more physically
aggressive toward a confederate with the same name as the star of the
~~ movie than they are toward a confederate with a different name. It
Is road rage a result of frustration? According to appears, then, that frustration does lead to aggression—at least when
frustration-aggression approaches, frustration is a aggressive cues are present (Berkowitz, 2001; Marcus-Newhall, Pederson,
likely cause.
y Alert
Understand the distinction
between the instinctual,
frustration-aggression, and
observational learning
approaches to aggression.
& Carlson, 2000).
OBSERVATIONAL LEARNING APPROACHES:
LEARNING TO HURT OTHERS
Do we learn to be aggressive? The observational learning (sometimes called social
learning) approach to aggression says that we do. Taking an almost opposite view
from instinct theories, which focus on innate explanations of aggression, observa-
tional learning theory emphasizes that social and environmental conditions can teach
individuals to be aggressive. The theory sees aggression not as inevitable, but rather
as a learned response that can be understood in terms of rewards and punishments.
Observational learning theory pays particular attention not only to direct rewards
and punishments that individuals themselves receive, but also to the rewards and
punishments that models—individuals who provide a guide to appropriate behavior—
receive for their aggressive behavior. According to observational learning theory,
people observe the behavior of models and the subsequent consequences of that
behavior. If the consequences are positive, the behavior is likely to be imitated when
observers find themselves in a similar situation.
Suppose, for instance, a girl hits her younger brother when he damages one of
her new toys. Whereas instinct theory would suggest that the aggression had been
pent up and was now being discharged, and frustration-aggression theory would
examine the girl’s frustration at no longer being able to use her new toy, observational
learning theory would look to previous situations in which the girl had viewed others
being rewarded for their aggression. For example, perhaps she had watched a friend
get to play with a toy after he painfully twisted it out of the hand of another child.
Observational learning theory has received wide research support. For example,
children of nursery school age who have watched an adult model behave aggressively
and then receive reinforcement for it later display similar behavior themselves if they
have been angered, insulted, or frustrated after exposure. Furthermore, a significant
amount of research links watching television shows containing violence with subse-
quent viewer aggression (Winerman, 2005; Greer, Dudek-Singer, & Gautreaux, 2006;
Carnagey, Anderson, & Bartholow, 2007).
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Module 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior 611
Helping Others: The Brighter
Side of Human Nature
Turning away from aggression, we move now to the opposite—and brighter—side
of human nature: helping behavior. Helping behavior, or prosocial behavior as it is
more formally known, has been considered under many different conditions. How-
ever, the question that psychologists have looked at most closely relates to bystander
intervention in emergency situations. What are the factors that lead someone to help
a person in need?
One critical factor is the number of others present. When more than one person
witnesses an emergency situation, a sense of diffusion of responsibility can arise
among the bystanders (as we discussed earlier in the book when we considered
research methods). Diffusion of responsibility is the tendency for people to feel that
responsibility for acting is shared, or diffused, among those present. The more people
who are present in an emergency, the less personally responsible each individual
feels—and therefore the less help he or she provides (Blair, Thompson, & Wuensch,
2005 Barron & Yechiam, 2002; Gray, 2006).
For example, think back to the classic case of Kitty Genovese that we described
when discussing the topic of research early in the book. Genovese was stabbed
multiple times, and—according to some accounts of the event—no one offered help,
despite the fact that allegedly close to 40 people who lived in nearby apartments
heard her screams for help. The lack of help has been attributed to diffusion of
responsibility: The fact that there were so many potential helpers led each indi-
vidual to feel diminished personal responsibility (Rogers & Eftimiades, 1995; Rosen-
thal, 2008).
Although most research on helping behavior supports the diffusion-of-
responsibility explanation, other factors are clearly involved in helping behavior.
According to a model of the helping process, the decision to give aid involves four
basic steps (Latané & Darley, 1970; Garcia et al., 2002; see Figure 4):
e Noticing a person, event, or situation that may require help.
e Interpreting the event as one that requires help. Even if we notice an event, it may
be sufficiently ambiguous for us to interpret it as a nonemergency situation. It
is here that the presence of others first affects helping behavior. The presence
of inactive others may indicate to us that a situation does not require help—a
judgment we do not necessarily make if we are alone.
e Assuming responsibility for helping. It is at this point that diffusion of responsi-
bility is likely to occur if others are present. Moreover, a bystander’s particular
expertise is likely to play a role in determining whether he or she helps. For
instance, if people with training in medical aid or lifesaving techniques are
present, untrained bystanders are less likely to intervene because they feel
they have less expertise.
e Deciding on and implementing the form of helping. After we assume responsibility
for helping, we must decide how to provide assistance. Helping can range
from very indirect forms of intervention, such as calling the police, to more
direct forms, such as giving first aid or taking the victim to a hospital. Most
social psychologists use a rewards—costs approach for helping to predict the
nature of the assistance a bystander will choose to provide. The general notion
is that the bystander’s perceived rewards for helping must outweigh the costs
if helping is to occur, and most research tends to support this notion (Koper &
Jaasma, 2001; Bartlett & DeSteno, 2006; Lin & Lin, 2007).
After determining the nature of the assistance needed, the actual help must be
implemented. A rewards-costs analysis suggests that we are most likely to use the
prosocial behavior Helping behavior.
diffusion of responsibility The
tendency for people to feel that respon-
sibility for acting is shared, or diffused,
among those present.
FIGURE 4 The basic steps of helping.
(Source: Latané, Bibb; Darley, & John M., The
Unresponsive Bystander: Why Doesn't He Help?
Reproduced by permission of Pearson
Education, Inc., p. 87-91. Copyright © 1971
Appleton-Century-Crofts.)
612 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
altruism Helping behavior that is
beneficial to others but clearly requires
self-sacrifice.
Alert
The distinction between
prosocial behavior and
altruism is important.
Prosocial behavior need
not have a self-sacrificing
component; altruism, by
definition, contains an
element of self-sacrifice.
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Altruism is often the only bright side of a natural disaster.
least costly form of implementation. However, this is not always the case: In some
situations, people behave altruistically. Altruism is helping behavior that is beneficial
to others but clearly requires self-sacrifice. For example, people who put themselves
at mortal risk to help strangers escape from the burning World Trade Center towers
during the 9/11 terrorist attack would be considered altruistic (Krueger, Hicks, &
McGue, 2001; Batson & Powell, 2003; Manor & Gailliot, 2007).
People who intervene in emergency situations tend to possess certain personal-
ity characteristics that differentiate them from nonhelpers. For example, helpers are
more self-assured, sympathetic, and emotionally understanding, and they have
greater empathy (a personality trait in which someone observing another person expe-
riences the emotions of that person) than are nonhelpers (Graziano et al., 2007;
Walker & Frimer, 2007; Stocks, Lishner, & Decker, 2009).
Still, most social psychologists agree that no single set of attributes differenti-
ates helpers from nonhelpers. For the most part, temporary situational factors
(such as the mood we’re in) determine whether we will intervene in a situation
requiring aid (Eisenberg, Guthrie, & Cumberland, 2002; Dovidio et al., 2006; Sal-
Iquist et al., 2009).
More generally, what leads people to make moral decisions? Clearly, situational
factors make a difference. For example, one study asked people to judge the moral-
ity of plane crash survivors cannibalizing an injured boy to avoid starvation. Par-
ticipants in the study were more likely to condemn the behavior if they were placed
in an emotional state than if they were less emotional (Schnall et al., 2008).
Other psychologists, using a neuroscience perspective, believe that there’s a kind
of tug of war between emotion and rationale thinking in the brain. If the rational
side wins out, we’re more likely to take a logical view of moral situations (if you’re
at risk for starving, go ahead and eat the injured boy). On the other hand, if the
emotional side prevails, we’re more likely to condemn the cannibalism, even if it
means we may be harmed. In support of such reasoning, researchers have found that
different areas of the brain are involved in honest and dishonest moral decisions
(Miller, 2008; Greene & Paxton, 2009; see Figure 5).
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Module 55 Positive and Negative Social Behavior
Moral Decisions and the Brain
FIGURE 5 Making moral decisions about whether to act honestly or dishonestly results in
different areas of the brain being activated. In a study in which people were induced to behave
dishonestly, participants showed increased activity in the bilateral dorsolateral prefrontal cortex
(DLPFC) area of the brain when they made decisions to lie. (Source: Greene & Paxton, 2009,
Figure 3A.)
At one time or another, almost everyone feels angry. The anger may BECOMING AN
result from a frustrating situation, or it may be due to another INFORMED CONSUMER
individual’s behavior. The way we deal with anger may determine
the difference between a promotion and a lost job or a broken of Psyc h O | ogy
relationship and one that mends itself.
Social psychologists who have studied the topic suggest several
good strategies to deal with anger that maximize the potential for
positive consequences (Ellis, 2000; Nelson & Finch, 2000). Among
the most useful strategies are the following:
e Look again at the anger-provoking situation from the perspective of others. By taking
others’ points of view, you may be able to understand the situation better, and
with increased understanding you may become more tolerant of the apparent
shortcomings of others.
e Minimize the importance of the situation. Does it really matter that someone is
driving too slowly and that you'll be late to an appointment as a result? Reinter-
pret the situation in a way that is less bothersome.
e Fantasize about getting even—but don’t act on it. Fantasy provides a safety valve. In
your fantasies, you can yell at that unfair professor all you want and suffer no
consequences at all. However, don’t spend too much time brooding: Fantasize,
but then move on.
e Relax. By teaching yourself the relaxation techniques used in systematic
desensitization (discussed in the module on treatment of psychological
disorders), you can help reduce your reactions to anger. In turn, your anger
may dissipate.
No matter which of these strategies you try, above all, don’t ignore your anger.
People who always try to suppress their anger may experience a variety of consequences,
such as self-condemnation, frustration, and even physical illness (Burns, Quartana, &
Bruehl, 2007; Quartana & Burns, 2007; Gardner & Moore, 2008).
613
Dealing Effectively with Anger
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614 Chapter 17 Social Psychology
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3. Based on research evidence, which of the following might
be the best way to reduce the amount of fighting a young
boy does?
a. Take him to the gym and let him work out on the box-
ing equipment.
b. Make him repeatedly watch violent scenes from the
film The Matrix Reloaded in the hope that it will provide
catharsis.
c. Reward him if he doesn’t fight during a certain period.
d. Ignore it and let it die out naturally.
4. If a person in a crowd does not help in an apparent emer-
gency situation because many other people are present,
that person is falling victim to the phenomenon of
Why are we attracted to certain people, and what progression
do social relationships follow?
e The primary determinants of liking include proximity,
exposure, similarity, and physical attractiveness. (p. 604)
e Loving is distinguished from liking by the presence of
intense physiological arousal, an all-encompassing inter-
est in another, fantasies about the other, rapid swings of
emotion, fascination, sexual desire, exclusiveness, and
strong feelings of caring. (p. 604)
e Love can be categorized as passionate or companionate.
In addition, love has several components: intimacy, pas-
sion, and decision/commitment. (p. 605)
What factors underlie aggression and prosocial behavior?
e Aggression is intentional injury of or harm to another
person. (p. 608) RETHINK
e Explanations of aggression include instinct approaches,
frustration-aggression theory, and observational learn-
ing. (p. 610)
e Helping behavior in emergencies is determined in part
by the phenomenon of diffusion of responsibility, which
results in a lower likelihood of helping when more peo-
ple are present. (p. 611)
e Deciding to help is the outcome of a four-stage process
that consists of noticing a possible need for help,
interpreting the situation as requiring aid, assuming
responsibility for taking action, and deciding on and
implementing a form of assistance. (p. 611)
1. Can love be studied scientifically? Is there an elusive qual-
ity to love that makes it at least partially unknowable?
How would you define “falling in love”? How would you
study it?
2. From the perspective of a criminal justice worker: How would
proponents of the three main approaches to the study of
aggression—instinct approaches, frustration-aggression
approaches, and observational learning approaches—in-
terpret the aggression of Eric Rudolph, who was convicted
of exploding a bomb during the 1996 Summer Olympics
in Atlanta and later of attacking several women’s clinics?
Do you think any of these approaches fits the Rudolph
case more closely than the others?
EVALUATE Answers to Evaluate Questions
; ee Á suodsax Jo uoTs E D oncom
1. We tend to like people who are similar to us. True or false? A E E
2. Which of the following sets are the three components of
love proposed by Sternberg?
a. Passion, closeness, sexuality
b. Attraction, desire, complementarity
c. Passion, intimacy, decision / commitment
d. Commitment, caring, sexuality
KEY TERMS
interpersonal reciprocity-of-liking companionate love p. 605 diffusion of
attraction (or close effect p. 605 aggression p. 608 responsibility p. 611
relationship) p. 604 passionate (or romantic) catharsis p. 609 altruism p. 611
love p. 605 prosocial behavior p. 611
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Psychology on the Web
1. Find examples on the web of advertisements or other persuasive messages that use
central route processing and peripheral route processing. What type of persuasion
appears to be more prevalent on the web? For what type of persuasion does the web
appear to be better suited? Is there a difference between web-based advertising and
other forms of advertising?
2. Is “hate crimes legislation” a good idea? Use the web to find at least two discussions
of hate crimes legislation—one in favor and one opposed—and summarize in writing
the main issues and arguments presented. Using your knowledge of prejudice and
aggression, evaluate the arguments for and against hate crimes legislation. State your
opinion about whether this type of legislation is advisable.
E © | log U Q We have touched on some of the major ideas, research
topics, and experimental findings of social psychology.
We examined how people form, maintain, and change attitudes and how they form
impressions of others and assign attributions to them. We also saw how groups, through
conformity and tactics of compliance, can influence individuals’ actions and attitudes.
Finally, we discussed interpersonal relationships, including both liking and loving, and
looked at aggression and prosocial behavior, the two sides of a coin that represent the
extremes of social behavior.
Turn back to the prologue of this set of modules, which describes Perry Bland’s
heroism. Use your understanding of social psychology to consider the following
questions.
1. What factors would a social psychologist consider in examining why Bland rushed to
help two strangers who were trapped in their car?
2. Given what social psychologists know about the factors that lead people to be
helpful, do you believe that Bland’s helpfulness was caused by situational factors or
that it had more to do with his personality? Why?
3. Do you think Bland would have reacted in a similar manner if he had had more time
to think about acting? Why or why not?
4. What are some ways in which helping behavior can be encouraged?
615
APPENDIX
Going by the Numbers:
Statistics in Psychology
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Key Concepts for Appendix
MODULE 56
What measures can we use to summarize Descriptive Statistics
The Mean: Finding the Average
The Median: Finding the Middle
The Mode: Finding What
Is Most Frequent
sets of data?
Comparing the Three M's: Mean
Versus Median Versus Mode
MODULE 57
How can we assess the variability of a set of Measures of Variability
The Range: Highest Minus Lowest
?
data? The Standard Deviation:
Differences from the Mean
MODULE 58
How do we generalize from data? @ Using Statistics to Answer
Questions: Inferential Statistics
and Correlation
The Correlation Coefficient: Measuring
Relationships
How can we determine the nature of a
relationship, and the significance of
differences, between two sets of scores?
A-3
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Prologue Selma Vorwerk
As the boat moved nearer to shore, the outline of the Statue of
Liberty was plainly visible in the distance. Closer and closer it
came, sending a chill down the Selma Vorwerk’s spine. A symbol
of America, the statue represented the hopes she carried from
her native Europe in the early 1900s—hopes of liberty, of success,
of a life free of economic and social strain.
Yet as the boat sailed closer to Ellis Island, the first point of
arrival in the United States, Vorwerk did not realize that her very
presence—and that of the other thousands of immigrants
seeking their fortune in a land of opportunity—was threatened.
A strong political movement was growing in the country on
which she was pinning her hopes. That movement sought, by
using information collected by psychologists, to stem the flow
of immigrants through “scientific” analysis of data.
The groups’ major claim was that a flood of “mentally defi-
cient” immigrants was poisoning the intellectual capacity of the
United States. To supporters of that view, unless drastic measures
were taken, it would not be too many years before Western
civilization collapsed from a lack of intelligence.
To support this assertion, Lathrop Stoddard, a member of
the anti-immigration movement, reported the results of a study
of intelligence in which tests were administered to a group of
82 children and 400 adults. On the basis of those test results, he
concluded that the average mental age of people in the United
States was only 14 years—proof to him that unlimited immigra-
tion had already produced a serious decline in the country’s
intelligence.
Fortunately for immigrants such as Selma Vorwerk, observers in
favor of immigration pointed out the fallacy of using data from
a relatively small sample—when a considerably larger set of
intelligence test data was available. The U.S. Army had been
collecting intelligence data for years and had the test scores of
1.7 million men available. When those scores were analyzed, it
immediately became apparent that the claim that the average
mental age of American adults was 14 years was completely
without merit.
A debate reminiscent of this one rages today as some
observers suggest that an unrestrained flow of immigrants—this
time from Latin America and Asia—will seriously damage the
United States. This time, though, the debate is based more on
analyses of social and economic statistics: opponents of immigra-
tion suggest that the social fabric of the country will be changed
and that jobs are being taken away from longer-term residents
because of the influx of immigrants. Equally vehement propo-
nents of immigration suggest that the relevant statistics are
being misinterpreted and that their analyses of the situation
result in a very different conclusion.
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MODULE 56
Statistics, the branch of mathematics concerned with collecting, organizing, analyz-
ing, and drawing conclusions from numerical data, is a part of all of our lives. For
instance, we are all familiar with the claims and counterclaims regarding the effects
of smoking. The U.S. government requires cigarette manufacturers to include a warn-
ing that smoking is dangerous to people’s health on every package of cigarettes and
in their advertisements; the government’s data show clear statistical links between
smoking and disease. At the same time, the tobacco industry has long minimized the
negative effects of smoking.
Statistics is also at the heart of a considerable number of debates in the field of
psychology. How do we determine the nature and strength of the effects of heredity
on behavior? What is the relationship between learning and schedules of reinforce-
ment? How do we know if the “double standard” regarding male and female sexual
practices has shifted over time? These questions and most others of interest to psy-
chologists cannot be answered without using statistics.
In this set of modules, we consider the basic approaches to statistical measure-
ment. We first discuss approaches to summarizing data that allow us to describe sets
of observations. Next, we consider techniques for deciding how different one set of
scores is from another. Finally, we examine approaches to measuring the relationship
between two sets of scores.
Suppose as an instructor of college psychology you wanted to evaluate your
class’s performance on its initial exam. Where might you begin?
You would probably start by using descriptive statistics, the branch of statistics
that provides a means of summarizing data and presenting it in a usable and con-
venient form. For instance, you might first simply list the scores the pupils had
received on the test:
72 78 78 92 69 73 85 49
86 86 72 59 58 85 89
80 83 69 78 90 90 96 83
Viewed this way, the scores are a jumble of numbers of which
it is difficult to make any sense. However, there are several meth-
ods by which you could begin to organize the scores in a more
meaningful way. For example, you might sort them in order of
highest score to lowest score, as in Figure 1. By indicating the
number of people who obtained each score, you would have pro-
duced what is called a frequency distribution, an arrangement of
scores from a sample that indicates how often a particular score
is present.
Another way of summarizing the scores is to consider them
visually. For example, you could construct the histogram, or bar
graph, shown in Figure 2. In this histogram, the number of people
obtaining a given score is represented pictorially. The scores are
What measures can we use
to summarize sets of data?
The branch of mathematics
concerned with collecting, organizing,
analyzing, and drawing conclusions
from numerical data.
The branch of
statistics that provides a means of
summarizing data.
An arrange-
ment of scores from a sample that
indicates how often a particular score
is present.
Bar graph.
ordered along one dimension of the graph and the number of peo- “Meaningless statistics were up one-point-five percent
ple obtaining each score along the other dimension. this month over last month.”
© The New Yorker Collection 1977 Dana Fradon from
cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
A-6
A Sample Frequency Distribution
Test
Score
96
92
90
89
86
85
83
80
78
73
72.
69
52
58
49
Number of Students
Attaining That Score
—--—- -NN—-WH-NNNH— NY -— =
FIGURE 1 Example of a frequency
distribution, which arranges scores from
a sample and indicates how often a
particular score is present.
Number of students
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Appendix Going by the Numbers: Statistics in Psychology
Arranging the scores from the highest to the lowest allows us to visually inspect
the data. Most often, however, visual inspection is insufficient. For one thing, there
may be so many scores in a sample that it is difficult to construct a meaningful visual
representation. For another, our interpretations of patterns on a graph or table are
often biased and inaccurate; more precise, mathematically based measures would
seem to be preferable. In cases in which a precise means of summarizing the data is
desirable, psychologists turn to measures of central tendency. Central tendency is an
index of the central location within a distribution of scores. There are three major
measures of central tendency: the mean, the median, and the mode.
The Mean: Finding the Average
The most familiar measure of central tendency is the mean. A mean is the technical term
for an average, which is simply the sum of all the scores in a set, divided by the number
of scores making up the set. For example, to calculate the mean of the sample we have
been using, begin by adding each of the numbers (96 + 92 + 90 + 90 + 89 +... and
so forth). When you have the total, divide that sum by the number of scores, which is
23. This calculation, 1,800/23 = 78.26 produces a mean score, or average, for our sample.
In general, the mean is an accurate reflection of the central score in a set of scores;
as you can see from the histogram in Figure 2, our mean of 78.26 falls roughly in the
center of the distribution of scores. Yet the mean does not always provide the best
measure of central tendency. For one thing, the mean is very sensitive to extreme
scores. As an example, imagine that we added two scores of 20 and 22 to our sample
scores. The mean would now become 1,842/25, or 73.68—a drop of almost five
points. Because of its sensitivity to extreme scores, then, the mean can sometimes
present a deceptive picture of a set of scores, especially in cases where the mean is
based on a relatively small number of scores.
78
3
3 69 72 83 8586 90
i 49 58 59 73 E 92 96
0 a eae E | De (PL ee | | fi =p f= al | | | | bl l | ae |
50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95
Score
FIGURE 2 In this histogram, the number of students obtaining each score is represented
by a bar.
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The Mean:
Finding the Middle
A measure of central tendency that is less sensitive to extreme scores than the mean
is the median. The median is the point in a distribution of scores that divides the
distribution exactly in half. If we arrange all the scores in order from the highest to
the lowest, the median lies in the middle of the distribution.
For example, consider a distribution of five scores: 10, 8, 7, 4, and 3. The point
that divides the distribution exactly in half is the score 7: Two scores in the distribu-
tion lie above the 7 score, and two scores lie below it. If there are an even number
of scores in a distribution—in which case there will be no score lying in the middle—
the two middle scores are averaged. If our distribution consisted of scores of 10, 8,
7,6, 4, and 3, then, we would average the two middle scores of 7 and 6 to form a
median of 7 + 6 divided by 2, or 13/2 = 6.5.
In our original sample test scores, there are 23 scores. The score that divides the
distribution exactly in half will be the 12th score in the frequency distribution of
scores because the 12th score has 11 scores above it and 11 below it. If you count
down to the 11th score in the distribution depicted in Figure 1, you will see that the
score is 80. Therefore, the median of the distribution is 80.
One feature of the median as a measure of central tendency is that it is insensi-
tive to extreme scores. For example, adding the scores of 20 and 22 to our distribution
would change the median no more than would adding scores of 48 and 47 to the
distribution. The reason is clear: The median divides a set of scores in half, and the
magnitude of the scores is of no consequence in this process.
The median is often used instead of the mean when extreme scores might be
misleading. For example, government statistics on income are typically presented
using the median as the measure of central tendency because the median corrects for
the small number of extreme cases of very wealthy individuals, whose high incomes
might otherwise inflate the mean income.
The Mode:
Finding What Is Most Frequent
The final measure of central tendency is the mode. The mode is the most frequently
occurring score in a set of scores. If you return to the distribution in Figure 1, you
can see that three people scored 78, and the frequency of all the other scores is either
2 or 1. The mode for the distribution, then, is 78.
Some distributions, of course, may have more than one score occurring most
frequently. For instance, we could imagine that if the distribution had a score of 86
added to the two that are already there, there would be two most frequently occur-
ring categories: 78 and now 86. In this instance, we would say there are two modes—
a case known as a bimodal distribution.
The mode is often used as a measure of preference or popularity. For instance,
if teachers wanted to know who was the most popular child in their elementary
school classrooms, they might develop a questionnaire that asked the students to
choose someone with whom they would like to participate in some activity. After the
choices were tallied, the mode probably would provide the best indication of which
child was the most popular.
Module 56 Descriptive Statistics A-7
central tendency An index of the
central location within a distribution
of scores; the most representative score
in a distribution of scores (the mean,
median, and mode are measures of
central tendency).
mean The average of all scores,
arrived at by adding scores together
and dividing by the number of scores.
median The point in a distribution of
scores that divides the distribution
exactly in half when the scores are
listed in numerical order.
mode The most frequently occurring
score in a set of scores.
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A-8 Appendix Going by the Numbers: Statistics in Psychology
normal distribution A distribution of
scores that produces a symmetrical,
bell-shaped curve in which the right
half mirrors the left half and in which
the mean, median, and mode all have
the same value.
FIGURE 3 In a normal distribution, the
mean, median, and mode are identical,
thus falling at the center of the
distribution.
FIGURE 4 In this skewed distribution,
most scores are low.
Comparing the Three M's: Mean
Versus Median Versus Mode
If a sample is sufficiently large, there is generally little difference between the mean,
median, and mode. The reason is that with large samples, scores typically form what
is called a normal distribution. A normal distribution is a distribution of scores that
produces a symmetrical, bell-shaped curve, such as the one displayed in Figure 3 in
which the right half mirrors the left half and in which the mean, median, and mode
all have the same value.
Most large distributions—those containing many scores—produce a normal
curve. For instance, if you asked a large number of students how many hours a week
they studied, you might expect to find that most studied within a similar range of
hours, and there would be a few who studied many, many hours and a very few
who did not study at all. There would be many scores hovering around the center
of the distribution of scores, then, and only a few at the extremes—producing a
normal distribution. Many phenomena of interest to psychologists produce a normal
curve when graphed. For example, the distribution of IQ scores among the general
population falls into a normal distribution.
The mean, median, and mode fall at exactly the same point in a normal distribu-
tion. This means that in a normal distribution of scores, the mean score will divide
the distribution exactly in half (making it the median), and it will be the most fre-
quently occurring score in the distribution (making it the mode).
The mean, median, and mode differ, however, when distributions are not normal.
In cases in which the distributions are skewed, or not symmetrical, there is a “hump” at
one end (see Figures 4 and 5). For instance, if we gave a calculus exam to a group of
students enrolled in an elementary algebra class, we would expect that most of the
students would fail the test, leading to low scores being overrepresented in the distribu-
tion as in Figure 4. On the other hand, if we gave the same students a test of elementary
Mean
Median
Mode
Mode
Median
Mean
Low scores High scores
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Mode
Median
Mean
Module 56 Descriptive Statistics A-9
FIGURE 5 In this example of a skewed
distribution, there tend to be more high
scores than low scores.
Low scores High scores
addition problems, the scores would probably form a distribution in which high scores
predominated as in Figure 5. Both distributions are skewed although in opposite direc-
tions, and the mean, median, and mode are different from one another.
RECAP
What measures can we use to summarize sets of data?
e Statistics is concerned with collecting, organizing, analyz-
ing, and drawing conclusions from numerical data. (p. A-5)
e Descriptive statistics provides a means of summarizing
data and presenting it in a usable and convenient form.
(p. A-5)
e A frequency distribution arranges scores from a sample
by indicating how often a particular score is presented.
A histogram, or bar graph, presents the same data
pictorially. (p. A-5)
e Central tendency is the most representative score in a
distribution of scores. The mean (or average) is generally
the best measure of central tendency. The median is the
point or score in a distribution that divides the distribu-
tion in half so that half the scores are higher and half are
lower. The third measure of central tendency is the
mode, the most frequently occurring score in a distribu-
tion of scores. (p. A-6)
EVALUATE
1. A frequency distribution of numbers could be displayed
pictorially by constructing a bar graph, or
KEY TERMS
statistics p. A-5
descriptive statistics p. A-5
frequency distribution p. A-5
histogram p. A-5
central tendency p. A-6
mean p. A-6
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
2.
Match each item in the left-hand column with the corre-
sponding item in the right-hand column.
1. Mean = 10 Bl, Pp S 10 1213 le}
2. Median = 11 lo 4,5, 10, 110), 15), 6
3. Mode = 12 i AL, 12 12, 1D, 6
The mean, median, and mode are measures of
Professor Garcia explains to the class that most of the
40 exam scores fell within a B range, but there were two
extremely high scores. Should she report the median or
the mean as a measure of central tendency?
The mean, median, and mode will differ in a normal dis-
tribution. True or false?
RETHINK
1.
Government statistics on family income are presented in a
variety of ways. What would be the most useful way of
providing a summary of family incomes across the coun-
try: the mean, median, or mode? Why might providing
only the mean be misleading?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
Tenba aq [Im ayy ‘aspey G /SƏI00S IUƏIJXƏ 0} BATIISUS 00} ST UaUT
əy} ‘uerpou oy} “pf ‘Áouəpuə LUD *E 19-¢ “L-Z ‘q-[ °Z ‘wIeISOYSTY ‘TL
median p. A-7
mode p. A-7
normal distribution p. A-8
ULE
Measures of Variability
Key Concept
How can we assess the vari-
ability of a set of data?
variability The spread, or dispersion,
of scores in a distribution.
range The difference between the
highest score and the lowest score in a
distribution.
A-10
Although measures of central tendency provide information about where the center
of a distribution lies, often this information is insufficient. For example, suppose a
psychologist was interested in determining the nature of people’s eye movements
while they were reading in order to perfect a new method to teach reading. It would
not be enough to know how most people moved their eyes (information that a mea-
sure of central tendency would provide); it would also be important to know how
much individual people’s eye movements differed or varied from one another.
A second important characteristic of a set of scores provides this information:
variability. Variability is a term that refers to the spread, or dispersion, of scores in
a distribution. Figure 1 contains two distributions of scores that have identical means
but differ in variability. Measures of variability provide a way to describe the spread
of scores in a distribution.
Mean=50
Mean=50
(a) (b)
FIGURE 1 Although the mean is iden-
tical in these two distributions, the variability, or spread of scores, is very different. Specifically,
the variability is considerably greater in (a) than in (b).
The Range:
Highest Minus Lowest
The simplest measure of variability is the range. The range is the difference between
the highest score in a distribution and the lowest score. In the following set of scores
the distribution has a range of 47 (96 — 49 = 47).
96 92 90 90 89 86
86 85 85 83 83 80
78 78 78 73 72 72.
69 69 59 58 49
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Module 57 Measures of Variability A-11
The fact that a range is simple to calculate is about its only virtue. The problem
with this particular measure of variability is that it is based entirely on extreme
scores, and a single score that is very different from the others in a distribution can
distort the picture of the distribution as a whole. For example, the addition of a score
of 20 to the test score distribution we are considering would almost double the range
even though the variability of the remaining scores in the distribution would not
have changed at all.
The Standard Deviation:
Differences from the Mean
The most frequently used method of characterizing the variability of a distribution
of scores is the standard deviation. The standard deviation bears a conceptual rela-
tionship to a mean. Recall that the mean is the average score in a distribution of
scores. A standard deviation is an index of the average deviation of a set of scores
from the center of the distribution.
Consider, for instance, the distributions in Figure 1. The distribution on the left
is widely dispersed; on the average an individual score in the distribution can be
thought of as deviating quite a bit from the center of the distribution. Certainly the
scores in the distribution on the left are going to deviate more from the center of the
distribution than those in the distribution on the right.
In contrast, in the distribution on the right, the scores are closely packed together
and there is little deviation of a typical score from the center of the distribution. On
the basis of this analysis, then, it would be expected that a good measure of vari-
ability would yield a larger value for the distribution on the left than it would for
the one on the right—and, in fact, a standard deviation would do exactly this by
indicating how far away a typical score lies from the center of the distribution.
In a normal distribution, 68% of the scores fall within one standard deviation of
the mean (34% on either side of it), 95% of the scores fall within two standard devi-
ations, and 99.7% fall within three standard deviations. In the general population, IQ
scores of intelligence fall into a normal distribution, and they have a mean of 100
and a standard deviation of 15. Consequently, an IQ score of 100 does not deviate
from the mean, whereas an IQ score that is three standard deviations above the mean
(or 145) is very unusual (higher than 99% of all IQ scores).
The calculation of the standard deviation follows the logic of calculating the dif-
ference of individual scores from the mean of the distribution (see Figure 2). Not
only does the standard deviation provide an excellent indicator of the variability of
a set of scores, it provides a means for converting initial scores on standardized tests
such as the SAT (the college admissions exam) into the scales used to report results.
In this way, it is possible to make a score of 585 on the verbal section of the SAT
exam, for example, equivalent from one year to the next even though the specific test
items differ from year to year.
standard deviation An index of the
average deviation of a set of scores
from the center of the distribution.
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A-12 Appendix Going by the Numbers: Statistics in Psychology
Calculating a Standard Deviation
1. The calculation of a standard deviation begins with the calculation of the mean of
distribution. In the following distribution of scores on a psychology student’s weekly
quizzes, the mean is 84.5: 82, 88, 71, 86, 96, 84. (As you recall, the mean is the sum
of the scores divided by the number of scores in the distribution, or 507 +6=84.5.)
2. The next step is to produce a deviation score for each score in the distribution. A
deviation score is simply an original score minus the mean of all the scores in a
distribution. This has been done in the second column below:
Deviation Score
Original Score Deviation Score Squared
82 Z229 6.25
88 35 1225
71 =1135 182.25
86 ES) 225
96 11.5 13225
84 =) 25
3. In the third step, the deviation scores are squared (multiplied by themselves) to
eliminate negative numbers. This has been carried out in the third column above.
4. The squared deviation scores are then added together; and this sum is divided by
the number of scores. In the example above, the sum of the squared deviation
scores is 6.25+12.25+ 182.25+2.25+132.25+.25=335.50, and 335.50+6=55.916.
5. The final step is to take the square root of the resulting number. The square root of
55.916 is 7.4777—which is the standard deviation of the distribution of scores.
6. To summarize, the standard deviation is calculated using the formula
(score — mean)?
N
Original score minus the mean of 84.5
(Note: Because this formula provides the standard deviation for a sample, the sum of
the deviation scores is divided by the number of scores, N. However, in some cases, in
which we might wish to generalize beyond the specific sample to a larger population,
the standard deviation is calculated by using the number of scores minus 1, or N—1.)
FIGURE 2 How to calculate a standard deviation.
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Module 57 Measures of Variability A-13
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 2. By simply eyeing the following sets of numbers, predict
which will have a higher standard deviation and why:
ao OnlOn LO 2e IS
1s 210), Sh, IL, IG, 1%, ils
3. Calculate the mean and standard deviation for sets a and
b in Question 2.
How can we assess the variability of a set of data?
e The range and standard deviation are two measures of
variability, which is the spread, or dispersion, of scores
in a distribution. The range is the distance between the
largest score in a distribution and the smallest score. The
standard deviation is an index of the extent to which the
average score in a distribution deviates from the center RETHINK
Chee ee Uo A) 1. If you were interested in understanding the number of
people living below the poverty line in the United States,
EVALUATE why might the range and the standard deviation provide
you with a better understanding of the extent of poverty
than would measures of central tendency (the mean, me-
dian, and mode)?
1. A measure of variability based solely on the distance be-
tween the most extreme scores is the
a. Spread
b. Standard deviation Answers to Evaluate Questions
c. Deviation score 08'S = UOYeIAap prepurjs ‘TI = eow qg OTZ = UONeIAap prepur}s
d. Range ‘OL = Ueow "eg ‘pasiedstp ATOpIM aIOU are SIaquinu ay} asnedeq ‘q z “P'T
KEY TERMS
variability p. A-10 range p. A-10 standard deviation p. A-11
How do we generalize
from data?
How can we determine the
nature of a relationship, and
the significance of differences,
between two sets of scores?
All the members of a
group of interest.
A representative subgroup
of a population of interest.
The branch of
statistics that uses data from samples
to make predictions about the larger
population from which the sample is
drawn.
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Suppose you were a psychologist who was interested in whether there is a relation-
ship between smoking and anxiety. Would it be reasonable to simply look at a group
of smokers and measure their anxiety using some rating scale? Probably not. It
clearly would be more informative if you compared their anxiety with the anxiety
exhibited by a group of nonsmokers.
Once you decided to observe anxiety in two groups of people, you would have
to determine just who would be your subjects. In an ideal world with unlimited
resources, you might contact every smoker and nonsmoker because these are the
two populations with which you are concerned. A population consists of all the
members of a group of interest. Obviously, however, this would be impossible
because of the all-encompassing size of the two groups; instead, you would limit
your subjects to a sample of smokers and nonsmokers. A sample, in formal statis-
tical terms, is a subgroup of a population of interest that is intended to be repre-
sentative of the larger population. Once you had identified samples representative
of the population of interest to you, it would be possible to carry out your study
that would yield two distributions of scores—one from the smokers and one from
the nonsmokers.
The obvious question is whether the two samples differ in the degree of anxiety
their members display. The statistical procedures that we discussed earlier are help-
ful in answering this question because each of the two samples can be examined in
terms of central tendency and variability. The more important question, though, is
whether the magnitude of difference between the two distributions is sufficient to
conclude that the distributions truly differ from one another, or if, instead, the dif-
ferences are attributable merely to chance.
To answer the question of whether samples are truly different from one another,
psychologists use inferential statistics. Inferential statistics is the branch of statistics
that uses data from samples to make predictions about a larger population, permit-
ting generalizations to be drawn. To take a simple example, suppose you had two
coins that both were flipped 100 times. Suppose further that one coin came up heads
41 times, and the other came up heads 65 times. Are both coins fair? We know that
a fair coin should come up heads about 50 times in 100 flips. But a little thought
would also suggest it is unlikely that even a fair coin would come up heads exactly
50 times in 100 flips. The question is, then, how far a coin could deviate from 50 heads
before that coin would be considered unfair.
Questions such as this—as well as whether the results found are due to chance
or represent unexpected, nonchance findings—revolve around how “probable”
certain events are. Using coin flipping as an example, 53 heads in 100 flips would
be a highly probable outcome because it departs only slightly from the expected
outcome of 50 heads. In contrast, if a coin was flipped 100 times and 90 of those
times it came up heads, that would be a highly improbable outcome. In fact, 90 heads
out of 100 flips should occur by chance only once in 2 million trials of 100 flips
of a fair coin. Ninety heads in 100 flips, then, is an extremely improbable outcome;
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Module 58 Using Statistics to Answer Questions: Inferential Statistics and Correlation A-15
if 90 heads did appear, the odds would be that the coin or the flipping process
was rigged.
Inferential statistics are used to mathematically determine the probability of
observed events. By using inferential statistics to evaluate the result of an experiment,
psychologists are able to calculate the likelihood that the difference is a reflection of
a true difference between populations. For example, suppose we find that the mean
on an anxiety scale is 68 for smokers and 48 for nonsmokers. Inferential statistical
procedures allow us to determine whether this difference is really meaningful or
whether we might expect the same difference to occur merely because of chance fac-
tors (Gaffney & Henry, 2007).
The results of inferential statistical procedures are described in terms of mea-
sures of significance. To a psychologist, a significant outcome is one in which the
observed outcome would be expected to have occurred only by chance with a
probability of .05 or less. Put another way, a significant difference between two
means says that there are only 5 chances out of 100 (or less) that the difference an
experimenter has found is due to chance rather than to an actual difference between
the means.
Obtaining a significant outcome in a study does not necessarily imply that the
results of an experiment have real-world importance. An experiment may demon-
strate that two groups differ significantly from one another, but the meaning of the
differences in terms of what occurs outside the laboratory may be limited. Still,
finding a significant outcome tells us something important: The differences a
researcher has found are overwhelmingly likely to be true differences that are not
only due to chance.
The Correlation Coefficient:
Measuring Relationships
How do we know if television viewing is related to aggression, if reading romance
novels is related to sexual behavior, or if mothers’ IQs are related to their daugh-
ters’ IQs?
Each of these questions revolves around the issue of the degree of relationship
between two variables. One way of answering them is to draw a scatterplot, a means
of graphically illustrating the relationship between two variables. We would first
collect two sets of paired measures and assign one score to the horizontal axis (vari-
able x) and the other score to the vertical axis (variable y). Then we would draw a
dot at the place where the two scores meet on the graph. The first two scatterplots
in Figure 1 present typical situations. In (a) and (b), there is a positive relationship
in which high values of variable x are associated with high values of variable y and
low values of x are associated with low values of y. In (c) and (d), there is a negative
relationship: As values of variable x increase, the values of variable y decrease. In
(e), no clear relationship exists between variable x and variable y.
It is also possible to consider scores in terms of their mathematical relationship
to one another rather than simply the way they appear on a scatterplot. Suppose,
for example, a psychologist was interested in the degree to which a daughter’s IQ
was related to her mother’s IQ—specifically, if a mother with a high IQ tended to
have a daughter who also had a high IQ—and whether a mother with a low IQ
tended to have a daughter with a low IQ. To examine the issue, suppose the psy-
chologist measured the IQs of 10 mothers and daughters and arranged their IQs as
presented in Figure 2 on page A-17.
Looking at the data in the table, it is obvious that mothers and daughters do
not have identical IQs. Moreover, they do not even have IQs that are rank-ordered
the same in the two columns. For example, the mother with the highest IQ does not
have the daughter with the highest IQ, and the mother with the lowest IQ does not
significant outcome An outcome in
which the observed outcome would be
expected to have occurred by chance
with a probability of .05 or less.
positive relationship A relationship
established by data that shows high
values of one variable corresponding
with high values of another, and low
values of the first variable correspond-
ing with low values of the other.
negative relationship A relationship
established by data that shows high
values of one variable corresponding
with low values of the other.
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A-16 Appendix Going by the Numbers: Statistics in Psychology
(a) Strong positive relationship
(correlation = +.90)
c) Moderate negative relationshi
8 P
(correlation = —.50)
correlation coefficient A numerical
measure that indicates the extent of the
relationship between two variables.
(b) Moderate positive relationship
(correlation = +.60)
(d) Strong negative relationship (e) No relationship
(correlation = —.90) (correlation = .00)
0
0 l 2 3 4 5 6 0 l 2 3 4 5 6
FIGURE 1 These scatterplots show relationships of different strengths. In (a) and (b), the
relationships are positive, although in (a) the relationship is considerably stronger than in
(b). In contrast, the relationships in (c) and (d) are negative, with (d) representing a stronger
negative relationship. Finally, (e) illustrates a case where no systematic relationship exists
between the variables.
have the daughter with the lowest IQ. It is apparent, then, that there is not a perfect
relationship between the IQ of a mother and the IQ of a daughter. However, it
would be a mistake to conclude that there is a zero, or no, relationship between the
IQs of the mothers and daughters because it is clear that there is a tendency for
mothers who have high IQs to have daughters with high IQs, and that mothers with
low IQs tend to have daughters with low IQs.
The statistic that provides a precise mathematical index of the degree to which
two variables are related is the correlation coefficient. A correlation coefficient is a
numerical measure that indicates the extent of the relationship between two vari-
ables. It ranges in value from +1.00 to —1.00. A value of +1.00 would indicate that
two variables had a perfect positive relationship with one another, which means that
the highest score on one variable would be associated with the highest score on the
other variable, the second-highest score on the first variable would be associated with
the second-highest score on the second variable, and so on. A value of —1.00 would
indicate that there was a perfect negative relationship between the two variables; the
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Module 58 Using Statistics to Answer Questions: Inferential Statistics and Correlation A-17
FIGURE 2 In this distribution, each mother’s IQ score is compared to her daughter's IQ score.
Using a correlation coefficient, we can calculate the strength of the relationship between the
set of pairs of scores.
highest score on the first variable would be associated with the lowest score on the
second variable, the second highest score would be associated with the second low-
est score, and so forth.
Correlation coefficients at or only slightly greater or slightly less than zero indi-
cate that there is no relationship between the two variables. In such cases, there is
no tendency for high values on one variable to be associated with either high or low
values on the second variable.
Correlation coefficients that range between zero and +/-—1.00 reflect varying
degrees of relationship between the two variables. For instance, a value of +.20 or
—.20 would indicate that there was a slight relationship between the two variables;
a value of around +.50 or -.50 would indicate a moderate relationship; a value of
+.80 or —.80 would indicate a relatively strong relationship. As an example, if we
were to calculate the correlation of the two sets of variables in Figure 2 (most
advanced calculators do the necessary calculations automatically), we would find a
correlation that is quite strong: The coefficient is +.86.
It is important to note that finding a strong correlation between two variables
does not in any way indicate that changes in one variable cause changes in
another—only that the variables are associated with one another. Although it may
seem plausible to us that it is the mother’s intelligence that causes higher intel-
ligence in a daughter, for example, it is just as possible that a daughter’s intelli-
gence affects how the mother performs on an IQ test (Perhaps the daughter’s
behavior affects the general home environment, influencing the mother’s perfor-
mance on IQ tests.) It is even plausible that some unmeasured—and previously
unconsidered—third variable is causing both mother’s and daughter’s IQs to
increase or decrease simultaneously. In a clear example of this possibility, even if
we found that ice cream sales and rates of violent crime are positively correlated
with one another (as they happen to be), we would not presume that they are
causally related. In this case, it is likely that both are influenced by a third factor—
the weather.
The crucial point is that even if we find a perfect correlation between two sets
of variables, we will not be able to say that the two variables are linked causally—
only that they are strongly related to one another.
IQ Scores of Mothers and Daughters
Mother’s IQ
35
28
25
20
l4
10
02
96
90
86
Daughter’s IQ
122
130
110
132
100
116
108
89
84
oD)
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A-18 Appendix Going by the Numbers: Statistics in Psychology
RECAP/EVALUATE/RETHINK
RECAP 3:
How do we generalize from data?
e Inferential statistics—techniques that use data from sam-
ples to make predictions about a larger population—are
useful in deciding whether differences between distribu-
tions of data are attributable to real differences or to
chance variation. (p. A-14)
How can we determine the nature of a relationship, and the
significance of differences, between two sets of scores?
e Measures of relationship provide a numerical index of
the extent to which two variables are related. The corre-
lation coefficient ranges in value from +1.00 to —1.00,
with +1.00 indicating a perfect positive relationship
and —1.00 indicating a perfect negative relationship.
Correlations close to or at zero indicate there is little or
no relationship between two variables. (p. A-16)
A hypothetical set of data drawn from a sample of college
sophomores at a university found that as the rate of caf-
feine consumption increases, the amount of sleep de-
creases. The scatterplot for these data is apt to show a
relationship.
. What would the value of the correlation coefficient be for
the following?
a. A perfect negative relationship
b. A perfect positive relationship
c. No relationship
. If we observed a correlation coefficient of —.90 in Question
3, we would probably be safe in saying that caffeine
consumption causes lack of sleep in college students. True
or false?
. The researchers in Question 3 decide to extend the find-
ings they obtain from their sample of college sophomores
to all adults. Would you accept their generalization? Why
or why not?
EVALUATE
RETHINK
1. Researchers would like to estimate the level of stress for
first-year college students for a given year at a large uni- 1. For many years, cigarette manufacturers argued that be-
versity. A stress index is given to a randomly assigned
group of 500 first-year students. The class size is 6,000 for
that year. In this example the group of 500 is known as a
, and the entire class of first-year students is
known as the :
. Dr. Sanders states that the results of his experiment show
a difference between the two groups, and that there is a
90% probability that the results are due to a true difference
between the groups and not due to chance. Are his results
statistically significant in the way the term significant typi-
cally is used by psychologists?
cause the data linking smoking and disease was correla-
tional, one could not infer that there was a causal
connection between them and therefore no reason not to
smoke. Did the manufacturers have a valid argument?
How could you refute their argument?
Answers to Evaluate Questions
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KEY TERMS
population p. A-14
sample p. A-14
inferential statistics p. A-14
significant outcome p. A-15
positive relationship p. A-15
negative relationship p. A-15
correlation coefficient p. A-16
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Psychology on the Web
1. Search the web for the results of a recent survey, such as one conducted by the
Gallup polling organization (www.gallup.com). Describe the results by summarizing
the methodology and the sample size for the survey. How does the sample address
the population to which the survey is being generalized?
E © | | OQ U e In this group of modules, we've seen how psychologists
use statistical methods to summarize data and support
hypotheses. Return, for a moment, to the prologue about Selma Vorwerk, who immi-
grated to this country in the early 1900s; use the statistical concepts that we covered to
answer the following questions.
1. What was the sample size anti-immigrationist Lathrop Stoddard used and to what
population was he generalizing?
2. What are the statistical flaws in the arguments critics of immigration made in the
early 1900s?
3. What statistical methods would you find useful in refuting Stoddard’s conclusions
about immigrants?
Join Us on Fb WhatsApp & Telegram
Chor Only Booka Votes tu pdf
Fo.com/groups/458 1844109658 70
TELEGRAM.ME/CSSASPIRANTSFORUM
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SEPARATE GROUP FOR FEMALES ASPIRANTS
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Glossary
abnormal behavior Behavior that causes people
to experience distress and prevents them from
functioning in their daily lives (Module 46).
absolute threshold The smallest intensity of a
stimulus that must be present for the stimulus
to be detected (Module 10).
acquired immune deficiency syndrome
(AIDS) A sexually transmitted infection
caused by a virus that destroys the body’s
immune system (Module 34).
action potential An electric nerve impulse that
travels through a neuron’s axon when it is set
off by a “trigger,” changing the neuron’s charge
from negative to positive (Module 7).
activation-synthesis theory Hobson’s theory
that the brain produces random electrical
energy during REM sleep that stimulates mem-
ories stored in the brain (Module 14).
activity theory of aging A theory that sug-
gests that the elderly who are most successful
while aging are those who maintain the inter-
ests and activities they had during middle age
(Module 39).
adaptation An adjustment in sensory capacity
after prolonged exposure to unchanging stimuli
(Module 10).
addictive drugs Drugs that produce a biologi-
cal or psychological dependence in the user so
that withdrawal from them leads to a craving
for the drug that, in some cases, may be nearly
irresistible (Module 16).
adolescence The developmental stage between
childhood and adulthood (Module 38).
age of viability The point at which a fetus can
survive if born prematurely (Module 36).
aggression The intentional injury of, or harm
to, another person (Module 55).
algorithm A rule that, if applied appropriately,
guarantees a solution to a problem (Module 23).
all-or-none law The rule that neurons are
either on or off (Module 7).
altruism Helping behavior that is beneficial to
others but clearly requires self-sacrifice
(Module 55).
Alzheimer’s disease A progressive brain dis-
order that leads to a gradual and irreversible
decline in cognitive abilities (Modules 22, 39).
amnesia Memory loss that occurs without
other mental difficulties (Module 22).
anal stage According to Freud, a stage from
age 12 to 18 months to 3 years of age, in which a
child’s pleasure is centered on the anus
(Module 40).
androgens Male sex hormones secreted by the
testes (Module 33).
anorexia nervosa A severe eating disorder in
which people may refuse to eat while denying
that their behavior and appearance—which can
become skeleton-like—are unusual (Module 30).
anorgasmia (an-or-GAZ-mee-uh) A female’s
lack of orgasm (Module 34).
anterograde amnesia Amnesia in which mem-
ory is lost for events that follow an injury
(Module 22).
antianxiety drugs Drugs that reduce the level
of anxiety a person experiences essentially by
reducing excitability and increasing feelings of
well-being (Module 51).
antidepressant drugs Medications that
improve a severely depressed patient’s mood
and feeling of well-being (Module 51).
antipsychotic drugs Drugs that temporarily
reduce psychotic symptoms such as agitation,
hallucinations, and delusions (Module 51).
antisocial personality disorder A disorder in
which individuals show no regard for the moral
and ethical rules of society or the rights of oth-
ers (Module 47).
anxiety disorder The occurrence of anxiety
without an obvious external cause that affects
daily functioning (Module 47).
archetypes According to Jung, universal
symbolic representations of a particular person,
object, or experience (such as good and evil)
(Module 40).
archival research Research in which existing
data, such as census documents, college records,
and newspaper clippings, are examined to test a
hypothesis (Module 5).
arousal approaches to motivation The belief
that we try to maintain certain levels of stimula-
tion and activity increasing or reducing them as
necessary (Module 29).
association areas One of the major regions of
the cerebral cortex; the site of the higher mental
processes, such as thought, language, memory,
and speech (Module 9).
assumed-similarity bias The tendency to
think of people as being similar to oneself
even when meeting them for the first time
(Module 52).
attachment The positive emotional bond that
develops between a child and a particular indi-
vidual (Module 37).
attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD) A disorder marked by inattention,
impulsiveness, a low tolerance for frustration,
and a great deal of inappropriate activity
(Module 47).
attitudes Evaluations of a particular person,
behavior, belief, or concept (Module 52).
attribution theory The theory of personality
that seeks to explain how we decide, on the
basis of samples of an individual’s behavior,
what the specific causes of that person’s
behavior are (Module 52).
authoritarian parents Parents who are rigid
and punitive and value unquestioning obedi-
ence from their children (Module 37).
authoritative parents Parents who are firm, set
clear limits, reason with their children, and
explain things to them (Module 37).
autism A severe developmental disability that
impairs children’s ability to communicate and
relate to others (Module 47).
autobiographical memories Our recollections
of circumstances and episodes from our own
lives (Module 21).
autonomic division The part of the peripheral
nervous system that controls involuntary move-
ment of the heart, glands, lungs, and other
organs (Module 8).
autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt stage The
period during which, according to Erikson, tod-
dlers (ages 1% to 3 years) develop independence
and autonomy if exploration and freedom are
encouraged or shame and self-doubt if they are
restricted and overprotected (Module 37).
aversive conditioning A form of therapy that
reduces the frequency of undesired behavior by
pairing an aversive, unpleasant stimulus with
undesired behavior (Module 49).
axon The part of the neuron that carries mes-
sages destined for other neurons (Module 7).
babble Meaningless speechlike sounds made
by children from around the age of 3 months
through 1 year (Module 25).
background stressors (“daily hassles”)
Everyday annoyances, such as being stuck in
traffic, that cause minor irritations and may have
long-term ill effects if they continue or are com-
pounded by other stressful events (Module 43).
basilar membrane A vibrating structure that
runs through the center of the cochlea, dividing
it into an upper chamber and a lower chamber
and containing sense receptors for sound
(Module 12).
behavior modification A formalized technique
for promoting the frequency of desirable
G-1
G-2 Glossary
behaviors and decreasing the incidence of
unwanted ones (Module 18).
behavioral assessment Direct measures of an
individual’s behavior used to describe person-
ality characteristics (Module 42).
behavioral genetics The study of the effects of
heredity on behavior (Module 8).
behavioral neuroscientists (or biopsycholo-
gists) Psychologists who specialize in consider-
ing the ways in which the biological structures
and functions of the body affect behavior
(Module 7).
behavioral perspective The approach that sug-
gests that observable, measurable behavior
should be the focus of study (Modules 2, 46).
behavioral treatment approaches Treatment
approaches that build on the basic processes of
learning, such as reinforcement and extinction,
and assume that normal and abnormal behavior
are both learned (Module 49).
biofeedback A procedure in which a person
learns to control through conscious thought
internal physiological processes such as blood
pressure, heart and respiration rate, skin tem-
perature, sweating, and the constriction of
particular muscles (Module 9).
biological and evolutionary approaches to per-
sonality Theories that suggest that important
components of personality are inherited
(Module 41).
biomedical therapy Therapy that relies on
drugs and other medical procedures to improve
psychological functioning (Module 49).
bipolar disorder A disorder in which a person
alternates between periods of euphoric feelings
of mania and periods of depression (Module 47).
bisexuals Persons who are sexually attracted
to people of the same sex and the other sex
(Module 34).
borderline personality disorder A disorder in
which individuals have difficulty developing a
secure sense of who they are (Module 47).
bottom-up processing Perception that consists
of the progression of recognizing and process-
ing information from individual components of
a stimuli and moving to the perception of the
whole (Module 13).
bulimia A disorder in which a person binges
on large quantities of food, followed by efforts
to purge the food through vomiting or other
means (Module 30).
Cannon-Bard theory of emotion The belief
that both physiological arousal and emotional
experience are produced simultaneously by the
same nerve stimulus (Module 31).
case study An in-depth, intensive investigation
of an individual or small group of people
(Module 5).
cataclysmic events Strong stressors that occur
suddenly and typically affect many people at
once (e.g., natural disasters) (Module 43).
catharsis The process of discharging built-up
aggressive energy (Module 55).
central core The “old brain,” which controls
basic functions such as eating and sleeping and
is common to all vertebrates (Module 9).
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central nervous system (CNS) The part of the
nervous system that includes the brain and spi-
nal cord (Module 8).
central route processing Message interpreta-
tion characterized by thoughtful consideration
of the issues and arguments used to persuade
(Module 52).
central tendency An index of the central loca-
tion within a distribution of scores; the most
representative score in a distribution of scores
(the mean, median, and mode are measures of
central tendency) (Module 56).
central traits The major traits considered in
forming impressions of others (Module 52).
cerebellum (ser-uh-BELL-um) The part of the
brain that controls bodily balance (Module 9).
cerebral cortex The “new brain,” responsible
for the most sophisticated information pro-
cessing in the brain; contains four lobes
(Module 9).
chromosomes Rod-shaped structures that
contain all basic hereditary information
(Module 36).
chunk A meaningful grouping of stimuli that
can be stored as a unit in short-term memory
(Module 20).
circadian rhythms Biological processes that
occur regularly on approximately a 24-hour
cycle (Module 14).
classical conditioning A type of learning in
which a neutral stimulus comes to bring about a
response after it is paired with a stimulus that
naturally brings about that response (Module 17).
cochlea (KOKE-lee-uh) A coiled tube in the ear
filled with fluid that vibrates in response to
sound (Module 12).
cognitive approaches to motivation Theories
suggesting that motivation is a product of peo-
ple’s thoughts, expectations, and goals—their
cognitions (Module 29).
cognitive-behavioral approach A treatment
approach that incorporates basic principles of
learning to change the way people think
(Module 49).
cognitive development The process by which
a child’s understanding of the world changes as
a function of age and experience (Module 37).
cognitive dissonance The conflict that occurs
when a person holds two contradictory atti-
tudes or thoughts (referred to as cognitions)
(Module 52).
cognitive learning theory An approach to the
study of learning that focuses on the thought
processes that underlie learning (Module 19).
cognitive perspective The approach that
focuses on how people think, understand, and
know about the world (Module 2).
cognitive perspective on psychological dis-
orders The perspective that suggests that
people’s thoughts and beliefs are a central
component of abnormal behavior (Module 46).
cognitive psychology The branch of psychol-
ogy that focuses on the study of higher mental
processes, including thinking, language, mem-
ory, problem solving, knowing, reasoning, judg-
ing, and decision making (Module 23).
cognitive treatment approaches Treatment
approaches that teach people to think in more
adaptive ways by changing their dysfunctional
cognitions about the world and themselves
(Module 49).
collective unconscious According to Jung, a
common set of ideas, feelings, images, and sym-
bols that we inherit from our ancestors, the
whole human race, and even animal ancestors
from the distant past (Module 40).
community psychology A branch of psychol-
ogy that focuses on the prevention and mini-
mization of psychological disorders in the
community (Module 51).
companionate love The strong affection we
have for those with whom our lives are deeply
involved (Module 55).
compliance Behavior that occurs in response to
direct social pressure (Module 53).
compulsion An irresistible urge to repeatedly
carry out some act that seems strange and
unreasonable (Module 47).
concepts A mental grouping of similar objects,
events, or people (Module 23).
concrete operational stage According to
Piaget, the period from 7 to 12 years of age that
is characterized by logical thought and a loss of
egocentrism (Module 37).
conditioned response (CR) A response that,
after conditioning, follows a previously neutral
stimulus (e.g., salivation at the ringing of a bell)
(Module 17).
conditioned stimulus (CS) A once-neutral
stimulus that has been paired with an uncondi-
tioned stimulus to bring about a response for-
merly caused only by the unconditioned
stimulus (Module 17).
cones Cone-shaped, light-sensitive receptor
cells in the retina that are responsible for sharp
focus and color perception, particularly in
bright light (Module 11).
confirmation bias The tendency to seek out
and weight more heavily information that
supports one’s initial hypotheses and to ignore
contradictory information that supports alter-
native hypotheses or solutions (Module 24).
conformity A change in behavior or attitudes
brought about by a desire to follow the beliefs
or standards of other people (Module 53).
consciousness The awareness of the sensa-
tions, thoughts, and feelings being experienced
at a given moment (Module 14).
constructive processes Processes in which
memories are influenced by the meaning we
give to events (Module 21).
continuous reinforcement schedule
Reinforcing of a behavior every time it occurs
(Module 18).
control group A group participating in an
experiment that receives no treatment
(Module 5).
convergent thinking The ability to produce
responses that are based primarily on knowl-
edge and logic (Module 24).
conversion disorder A major somatoform disor-
der that involves an actual physical disturbance,
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such as the inability to use a sensory organ or the
complete or partial inability to move an arm or
leg (Module 47).
coping The efforts to control, reduce, or learn
to tolerate the threats that lead to stress
(Module 43).
correlation coefficient A numerical measure
that indicates the extent of the relationship
between two variables (Module 58).
correlational research Research in which the
relationship between two sets of variables is
examined to determine whether they are associ-
ated, or “correlated” (Module 5).
creativity The ability to generate original ideas
or solve problems in novel ways (Module 24).
cross-sectional research A research method
that compares people of different ages at the
same point in time (Module 35).
crystallized intelligence The accumulation
of information, skills, and strategies that are
learned through experience and can be
applied in problem-solving situations
(Module 26).
cue-dependent forgetting Forgetting that occurs
when there are insufficient retrieval cues to rekin-
dle information that is in memory (Module 22).
culture-fair IQ test A test that does not dis-
criminate against the members of any minority
group (Module 28).
date rape Rape in which the rapist is either a
date or a romantic acquaintance (Module 34).
daydreams Fantasies that people construct
while awake (Module 14).
decay The loss of information in memory
through its nonuse (Module 22).
declarative memory Memory for factual infor-
mation: names, faces, dates, and the like
(Module 20).
defense mechanisms In Freudian theory,
unconscious strategies that people use to
reduce anxiety by concealing the source of it
from themselves and others (Module 40).
deinstitutionalization The transfer of former
mental patients from institutions to the commu-
nity (Module 51).
dendrite A cluster of fibers at one end of a neu-
ron that receives messages from other neurons
(Module 7).
dependent variable The variable that is mea-
sured and is expected to change as a result of
changes caused by the experimenter’s manipu-
lation of the independent variable (Module 5).
depressants Drugs that slow down the nervous
system (Module 16).
depth perception The ability to view the world
in three dimensions and to perceive distance
(Module 13).
descriptive statistics The branch of statistics
that provides a means of summarizing data
(Module 56).
determinism The idea that people’s behavior is
produced primarily by factors outside of their
willful control (Module 3).
developmental psychology The branch of
psychology that studies the patterns of
growth and change that occur throughout life
(Module 35).
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, Fourth Edition, Text Revision
(DSM-IV-TR) A system, devised by the American
Psychiatric Association, used by most profession-
als to diagnose and classify abnormal behavior
(Module 46).
dialectical behavior therapy A form of treat-
ment in which the focus is on getting people to
accept who they are regardless of whether it
matches their ideal (Module 49).
difference threshold (just noticeable difference)
The smallest level of added or reduced stimula-
tion required to sense that a change in stimula-
tion has occurred (Module 10).
diffusion of responsibility The tendency for
people to feel that responsibility for acting is
shared, or diffused, among those present
(Module 55).
discrimination Behavior directed toward indi-
viduals on the basis of their membership in a
particular group (Module 54).
disengagement theory of aging A theory that
suggests that aging produces a gradual
withdrawal from the world on physical,
psychological, and social levels (Module 39).
dispositional causes (of behavior) Perceived
causes of behavior that are based on internal
traits or personality factors (Module 52).
dissociative amnesia A disorder in whicha
significant, selective memory loss occurs
(Module 47).
dissociative disorders Psychological dysfunc-
tions characterized by the separation of differ-
ent facets of a person’s personality that are
normally integrated (Module 47).
dissociative fugue A form of amnesia in which
the individual leaves home and sometimes
assumes a new identity (Module 47).
dissociative identity disorder (DID) A dis-
order in which a person displays characteris-
tics of two or more distinct personalities
(Module 47).
divergent thinking The ability to generate
unusual, yet nonetheless appropriate, responses
to problems or questions (Module 24).
double standard The view that premarital sex
is permissible for males but not for females
(Module 34).
dreams-for-survival theory The theory sug-
gesting that dreams permit information that is
critical for our daily survival to be reconsidered
and reprocessed during sleep (Module 14).
drive Motivational tension, or arousal,
that energizes behavior to fulfill a need
(Module 29).
drive-reduction approaches to motiva-
tion Theories suggesting that a lack of a basic
biological requirement such as water produces
a drive to obtain that requirement (in this case,
the thirst drive) (Module 29).
drug therapy Control of psychological disor-
ders through the use of drugs (Module 51).
eardrum The part of the ear that vibrates when
sound waves hit it (Module 12).
Glossary G-3
ego The part of the personality that provides a
buffer between the id and the outside world
(Module 40).
egocentric thought A way of thinking in which
a child views the world entirely from his or her
own perspective (Module 37).
ego-integrity-versus-despair stage According
to Erikson, a period from late adulthood until
death during which we review life’s accom-
plishments and failures (Module 38).
electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) A procedure
used in the treatment of severe depression in
which an electric current of 70-150 volts is briefly
administered to a patient’s head (Module 51).
embryo A developed zygote that has a heart, a
brain, and other organs (Module 36).
emerging adulthood The period beginning in
the late teenage years and extending into the
mid-20 (Module 39).
emotional intelligence The set of skills that
underlie the accurate assessment, evaluation,
expression, and regulation of emotions
(Module 26).
emotions Feelings that generally have both
physiological and cognitive elements and that
influence behavior (Module 31).
endocrine system A chemical communication
network that sends messages throughout the
body via the bloodstream (Module 8).
episodic memory Memory for events that
occur in a particular time, place, or context
(Module 20).
erectile dysfunction A male’s inability to
achieve or maintain an erection (Module 34).
erogenous zones Areas of the body that are
particularly sensitive because of the presence of
an unusually rich array of nerve receptors
(Module 33).
estrogens Class of female sex hormones
(Module 33).
evolutionary psychology The branch of psy-
chology that seeks to identify behavior patterns
that are a result of our genetic inheritance from
our ancestors (Module 8).
excitatory message A chemical message that
makes it more likely that a receiving neuron
will fire and an action potential will travel
down its axon (Module 7).
excitement phase The period in which an
arousing stimulus begins a sequence that
prepares the genitals for sexual intercourse
(Module 33).
experiment The investigation of the relationship
between two (or more) variables by deliberately
producing a change in one variable in a situation
and observing the effects of that change on other
aspects of the situation (Module 5).
experimental bias Factors that distort how the
independent variable affects the dependent
variable in an experiment (Module 6).
experimental group Any group participating
in an experiment that receives a treatment
(Module 5).
experimental manipulation The change that
an experimenter deliberately produces in a situ-
ation (Module 5).
G-4 Glossary
explicit memory Intentional or conscious recol-
lection of information (Module 21).
exposure A behavioral treatment for anxiety
in which people are confronted either sud-
denly or gradually with a stimulus that they
fear (Module 49).
extinction A basic phenomenon of learning
that occurs when a previously conditioned
response decreases in frequency and eventually
disappears (Module 17).
extramarital sex Sexual activity between a mar-
ried person and someone who is not his or her
spouse (Module 34).
facial-affect program Activation of a set of
nerve impulses that make the face display the
appropriate expression (Module 31).
facial-feedback hypothesis The hypothesis
that facial expressions not only reflect
emotional experience but also help determine
how people experience and label emotions
(Module 31).
familial retardation Mental retardation in
which no apparent biological defect exists but
there is a history of retardation in the family
(Module 27).
family therapy An approach that focuses on
the family and its dynamics (Module 50).
feature detection The activation of neurons in
the cortex by visual stimuli of specific shapes or
patterns (Module 11).
fetal alcohol syndrome The most common
cause of mental retardation in newborns, occur-
ring when the mother uses alcohol during
pregnancy (Module 27).
fetus A developing individual from eight
weeks after conception until birth (Module 36).
fixations Conflicts or concerns that persist
beyond the developmental period in which
they first occur (Module 40).
fixed-interval schedule A schedule that
provides reinforcement for a response only if a
fixed time period has elapsed, making overall
rates of response relatively low (Module 18).
fixed-ratio schedule A schedule by which rein-
forcement is given only after a specific number
of responses are made (Module 18).
flashbulb memories Memories centered on a
specific, important, or surprising event that are
so vivid it is as if they represented a snapshot of
the event (Module 21).
fluid intelligence Intelligence that reflects
information-processing capabilities, reasoning,
and memory (Module 26).
formal operational stage According to Piaget,
the period from age 12 to adulthood that is char-
acterized by abstract thought (Module 37).
free will The idea that behavior is caused
primarily by choices that are made freely by the
individual (Module 3).
frequency distribution An arrangement of
scores from a sample that indicates how often a
particular score is present (Module 56).
frequency theory of hearing The theory that
the entire basilar membrane acts like a micro-
phone, vibrating as a whole in response to a
sound (Module 12).
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functional fixedness The tendency to think
of an object only in terms of its typical use
(Module 24).
functionalism An early approach to psychol-
ogy that concentrated on what the mind does—
the functions of mental activity—and the role of
behavior in allowing people to adapt to their
environments (Module 2).
fundamental attribution error A tendency to
overattribute others’ behavior to dispositional
causes and minimize of the importance of situa-
tional causes (Module 52).
g or g-factor The single, general factor for
mental ability assumed to underlie intelli-
gence in some early theories of intelligence
(Module 26).
gate-control theory of pain The theory that
particular nerve receptors in the spinal cord
lead to specific areas of the brain related to pain
(Module 12).
gender The perception of being male or female
(Module 32).
gender roles The set of expectations, defined
by a particular society, that indicate what is
appropriate behavior for men and women
(Module 32).
gender schema A mental framework that orga-
nizes and guides a child’s understanding of
information relevant to gender (Module 32).
general adaptation syndrome (GAS) A theory
developed by Selye that suggests that a per-
son’s response to a stressor consists of three
stages: alarm and mobilization, resistance, and
exhaustion (Module 43).
generalized anxiety disorder The experience
of long-term, persistent anxiety and worry
(Module 47).
generativity-versus-stagnation stage
According to Erikson, a period in middle
adulthood during which we take stock of our
contributions to family and society (Module 38).
genes The parts of the chromosomes through
which genetic information is transmitted
(Module 36).
genetic preprogramming theories of aging
Theories that suggest that human cells have a
built-in time limit to their reproduction and that
they are no longer able to divide after a certain
time (Module 39).
genital stage According to Freud, the period
from puberty until death, marked by mature
sexual behavior (that is, sexual intercourse)
(Module 40).
genitals The male and female sex organs
(Module 33).
gestalt laws of organization A series of princi-
ples that describe how we organize bits and
pieces of information into meaningful wholes
(Module 13).
gestalt psychology An approach to psychol-
ogy that focuses on the organization of percep-
tion and thinking in a “whole” sense rather
than on the individual elements of perception
(Module 2).
grammar The system of rules that determine
how our thoughts can be expressed (Module 25).
group Two or more people who interact with
one another, perceive themselves as part of a
group, and are interdependent (Module 53).
group therapy Therapy in which people meet
in a group with a therapist to discuss problems
(Module 50).
groupthink A type of thinking in which group
members share such a strong motivation to
achieve consensus that they lose the ability to
critically evaluate alternative points of view
(Module 53).
habituation The decrease in the response to a
stimulus that occurs after repeated presenta-
tions of the same stimulus (Module 37).
hair cells Tiny cells covering the basilar
membrane that, when bent by vibrations
entering the cochlea, transmit neural messages
to the brain (Module 12).
hallucinogen A drug that is capable of
producing hallucinations, or changes in the
perceptual process (Module 16).
halo effect A phenomenon in which an initial
understanding that a person has positive traits
is used to infer other uniformly positive charac-
teristics (Module 52).
hardiness A personality characteristic that
is associated with a lower rate of stress-related
illness and consists of three components:
commitment, challenge, and control
(Module 43).
health psychology The branch of psychology
that investigates the psychological factors
related to wellness and illness, including the
prevention, diagnosis, and treatment of medical
problems (Module 43).
hemispheres Symmetrical left and right
halves of the brain that control the side of
the body opposite to their location (Module 9).
heritability A measure of the degree to which a
characteristic is related to genetic, inherited fac-
tors (Module 28).
heterosexuality Sexual attraction and behavior
directed to the other sex (Module 34).
heuristic A thinking strategy that may lead us
to a solution to a problem or decision, but—
unlike algorithms—may sometimes lead to
errors (Module 23).
histogram Bar graph (Module 56).
homeostasis The body’s tendency to maintain
a steady internal state (Module 29).
homosexuals Persons who are sexually
attracted to members of their own sex
(Module 34).
hormones Chemicals that circulate through the
blood and regulate the functioning or growth of
the body (Module 8).
humanistic approaches to personality
Theories that emphasize people’s innate
goodness and desire to achieve higher levels
of functioning (Module 41).
humanistic perspective The approach that
suggests that all individuals naturally strive to
grow, develop, and be in control of their lives
and behavior (Module 2).
humanistic perspective on psychological dis-
orders The perspective that emphasizes the
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responsibility people have for their own behav-
ior, even when such behavior is abnormal
(Module 46).
humanistic therapy Therapy in which the
underlying rationale is that people have control
of their behavior, can make choices about their
lives, and are essentially responsible for solving
their own problems (Module 50).
hypnosis A trancelike state of heightened
susceptibility to the suggestions of others
(Module 15).
hypochondriasis A disorder in which people
have a constant fear of illness and a preoccupa-
tion with their health (Module 47).
hypothalamus A tiny part of the brain, located
below the thalamus, that maintains homeostasis
and produces and regulates vital behavior, such
as eating, drinking, and sexual behavior
(Module 9).
hypothesis A prediction, stemming from a
theory, stated in a way that allows it to be
tested (Module 4).
id The raw, unorganized, inborn part of person-
ality whose sole purpose is to reduce tension
created by primitive drives related to hunger,
sex, aggression, and irrational impulses
(Module 40).
identical twins Twins who are genetically
identical (Module 35).
identification The process of wanting to be like
another person as much as possible, imitating
that person’s behavior and adopting similar
beliefs and values (Module 40).
identity The distinguishing character of the
individual: who each of us is, what our roles are,
and what we are capable of (Module 38).
identity-versus-role-confusion stage Accord-
ing to Erikson, a time in adolescence of major
testing to determine one’s unique qualities
(Module 38).
implicit memory Memories of which people
are not consciously aware but that can affect
subsequent performance and behavior
(Module 21).
incentive approaches to motivation Theories
suggesting that motivation stems from the
desire to obtain valued external goals, or incen-
tives (Module 29).
independent variable The variable that is
manipulated by an experimenter (Module 5).
industrial-organizational (I/O) psychology
The branch of psychology focusing on work-
and job-related issues, including worker moti-
vation, satisfaction, safety, and productivity
(Module 53).
industry-versus-inferiority stage According to
Erikson, the last stage of childhood, during
which children age 6 to 12 years may develop
positive social interactions with others or may
feel inadequate and become less sociable
(Module 37).
inferential statistics The branch of statistics
that uses data from samples to make predic-
tions about the larger population from which
the sample is drawn (Module 58).
inferiority complex According to Adler, a
problem affecting adults who have not been
able to overcome the feelings of inferiority that
they developed as children, when they were
small and limited in their knowledge about the
world (Module 40).
information processing The way in which
people take in, use, and store information
(Module 37).
informed consent A document signed by
participants affirming that they have been told
the basic outlines of the study and are aware
of what their participation will involve
(Module 6).
inhibited ejaculation A male’s inability to
ejaculate when he wants to, if at all (Module 34).
inhibited sexual desire A sexual dysfunction
in which the motivation for sexual activity is
restrained or lacking entirely (Module 34).
inhibitory message A chemical message that
prevents or decreases the likelihood that a
receiving neuron will fire (Module 7).
initiative-versus-guilt stage According to
Erikson, the period during which children ages
3 to 6 years experience conflict between inde-
pendence of action and the sometimes negative
results of that action (Module 37).
insight A sudden awareness of the relation-
ships among various elements that had previ-
ously appeared to be independent of one
another (Module 24).
instincts Inborn patterns of behavior that are
biologically determined rather than learned
(Module 29).
intellectually gifted The 2%—4% of the popula-
tion who have IQ scores greater than 130
(Module 27).
intelligence The capacity to understand the
world, think rationally, and use resources
effectively when faced with challenges
(Module 26).
intelligence quotient (IQ) A score that takes
into account an individual’s mental and chron-
ological ages (Module 26).
intelligence tests Tests devised to quantify a
person’s level of intelligence (Module 26).
interactionist approach (to language develop-
ment) The view that language development is
produced through a combination of genetically
determined predispositions and environmental
circumstances that help teach language
(Module 25).
interference The phenomenon by which infor-
mation in memory disrupts the recall of other
information (Module 22).
interneurons Neurons that connect sensory
and motor neurons, carrying messages between
the two (Module 8).
interpersonal attraction (or close relation-
ship) Positive feelings for others; liking and
loving (Module 55).
interpersonal therapy (IPT) Short-term ther-
apy that focuses on the context of current social
relationships (Module 50).
intimacy-versus-isolation stage According to
Erikson, a period during early adulthood that
focuses on developing close relationships
(Module 38).
Glossary G-5
introspection A procedure used to study the
structure of the mind in which subjects are
asked to describe in detail what they are experi-
encing when they are exposed to a stimulus
(Module 2).
James-Lange theory of emotion The belief
that emotional experience is a reaction to
bodily events occurring as a result of an exter-
nal situation (“I feel sad because I am crying”)
(Module 31).
Korsakoff’s syndrome A disease that afflicts
long-term alcoholics, leaving some abilities
intact but including hallucinations and a ten-
dency to repeat the same story (Module 22).
language The communication of information
through symbols arranged according to system-
atic rules (Module 25).
language-acquisition device A neural system
of the brain hypothesized by Noam Chomsky
to permit understanding of language
(Module 25).
latency period According to Freud, the period
between the phallic stage and puberty during
which children’s sexual concerns are temporar-
ily put aside (Module 40).
latent content of dreams According to Freud,
the “disguised” meanings of dreams, hidden by
more obvious subjects (Module 14).
latent learning Learning in which a new
behavior is acquired but is not demonstrated
until some incentive is provided for displaying
it (Module 19).
lateralization The dominance of one hemi-
sphere of the brain in specific functions, such as
language (Module 9).
learned helplessness A state in which people
conclude that unpleasant or aversive stimuli
cannot be controlled— a view of the world that
becomes so ingrained that they cease trying to
remedy the aversive circumstances even if they
actually can exert some influence on the situa-
tion (Module 43).
learning A relatively permanent change in behav-
ior brought about by experience (Module 17).
learning-theory approach (to language devel-
opment) The theory that language acquisition
follows the principles of reinforcement and con-
ditioning (Module 25).
levels-of-processing theory The theory of
memory that emphasizes the degree to
which new material is mentally analyzed
(Module 21).
life review The process by which people exam-
ine and evaluate their lives (Module 39).
limbic system The part of the brain that con-
trols eating, aggression, and reproduction
(Module 9).
linguistic-relativity hypothesis The notion
that language shapes and may determine the
way people in a particular culture perceive and
understand the world (Module 25).
lobes The four major sections of the cerebral
cortex: frontal, parietal, temporal, and occipital
(Module 9).
longitudinal research A research method that
investigates behavior as participants age
(Module 35).
G-6 Glossary
long-term memory Memory that stores infor-
mation on a relatively permanent basis,
although it may be difficult to retrieve
(Module 20).
major depression A severe form of depression
that interferes with concentration, decision
making, and sociability (Module 47).
mania An extended state of intense, wild
elation (Module 47).
manifest content of dreams According to
Freud, the apparent story line of dreams
(Module 14).
masturbation Sexual self-stimulation
(Module 34).
mean The average of all scores, arrived at by
adding scores together and dividing by the
number of scores (Module 56).
means-ends analysis Involves repeated tests
for differences between the desired outcome
and what currently exists (Module 24).
median The point in a distribution of scores
that divides the distribution exactly in half
when the scores are listed in numerical order
(Module 56).
medical perspective The perspective that sug-
gests that when an individual displays symp-
toms of abnormal behavior, the root cause will
be found in a physical examination of the indi-
vidual, which may reveal a hormonal imbal-
ance, a chemical deficiency, or a brain injury
(Module 46).
meditation A learned technique for refocusing
attention that brings about an altered state of
consciousness (Module 15).
memory The process by which we encode,
store, and retrieve information (Module 20).
menopause The period during which women
stop menstruating and are no longer fertile
(Module 39).
mental age The age for which a given level of
performance is average or typical (Module 26).
mental images Representations in the mind of
an object or event (Module 23).
mental retardation (or intellectual disability)
A condition characterized by significant limita-
tions both in intellectual functioning and in
conceptual, social, and practical adaptive skills
(Module 27).
mental set The tendency for old patterns of
problem solving to persist (Module 24).
metabolism The rate at which food is con-
verted to energy and expended by the body
(Module 30).
metacognition An awareness and under-
standing of one’s own cognitive processes
(Module 37).
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) A widely used
self-report test that identifies people with
psychological difficulties and is employed to
predict some everyday behaviors (Module 42).
mirror neurons Specialized neurons that fire
not only when a person enacts a particular
behavior, but also when a person simply
observes another individual carrying out the
same behavior (Module 7).
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mode The most frequently occurring score ina
set of scores (Module 56).
mood disorder A disturbance in emotional
experience that is strong enough to intrude on
everyday living (Module 47).
mood stabilizers Drugs used to treat mood
disorders that prevent manic episodes of bipo-
lar disorder (Module 51).
motivation The factors that direct and energize
the behavior of humans and other organisms
(Module 29).
motor area The part of the cortex that is largely
responsible for the body’s voluntary movement
(Module 9).
motor (efferent) neurons Neurons that com-
municate information from the nervous system
to muscles and glands (Module 8).
myelin sheath A protective coat of fat and pro-
tein that wraps around the axon (Module 7).
narcissistic personality disorder A personality
disturbance characterized by an exaggerated
sense of self-importance (Module 47).
narcotics Drugs that increase relaxation and
relieve pain and anxiety (Module 16).
nativist approach (to language develop-
ment) The theory that a genetically deter-
mined, innate mechanism directs language
development (Module 25).
naturalistic observation Research in which an
investigator simply observes some naturally
occurring behavior and does not make a change
in the situation (Module 5).
nature-nurture issue The issue of the degree to
which environment and heredity influence
behavior (Module 35).
need for achievement A stable, learned charac-
teristic in which a person obtains satisfaction by
striving for and attaining a level of excellence
(Module 30).
need for affiliation An interest in establishing
and maintaining relationships with other peo-
ple (Module 30).
need for power A tendency to seek impact,
control, or influence over others and to be seen
as a powerful individual (Module 30).
negative reinforcer An unpleasant stimulus
whose removal leads to an increase in the prob-
ability that a preceding response will be
repeated in the future (Module 18).
negative relationship A relationship estab-
lished by data that shows high values of one
variable corresponding with low values of the
other (Module 58).
neo-Freudian psychoanalysts Psychoanalysts
who were trained in traditional Freudian theory
but who later rejected some of its major points
(Module 40).
neonate A newborn child (Module 37).
neurogenesis The creation of new neurons
(Module 9).
neurons Nerve cells, the basic elements of the
nervous system (Module 7).
neuroplasticity Changes in the brain that occur
throughout the life span relating to the addition
of new neurons, new interconnections between
neurons, and the reorganization of information-
processing areas (Module 9).
neuroscience perspective The approach that
views behavior from the perspective of the
brain, the nervous system, and other biological
functions (Module 2).
neurotransmitters Chemicals that carry mes-
sages across the synapse to the dendrite (and
sometimes the cell body) of a receiver neuron
(Module 7).
neutral stimulus A stimulus that, before condi-
tioning, does not naturally bring about the
response of interest (Module 17).
normal distribution A distribution of scores
that produces a symmetrical, bell-shaped curve
in which the right half mirrors the left half and
in which the mean, median, and mode all have
the same value (Module 56).
norms Standards of test performance that per-
mit the comparison of one person’s score on a
test with the scores of other individuals who
have taken the same test (Module 26).
obedience A change in behavior in response to
the commands of others (Module 53).
obesity Body weight that is more than 20%
above the average weight for a person of a par-
ticular height (Module 30).
object permanence The awareness that
objects—and people—continue to exist even if
they are out of sight (Module 37).
observational learning Learning by observing
the behavior of another person, or model
(Module 19).
obsession A persistent, unwanted thought or
idea that keeps recurring (Module 47).
obsessive-compulsive disorder A disorder
characterized by obsessions or compulsions
(Module 47).
Oedipal conflict A child’s sexual interest in his
or her opposite-sex parent, typically resolved
through identification with the same-sex parent
(Module 40).
operant conditioning Learning in which a vol-
untary response is strengthened or weakened,
depending on its favorable or unfavorable con-
sequences (Module 18).
operational definition The translation of a
hypothesis into specific, testable procedures
that can be measured and observed (Module 4).
opponent-process theory of color vision The
theory that receptor cells for color are linked in
pairs, working in opposition to each other
(Module 11).
optic nerve A bundle of ganglion axons that
carry visual information to the brain (Module 11).
oral stage According to Freud, a stage from
birth to age 12 to 18 months, in which an
infant’s center of pleasure is the mouth
(Module 40).
orgasm The peak of sexual excitement, during
which rhythmic muscular contractions occur in
the genitals (Module 33).
overgeneralization The phenomenon by
which children apply language rules even
when the application results in an error
(Module 25).
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ovulation The point at which an egg is released
from the ovaries (Module 33).
panic disorder Anxiety disorder that takes the
form of panic attacks lasting from a few
seconds to several hours (Module 47).
parasympathetic division The part of the auto-
nomic division of the nervous system that acts
to calm the body after an emergency has ended
(Module 8).
partial (or intermittent) reinforcement sched-
ule Reinforcing of a behavior some but not all
of the time (Module 18).
passionate (or romantic) love A state of
intense absorption in someone that includes
intense physiological arousal, psychological
interest, and caring for the needs of another
(Module 55).
perception The sorting out, interpretation,
analysis, and integration of stimuli by the sense
organs and brain (Module 10).
perceptual constancy The phenomenon in
which physical objects are perceived as unvary-
ing and consistent despite changes in their
appearance or in the physical environment
(Module 13).
peripheral nervous system The part of the ner-
vous system that includes the autonomic and
somatic subdivisions; made up of neurons with
long axons and dendrites, it branches out from
the spinal cord and brain and reaches the
extremities of the body (Module 8).
peripheral route processing Message interpre-
tation characterized by consideration of the
source and related general information rather
than of the message itself (Module 52).
permissive parents Parents who give their
children relaxed or inconsistent direction and,
although they are warm, require little of them
(Module 37).
personal stressors Major life events, such as
the death of a family member, that have imme-
diate negative consequences that generally fade
with time (Module 43).
personality The pattern of enduring character-
istics that produce consistency and individual-
ity in a given person (Module 40).
personality disorder A disorder characterized
by a set of inflexible, maladaptive behavior pat-
terns that keep a person from functioning
appropriately in society (Module 47).
person-centered therapy Therapy in which
the goal is to reach one’s potential for self-
actualization (Module 50).
phallic stage According to Freud, a period
beginning around age 3 during which a
child’s pleasure focuses on the genitals
(Module 40).
phobias Intense, irrational fears of specific
objects or situations (Module 47).
phonemes The smallest units of speech
(Module 25).
phonology The study of the smallest units of
speech, called phonemes (Module 25).
pituitary gland The major component of
the endocrine system, or “master gland,”
which secretes hormones that control growth
and other parts of the endocrine system
(Module 8).
placebo A false treatment, such as a pill,
“drug,” or other substance, without any signifi-
cant chemical properties or active ingredient
(Module 6).
place theory of hearing The theory that differ-
ent areas of the basilar membrane respond to
different frequencies (Module 12).
plateau phase The period in which the maxi-
mum level of arousal is attained, the penis and
clitoris swell with blood, and the body prepares
for orgasm (Module 33).
population All the members of a group of
interest (Module 58).
positive reinforcer A stimulus added to the
environment that brings about an increase in a
preceding response (Module 18).
positive relationship A relationship estab-
lished by data that shows high values of one
variable corresponding with high values of
another, and low values of the first variable
corresponding with low values of the other
(Module 58).
posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
A phenomenon in which victims of major
catastrophes or strong personal stressors feel
long-lasting effects that may include re-
experiencing the event in vivid flashbacks or
dreams (Module 43).
practical intelligence According to Sternberg,
intelligence related to overall success in living
(Module 26).
prejudice A negative (or positive) evaluation of
a particular group and its members (Module 54).
premature ejaculation A male’s inability to
delay orgasm as long as he wishes (Module 34).
preoperational stage According to Piaget,
the period from 2 to 7 years of age that is
characterized by language development
(Module 37).
priming A phenomenon in which exposure to
a word or concept (called a prime) later makes
it easier to recall related information, even
when there is no conscious memory of the word
or concept (Module 21).
principle of conservation The knowledge that
quantity is unrelated to the arrangement and
physical appearance of objects (Module 37).
proactive interference Interference in which
information learned earlier disrupts the recall of
newer material (Module 22).
procedural memory Memory for skills and
habits, such as riding a bike or hitting a base-
ball; sometimes referred to as nondeclarative
memory (Module 20).
progesterone A female sex hormone secreted
by the ovaries (Module 33).
projective personality test A test in whicha
person is shown an ambiguous stimulus and
asked to describe it or tell a story about it
(Module 42).
prosocial behavior Helping behavior
(Module 55).
prototypes Typical, highly representative
examples of a concept (Module 23).
Glossary G-7
psychoactive drugs Drugs that influence a per-
son’s emotions, perceptions, and behavior
(Module 16).
psychoanalysis Freudian psychotherapy in
which the goal is to release hidden unconscious
thoughts and feelings in order to reduce their
power in controlling behavior (Module 49).
psychoanalytic perspective The perspective
that suggests that abnormal behavior stems
from childhood conflicts over opposing wishes
regarding sex and aggression (Module 46).
psychoanalytic theory Freud’s theory that
unconscious forces act as determinants of per-
sonality (Module 40).
psychodynamic approaches to personality
Approaches that assume that personality is
motivated by inner forces and conflicts about
which people have little awareness and over
which they have no control (Module 40).
psychodynamic perspective The approach
based on the view that behavior is motivated by
unconscious inner forces over which the indi-
vidual has little control (Module 2).
psychodynamic therapy Therapy that seeks to
bring unresolved past conflicts and unaccept-
able impulses from the unconscious into the
conscious, where patients may deal with the
problems more effectively (Module 49).
psychological tests Standard measures devised
to assess behavior objectively; used by psychol-
ogists to help people make decisions about their
lives and understand more about themselves
(Module 42).
psychology The scientific study of behavior
and mental processes (Module 1).
psychoneuroimmunology (PNI) The study of
the relationship among psychological factors,
the immune system, and the brain (Module 43).
psychophysics The study of the relationship
between the physical aspects of stimuli and our
psychological experience of them (Module 10).
psychophysiological disorders Medical prob-
lems influenced by an interaction of psycho-
logical, emotional, and physical difficulties
(Module 43).
psychosexual stages Developmental periods
that children pass through during which
they encounter conflicts between the demands
of society and their own sexual urges
(Module 40).
psychosocial development Development of
individuals’ interactions and understanding of
each other and of their knowledge and under-
standing of themselves as members of society
(Module 37).
psychosurgery Brain surgery once used to
reduce the symptoms of mental disorder but
rarely used today (Module 51).
psychotherapy Treatment in which a trained
professional—a therapist—uses psychological
techniques to help a person overcome psycho-
logical difficulties and disorders, resolve prob-
lems in living, or bring about personal growth
(Module 49).
puberty The period at which maturation of the
sexual organs occurs, beginning at about age 11
or 12 for girls and 13 or 14 for boys (Module 38).
G-8 Glossary
punishment A stimulus that decreases the
probability that a previous behavior will occur
again (Module 18).
random assignment to condition A procedure
in which participants are assigned to different
experimental groups or “conditions” on the basis
of chance and chance alone (Module 5).
range The difference between the highest
score and the lowest score in a distribution
(Module 57).
rape The act by which one person forces
another person to submit to sexual activity
(Module 34).
rapid eye movement (REM) sleep Sleep occu-
pying 20% of an adult’s sleeping time, charac-
terized by increased heart rate, blood pressure,
and breathing rate; erections; eye movements;
and the experience of dreaming (Module 14).
rational-emotive behavior therapy A form of
therapy that attempts to restructure a person’s
belief system into a more realistic, rational, and
logical set of views by challenging dysfunc-
tional beliefs that maintain irrational behavior
(Module 49).
reactance A negative emotional and cognitive
reaction that results from the restriction of one’s
freedom (Module 45).
recall Memory task in which specific informa-
tion must be retrieved (Module 21).
reciprocity-of-liking effect A tendency to like
those who like us (Module 55).
recognition Memory task in which individuals
are presented with a stimulus and asked
whether they have been exposed to it in the
past or to identify it from a list of alternatives
(Module 21).
reflex An automatic, involuntary response to
an incoming stimulus (Module 8).
reflexes Unlearned, involuntary responses that
occur automatically in the presence of certain
stimuli (Module 37).
refractory period A temporary period that fol-
lows the resolution stage and during which
the male cannot develop an erection again
(Module 33).
rehearsal The repetition of information that
has entered short-term memory (Module 20).
reinforcement The process by which a stimu-
lus increases the probability that a preceding
behavior will be repeated (Module 18).
reinforcer Any stimulus that increases the
probability that a preceding behavior will occur
again (Module 18).
reliability The property by which tests
measure consistently what they are trying to
measure (Module 26).
replicated research Research that is repeated,
sometimes using other procedures, settings,
and groups of participants, to increase confi-
dence in prior findings (Module 5).
repression The primary defense mechanism in
which unacceptable or unpleasant id impulses are
pushed back into the unconscious (Module 40).
resolution stage The interval after orgasm in
which the body returns to its unaroused state,
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reversing the changes brought about by arousal
(Module 33).
resting state The state in which there is a nega-
tive electrical charge of about -70 millivolts
within a neuron (Module 7).
reticular formation The part of the brain
extending from the medulla through the pons
and made up of groups of nerve cells that can
immediately activate other parts of the brain to
produce general bodily arousal (Module 9).
retina The part of the eye that converts the elec-
tromagnetic energy of light to electrical impulses
for transmission to the brain
(Module 11).
retroactive interference Interference in which
there is difficulty in the recall of information
learned earlier because of later exposure to dif-
ferent material (Module 22).
retrograde amnesia Amnesia in which mem-
ory is lost for occurrences prior to a certain
event (Module 22).
reuptake The reabsorption of neurotransmit-
ters by a terminal button (Module 7).
rods Thin, cylindrical receptor cells in the retina
that are highly sensitive to light (Module 11).
Rorschach test A test that involves showing a
series of symmetrical visual stimuli to people
who then are asked what the figures represent
to them (Module 42).
sample A representative subgroup of a popula-
tion of interest (Module 58).
Schachter-Singer theory of emotion The belief
that emotions are determined jointly by a non-
specific kind of physiological arousal and its
interpretation, based on environmental cues
(Module 31).
schedules of reinforcement Different patterns
of frequency and timing of reinforcement fol-
lowing desired behavior (Module 18).
schemas Organized bodies of information
stored in memory that bias the way new infor-
mation is interpreted, stored, and recalled
(Modules 21, 52).
schizophrenia A class of disorders in which
severe distortion of reality occurs (Module 47).
scientific method The approach through which
psychologists systematically acquire knowledge
and understanding about behavior and other
phenomena of interest (Module 4).
self-actualization A state of self-fulfillment in
which people realize their highest potential in
their own unique way (Modules 29, 41).
self-efficacy Belief in one’s personal capabili-
ties. Self-efficacy underlies people’s faith in
their ability to carry out a particular behavior
or produce a desired outcome (Module 41).
self-esteem The component of personality that
encompasses our positive and negative self-
evaluations (Module 41).
self-report measures A method of gathering
data about people by asking them questions
about a sample of their behavior (Module 42).
self-serving bias The tendency to attribute
personal success to personal factors (skill, abil-
ity, or effort) and to attribute failure to factors
outside oneself (Module 52).
semantic memory Memory for general knowl-
edge and facts about the world, as well as
memory for the rules of logic that are used to
deduce other facts (Module 20).
semantic networks Mental representations of
clusters of interconnected information
(Module 20).
semantics The rules governing the meaning of
words and sentences (Module 25).
semicircular canals Three tubelike structures
of the inner ear containing fluid that sloshes
through them when the head moves, signaling
rotational or angular movement to the brain
(Module 12).
sensation The activation of the sense organs by
a source of physical energy (Module 10).
sensorimotor stage According to Piaget, the
stage from birth to 2 years, during which a
child has little competence in representing the
environment by using images, language, or
other symbols (Module 37).
sensory (afferent) neurons Neurons that
transmit information from the perimeter of
the body to the central nervous system
(Module 8).
sensory area The site in the brain of the tissue
that corresponds to each of the senses, with the
degree of sensitivity related to the amount of
tissue (Module 9).
sensory memory The initial, momentary stor-
age of information, lasting only an instant
(Module 20).
sequential research A research method that
combines cross-sectional and longitudinal
research by considering a number of different
age groups and examining them at several
points in time (Module 35).
sexism Negative attitudes and behavior
toward a person based on that person’s gender
(Module 32).
sexually transmitted infection (STI) A disease
acquired through sexual contact (Module 34).
shaping The process of teaching a complex
behavior by rewarding closer and close
approximations of the desired behavior
(Module 18).
short-term memory Memory that holds infor-
mation for 15 to 25 seconds (Module 20).
significant outcome An outcome in which the
observed outcome would be expected to have
occurred by chance with a probability of .05 or
less (Modules 5, 58).
situational causes (of behavior) Perceived
causes of behavior that are based on environ-
mental factors (Module 52).
skin senses The senses of touch, pressure,
temperature, and pain (Module 12).
social cognition The cognitive processes by
which people understand and make sense of
others and themselves (Module 52).
social cognitive approaches to personality
Theories that emphasize the influence of a
person’s cognitions—thoughts, feelings, expec-
tations, and values—as well as observation of
others’ behavior, in determining personality
(Module 41).
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social influence The process by which the
actions of an individual or group affect the
behavior of others (Module 53).
social neuroscience The subfield of social psy-
chology that seeks to identify the neural basis
of social behavior (Module 54).
social psychology The scientific study of how
people’s thoughts, feelings, and actions are
affected by others (Module 52).
social support A mutual network of caring,
interested others (Module 43).
social supporter A group member whose dis-
senting views make nonconformity to the
group easier (Module 53).
sociocultural perspective The perspective that
assumes that people’s behavior—both normal
and abnormal—is shaped by the kind of family
group, society, and culture in which they live
(Module 46).
somatic division The part of the peripheral
nervous system that specializes in the control of
voluntary movements and the communication
of information to and from the sense organs
(Module 8).
somatoform disorders Psychological difficul-
ties that take on a physical (somatic) form, but
for which there is no medical cause (Module 47).
sound The movement of air molecules brought
about by a source of vibration (Module 12).
spinal cord A bundle of neurons that leaves the
brain and runs down the length of the back and
is the main means for transmitting messages
between the brain and the body (Module 8).
spontaneous recovery The reemergence of an
extinguished conditioned response after a
period of rest and with no further conditioning
(Module 17).
spontaneous remission Recovery without
treatment (Module 50).
stage 1 sleep The state of transition between
wakefulness and sleep, characterized by rela-
tively rapid, low-amplitude brain waves
(Module 14).
stage 2 sleep Asleep deeper than that of stage
1, characterized by a slower, more regular wave
pattern, along with momentary interruptions of
“sleep spindles” (Module 14).
stage 3 sleep Asleep characterized by slow
brain waves, with greater peaks and valleys
in the wave pattern than in stage 2 sleep
(Module 14).
stage 4 sleep The deepest stage of sleep, dur-
ing which we are least responsive to outside
stimulation (Module 14).
standard deviation An index of the average
deviation of a set of scores from the center of
the distribution (Module 57).
statistics The branch of mathematics concerned
with collecting, organizing, analyzing, and
drawing conclusions from numerical data
(Module 56).
status The social rank held within a group
(Module 53).
stereotype A set of generalized beliefs and
expectations about a particular group and its
members (Module 54).
stimulants Drugs that have an arousal effect on
the central nervous system, causing a rise in
heart rate, blood pressure, and muscular ten-
sion (Module 16).
stimulus Energy that produces a response in a
sense organ (Module 10).
stimulus discrimination The process that
occurs if two stimuli are sufficiently distinct
from one another that one evokes a conditioned
response but the other does not; the ability to
differentiate between stimuli (Module 17).
stimulus generalization A process in which,
after a stimulus has been conditioned to pro-
duce a particular response, stimuli that are sim-
ilar to the original stimulus produce the same
response (Module 17).
stress A person’s response to events that are
threatening or challenging (Module 43).
structuralism Wundt’s approach, which
focuses on uncovering the fundamental mental
components of consciousness, thinking, and
other kinds of mental states and activities
(Module 2).
subjective well-being People’s own evaluation
of their lives in terms of both their thoughts and
their emotions (Module 45).
superego According to Freud, the final person-
ality structure to develop; it represents the
rights and wrongs of society as handed down
by a person’s parents, teachers, and other
important figures (Module 40).
survey research Research in which people cho-
sen to represent a larger population are asked a
series of questions about their behavior,
thoughts, or attitudes (Module 5).
syllogistic reasoning Formal reasoning in
which people draw a conclusion from a set of
assumptions (Module 23).
sympathetic division The part of the auto-
nomic division of the nervous system that acts
to prepare the body for action in stressful situa-
tions, engaging all the organism’s resources to
respond to a threat (Module 8).
synapse The space between two neurons
where the axon of a sending neuron communi-
cates with the dendrites of a receiving neuron
by using chemical messages (Module 7).
syntax Ways in which words and phrases can
be combined to form sentences (Module 25).
systematic desensitization A behavioral
technique in which gradual exposure to an
anxiety-producing stimulus is paired with
relaxation to extinguish the response of anxiety
(Module 49).
telegraphic speech Sentences in which words not
critical to the message are left out (Module 25).
temperament The innate disposition that
emerges early in life (Modules 37, 41).
teratogens Environmental agents such as a
drug, chemical, virus, or other factor that
produce a birth defect (Module 36).
terminal buttons Small bulges at the end of
axons that send messages to other neurons
(Module 7).
test standardization A technique used to vali-
date questions in personality tests by studying
Glossary G-9
the responses of people with known diagnoses
(Module 42).
thalamus The part of the brain located in the
middle of the central core that acts primarily to
relay information about the senses (Module 9).
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) A test
consisting of a series of pictures about which a
person is asked to write a story (Module 42).
theories Broad explanations and predictions
concerning phenomena of interest (Module 4).
theory of multiple intelligences Gardner’s
intelligence theory that proposes that there
are eight distinct spheres of intelligence
(Module 26).
thinking The manipulation of mental represen-
tations of information (Module 23).
tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon The inability to
recall information that one realizes one knows—
a result of the difficulty of retrieving informa-
tion from long-term memory (Module 21).
top-down processing Perception that is guided
by higher-level knowledge, experience, expec-
tations, and motivations (Module 13).
traits Consistent personality characteristics and
behaviors displayed in different situations
(Module 41).
trait theory A model of personality that seeks
to identify the basic traits necessary to describe
personality (Module 41).
transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) A
depression treatment in which a precise mag-
netic pulse is directed to a specific area of the
brain (Module 51).
transference The transfer of feelings to a psy-
choanalyst of love or anger that had been origi-
nally directed to a patient’s parents or other
authority figures (Module 49).
transsexuals People who believe they were
born with the body of the other gender
(Module 34).
treatment The manipulation implemented by
the experimenter (Module 5).
trichromatic theory of color vision The theory
that there are three kinds of cones in the retina,
each of which responds primarily to a specific
range of wavelengths (Module 11).
trust-versus-mistrust stage According to
Erikson, the first stage of psychosocial develop-
ment, occurring from birth to age 1% years,
during which time infants develop feelings of
trust or lack of trust (Module 37).
Type A behavior pattern A cluster of behaviors
involving hostility, competitiveness, time
urgency, and feeling driven (Module 44).
Type B behavior pattern A cluster of behaviors
characterized by a patient, cooperative, non-
competitive, and nonagegressive manner
(Module 44).
unconditional positive regard An attitude
of acceptance and respect on the part of an
observer, no matter what a person says or
does (Module 41).
unconditioned response (UCR) A response
that is natural and needs no training (e.g., sali-
vation at the smell of food) (Module 17).
G-10 Glossary
unconditioned stimulus (UCS) A stimulus that
naturally brings about a particular response
without having been learned (Module 17).
unconscious A part of the personality that con-
tains the memories, knowledge, beliefs, feel-
ings, urges, drives, and instincts of which the
individual is not aware (Module 40).
unconscious wish fulfillment theory Sigmund
Freud’s theory that dreams represent uncon-
scious wishes that dreamers desire to see ful-
filled (Module 14).
uninvolved parents Parents who show little
interest in their children and are emotionally
detached (Module 37).
universal grammar Noam Chomsky’s theory
that all the world’s languages share a common
underlying structure (Module 25).
validity The property by which tests actually
measure what they are supposed to measure
(Module 26).
Join Us on Fb WhatsApp & Telegr
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
variability The spread, or dispersion, of scores
in a distribution (Module 57).
variable-interval schedule A schedule by
which the time between reinforcements varies
around some average rather than being fixed
(Module 18).
variable-ratio schedule A schedule by which
reinforcement occurs after a varying number of
responses rather than after a fixed number
(Module 18).
variables Behaviors, events, or other charac-
teristics that can change, or vary, in some way
(Module 5).
visual illusions Physical stimuli that consis-
tently produce errors in perception (Module 13).
wear-and-tear theories of aging Theories
that suggest that the mechanical functions of
the body simply stop working efficiently
(Module 39).
Weber’s law A basic law of psychophysics stat-
ing that a just noticeable difference is a constant
proportion to the intensity of an initial stimulus
(rather than a constant amount) (Module 10).
weight set point The particular level of weight
that the body strives to maintain (Module 30).
working memory A set of active, temporary
memory stores that actively manipulate and
rehearse information (Module 20).
zone of proximal development (ZPD) Accord-
ing to Vygotsky, the level at which a child can
almost, but not fully, comprehend or perform a
task on his or her own (Module 37).
zygote The new cell formed by the union of an
egg and sperm (Module 36).
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Credits
Text and Line Art Credits
Chapter 2
Module 5: Figure 4: From Darley, J. M., & Latané, B.
(1968). Bystander intervention in emergencies:
Diffusion of responsibility. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 8, 377-383. Published by The
American Psychological Association, adapted with
permission. Module 6: Figure 1: From Stevens, C.,
Lauinger, B., Neville, H. (2009). Differences in the
neural mechanisms of selective attention in children
from different socioeconomic backgrounds: an
event-related brain potential study. Developmental
Science 12(4): 634-646. Reprinted by permission of
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Chapter 3
Module 7: Figure 1: Line art from Kent Van De
Graaff, Human Anatomy, updated 5th ed. Copyright
© 2000 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Reprinted with permission. Figure 3: From Sylvia
S. Mader, Human Biology, 6th ed., p. 250. Copyright
© 2000 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Reprinted with permission of The McGraw-Hill
Companies. Figure 4a: From Sylvia S. Mader,
Human Biology, 6th ed., p. 250. Copyright © 2000 by
The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with
permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure
4b: From George B. Johnson, The Living World, 2nd
ed., p. 600. Copyright © 2000 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Module 8: Figure 2:
From Michael W. Passer and Ronald E. Smith,
Psychology. Copyright © 2001 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 3: From Michael
W. Passer and Ronald E. Smith, Psychology, p. 91.
Copyright © 2001 by The McGraw-Hill Companies,
Inc. Reprinted with permission of The McGraw-
Hill Companies. Figure 4: Adapted from Robert J.
Brooker, Eric P. Widmaier, Linda Graham, and Peter
Stiling, Biology, p. 1062. Copyright © 2008 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission of The McGraw-Hill Companies. Module
9: Figure 2: From Rod R. Seeley, Trent D. Stephens,
and Philip Tate, Anatomy & Physiology, 5th ed.,
p. 384. Copyright © 2000 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 3: Adapted from
Robert J. Brooker, Eric P. Widmaier, Linda Graham,
and Peter Stiling, Biology, p. 940. Copyright © 2008
by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted
with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies.
Figure 4: Adapted from Allen M. Schneider and
Barry Tarshis, Elements of Physiological Psychology,
p. 87. Copyright © 1995 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 8a: From Robert J.
Brooker, Eric P. Widmaier, Linda Graham, and Peter
Stiling, Biology, p. 943. Copyright © 2008 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission of The McGraw-Hill Companies.
Chapter 4
Module 11: Figure 1: From Camille B. Wortman,
Elizabeth F. Loftus, and Charles Weaver,
Psychology, 5th ed., p. 113. Copyright © 1999 by
The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with
permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies.
Figure 3: From David Shier, Jackie Butler, and Ricki
Lewis, Hole’s Essentials of Human Anatomy and
Physiology, 7th ed., p. 283. Copyright © 2000 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission of The McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 5:
From Sylvia S. Mader, Human Biology, 6th ed.,
p. 250. Copyright © 2000 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of The
McGraw-Hill Companies. Module 12: Figure 1:
From Robert J. Brooker, Eric P. Widmaier, Linda
Graham, and Peter Stiling, Biology, p. 956. Copyright
© 2008 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
Reprinted with permission of The McGraw-Hill
Companies. Figure 2: From Rod R. Seeley, Trent D.
Stephens, and Philip Tate, Anatomy & Physiology,
5th ed., p. 384. Copyright © 2000 by The McGraw-
Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission of
The McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 3: From Paul
Vitello, “A Ring Tone Meant to Fall on Deaf Ears,”
New York Times, June 12, 2006, p. A1. Copyright ©
2006 New York Times. All rights reserved. Reprinted
by permission. Figure 4: Adapted from Bartoshuk,
L., & Lucchina, L., “Take a taste test” from
Brownlee, S., & Watson, T. (1997, January 13). The
senses. U.S. News & World Report, pp. 51-59.
Reprinted by permission of Linda Bartoshuk.
Module 13: Figure 4: From Stanley Coren and
Lawrence M. Ward, Sensation & Perception, 3rd ed.
(1989), p. 329. Reprinted with permission of John
Wiley & Sons, Inc. Figure 5b, c: From Stanley
Coren and Lawrence M. Ward, Sensation & Per-
ception, 3rd ed. (1989), p. 5. Reprinted with permis-
sion of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Figure 8: Adapted
from Picture 2 from Figure 1 (p. 186) from
Hudson, W. (1960). Pictorial depth perception in
sub-cultural groups in Africa. Journal of Social
Psychology, 52, 183-208. Reprinted by permission
of the publisher (Taylor & Francis, http://www.
informaworld.com).
Chapter 5
Module 14: Figure 1: From Palladino, J. J., &
Carducci, B. J. (1984). Students’ knowledge of sleep
and dreams. Teaching of Psychology, 11, 189-191.
Reprinted by permission of the publisher (Taylor &
Francis, http://www.informaworld.com). Figure 2:
Figure on p. 16 from the book Sleep by J. Allan
Hobson. Copyright © 1989 by J. Allan Hobson.
Reprinted by permission of Henry Holt and
Company, LLC. Figure 3: From Ernest Hartmann,
The Biology of Dreaming (1967), p. 6. Courtesy of
Charles C Thomas Publisher, Ltd., Springfield,
Illinois. Figure 4: From Secrets of Sleep by Alexander
Borbély, p. 43. Copyright © 1988 Alexander
Borbély. Reprinted by permission of Basic Books, a
member of the Perseus Books Group. Figure 6:
From Adam Schneider and G. William Domhoff,
The Quantitative Study of Dreams (2002). Reprinted
by permission of G. William Domhoff, www.
dreamresearch.net. Module 16: Figure 1: From
Johnston, L. D., O'Malley, P. M., Bachman, J. G., &
Schulenberg, J. E. (2009). Monitoring the future
national survey results on drug use: 1975-2008. Volume
I: Secondary school students (NIH Publication No.
09-7402). Bethesda, MD: National Institute on Drug
Abuse. Figure 2: From Sylvia S. Mader, Human
Biology, 6th ed., p. 250. Copyright © 2000 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission of The McGraw-Hill Companies. Figure 3:
New York Times graphic “Levels of caffeine in vari-
ous foods” from Blakeslee, S. (1991, August 7). The
secrets of caffeine: America’s favorite drug. New
York Times. Copyright © 1991 by The New York
Times Co. Reprinted with permission. Figure 7:
From Johnston, L. D., O'Malley, P. M., Bachman,
J. G., & Schulenberg, J. E. (2007). Monitoring the
future national results on adolescent drug use: Overview
of key findings, 2006 (NIH Publication No. 07-6202).
Bethesda, MD: National Institute on Drug Abuse.
Chapter 6
Module 19: Figure 1: From Tolman, E. C., &
Honzik, C. H. (1930). Introduction and removal of
reward and maze performance in rats. University
of California Publications in Psychology, 4, 257-275.
Figure 3: From Anderson, J. A., & Adams, M. (1992).
Acknowledging the learning styles of diverse
student populations: Implications for instructional
design. New Directions for Teaching and Learning, 49,
19-33. Reprinted with permission of John Wiley &
Sons, Inc.
Chapter 7
Module 20: Figure 6: From Collins, A. M., &
Loftus, E. F. (1975). A spreading-activation theory
of semantic processing. Psychological Review, 82,
407—428. Published by The American Psychological
Association, adapted with permission. Figure 7:
From Kent Van De Graaff, Human Anatomy,
updated 5th ed. Copyright © 2000 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission. Figure 8a, b: graphs only: Maguire, E. A.,
Woollett, K., and Spiers, H. J. (2006). London Tax
Drivers and Bus Drivers: A Structural MRI and
Neuropsychological Analysis. Hippocampus, 16,
1091-1101. Reprinted by permission of John Wiley
& Sons, Inc. Module 21: Figure 4: Reprinted from
Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, vol.
13, Loftus, E. F., & Palmer, J. C., “Reconstruction of
automobile destruction: An example of the inter-
face between language and memory,” pp. 585-589,
Copyright 1974, with permission from Elsevier.
Figure 5: Data from Table 2 (p. 266) from Bahrick,
H. P., Hall, L. K., & Berger, S. A. (1996). Accuracy
and distortion in memory for high school grades.
Psychological Science, 7, 265-269. Copyright © 1996,
Association for Psychological Science. Reprinted by
permission of Sage Publications, Inc. Module 22:
Figure 2: Reprinted from Cognitive Psychology, vol.
11, Nickerson, R. S., & Adams, M. J., “Long-term
C-1
C-2 Credit
memory for a common object,” pp. 287-307,
Copyright 1979, with permission from Elsevier.
Chapter 8
Module 23: Figure 1: From Shepard, R. N., &
Metzler, J. (1971). Mental rotation of three-
dimensional objects. Science, 171, no. 3972, 701-703
(Figure. 1, p. 702). Reprinted with permission
from AAAS. Figure 3: Reprinted from Cognitive
Psychology, vol. 7, Rosch, E., & Mervis, C. B.,
“Family resemblances: Studies in the internal
structure of categories,” pp. 573-605, Copyright
1975, with permission from Elsevier. http://www
.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/00100285.
Figure 5: From Barry F. Anderson, The Complete
Thinker. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980.
Reprinted by permission of the author. Module 25:
Figure 1: MLA Language Map, 2005. Reprinted by
permission of the Modern Language Association.
© 2005 Modern Language Association.
Chapter 9
Module 26: Figure 1: From Multiple Intelligences:
New Horizons in Theory and Practice by Howard
Gardner. Copyright © 2006 by Howard Gardner.
Reprinted by permission of Basic Books, a member
of the Perseus Books Group. Figure 3: From
Sternberg, R. J. (2000). The Holey Grail of general
intelligence. Science, 289, no. 5478, 399-401.
Reprinted with permission from AAAS. Figure 7:
New York Times graphic “A New Approach in
Testing” from Winerip, M. (1993, November 15).
No. 2 pencil fades as graduate exam moves to
computer. New York Times, p. B9. Copyright ©
1993 by The New York Times Co. Reprinted with
permission. Module 28: Figure 1: Adapted from
Table 1 (p. 410) from Henderson, N. D. (1982).
Human behavior genetics. Reprinted, with per-
mission, from the Annual Review of Psychology,
Volume 33 © 1982 by Annual Reviews. www
-annualreviews.org.
Chapter 10
Module 30: Figure 2: Line art from Rod R. Seeley,
Trent D. Stephens, and Philip Tate, Anatomy &
Physiology, 5th ed., p. 384. Copyright © 2000 by The
McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with per-
mission. Module 31: Figure 1: Adapted from Figure
1 (p. 1067) from Shaver, P., Schwartz, J., Kirson,
D., & O’Connor, C. (1987). Emotion knowledge:
Further exploration of a prototype approach.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52, 1061-
1086. Published by The American Psychological
Association, adapted with permission.
Chapter 11
Module 32 Figure 1: Originally published in
Williams, J. E., & Bennett, S. M. (1975). The defini-
tion of sex stereotypes via the Adjective Check List.
Sex Roles, 1, 327-337 (adapted from pp. 330-331).
Copyright © 1975 by Plenum Publishing Cor-
poration. With kind permission of Springer Science
and Business Media. Figure 4: From Hostile hall-
ways: Bullying, teasing, and sexual harassment in
school. Washington, DC: American Association of
University Women Educational Foundation, 2001,
from Figure 11 (p. 22) and Figure 12 (p. 23).
Reprinted by permission of AAUW Educational
Foundation. Module 34: Figure 1: From Table 2
(p. 300) from Arafat, I., & Cotton, W. L. (1974).
Masturbation practices of males and females. Journal
of Sex Research, 10, 293-307. Reprinted by permission
of The Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality.
Figure 2: Gallup poll. Reprinted by permission of
Gallup, Inc. Figure 5: From Finkelhor, D. (2002).
Sexual abuse in the United States. Durham, NH:
University of New Hampshire. Reprinted by per-
mission of David Finkelhor, Ph.D.
Chapter 12
Module 37: Figure 3: Figure 2 (p. 239) from
Leppänen, J. M., Moulson, M. C., Vogel-Farley,
V. K., & Nelson, C. A. (2007). An ERP study of
emotional face processing in the adult and infant
brain. Child Development, 78, 232-245. Reprinted by
permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Figure 10:
Judith A. Schickedanz, et al., Understanding
Children and Adolescents, 4th edition, p. 440, Figure
13.1, © 2001 Pearson Education, Inc. Reproduced
by permission of Pearson Education, Inc. All rights
reserved. Figure 11: From Dempster, F. N. (1981).
Memory span: Sources for individual and develop-
mental differences. Psychological Bulletin, 89,
63-100. Published by The American Psychological
Association, adapted with permission. Module 38:
Figure 2: Rest, J. (1968). Developmental hierarchy in
preference and comprehension of moral judgment.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of
Chicago. Figure 4: Graph adapted from Table 2
(p. 64) from Boehm, K. E., & Campbell, N. B.
(1995). Suicide: A review of calls to an adolescent
peer listening phone service. Child Psychiatry and
Human Development, 26, 61-66. Copyright © 1995
Springer Netherlands. With kind permission of
Springer Science and Business Media. Module 39:
Figure 1: From Arnett, S. (2001). Conceptions of the
transitions to adulthood: perspectives from adoles-
cence to midlife. Journal of Adult Development, 8,
133-144. Reprinted by permission of Springer
Science and Business Media.
Chapter 13
Module 41: Figure 1: From Eysenck, H. J. (1990).
Biological dimensions of personality. In L. A. Pervin
(Ed.), Handbook of personality: Theory and research
(p. 246). New York: Guilford. Reprinted by permis-
sion of Guilford Press. Figure 2: From Pervin, L. A.
(Ed.). (1990). Handbook of personality: Theory and
research (chapter 3). New York: Guilford. Reprinted
by permission of Guilford Press. Figure 4: From
Tellegen, A., Lykken, D. T., Bouchard, T. J., Jr.,
Wilcox, K. J., Segal, N. L., & Rich, S. (1988).
Personality similarity in twins reared apart and
together. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,
54, 1031-1039. Published by The American
Psychological Association, Reprinted with permis-
sion. Module 42: Figure 2: From Richard P. Halgin
and Susan Krauss Whitbourne, Abnormal Psychology,
p. 72. Copyright © 1994 by The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc. Reprinted with permission.
Chapter 14
Module 43: Figure 1: Map by Cleo Vilett, from
Susser, E. S., Herman, D. B., & Aaron, B. (2002,
August). Combating the terror of terrorism.
Scientific American, p. 74. Reprinted by permission
of Cleo Vilett. Figure 2 top: Adapted from Table 2
(p. 475) from Chamberlain, K., & Zika, S. (1990).
The minor events approach to stress: Support for
the use of daily hassles. Reproduced with permis-
sion from the British Journal of Psychology, 81, 469-
481, © The British Psychological Society. Figure 2
bottom: Adapted from Table II (p. 14) from
Kanner, A. D., Coyne, J. C., Schaefer, C., & Lazarus,
R. S. (1981). Comparison of two modes of stress
measurement: Daily hassles and uplifts versus
major life events. Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 4,
1-39. © 1981 Plenum Publishing Corporation.
With kind permission of Springer Science and
Business Media. Figure 3: “Perceived Stress Scale”
(pp. 394-395) adapted from Cohen, S., Kamarck, T.,
& Mermelstein, R. (1983). A global measure of per-
ceived stress. Journal of Health and Social Behavior,
24, 385-396. Reprinted by permission of the
American Sociological Association. Figure 4: From
Hans Selye, The Stress of Life. Copyright © 1976 by
The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. Reprinted with
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies.
Module 45: Figure 2: From Andrews, F. M., &
Withey, S. B. (1976). Social indicators of well-being:
Americans’ perceptions of life quality, p. 376. © 1976
Plenum Press, New York. With kind permission of
Springer Science and Business Media.
Chapter 15
Module 47: Figure 1: Adapted from Susan Nolen-
Hoeksema, Abnormal Psychology, 4th ed., p. 232.
Copyright © 2007 by The McGraw-Hill Companies,
Inc. Reprinted with permission of The McGraw-Hill
Companies. Figure 2: From Anxiety Disorders and
Phobias: A Cognitive Perspective by Aaron T. Beck
and Gary Emery, with Ruth L. Greenberg, Tables
6.1 and 6.2 (pp. 87-88). Copyright © 1985 by
Aaron T. Beck, Gary Emery, Ruth L. Greenberg.
Reprinted by permission of Basic Books, a
member of Perseus Books Group. Figure 5: From
Table 3 (p. 65) from Zung, W. W. K. (1965).
A self-rating depression scale. Archives of General
Psychiatry, 12, 63-70. Copyright © 1965, American
Medical Association. All rights reserved.
Reprinted with permission. Figure 6: Adapted
from Slater, E., & Meyer, A. (1959). Contributions
to a pathography of the musicians: Robert
Schumann. Confinia Psychiatrica, 2, 65-94, Table II.
Reprinted by permission of S. Karger AG, Basel.
Figure 9: Table showing genetic probability of
inheriting schizophrenia from the book
Schizophrenia Genesis by Irving I. Gottesman.
Copyright © 1990 by Irving I. Gottesman.
Reprinted by permission of Henry Holt and
Company, LLC. Module 48: Figure 1: From
Benton, S. A., et al. (2003). Changes in counseling
center client problems across 13 years. Professional
Psychology: Research and Practice, 34, 66-72.
Published by The American Psychological
Association, adapted with permission.
Chapter 16
Module 49: Figure 2: Text reprinted by permission
of Herbert Benson, M.D., Benson-Henry Institute
for Mind Body Medicine, Massachusetts General
Hospital, Chestnut Hill, MA. Module 50: Figure 1:
Smith, Mary Lee, Gene V. Glass and Thomas I.
Miller. The Benefits of Psychotherapy, p. 89, Table 5-1.
© 1980 The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Reprinted with permission of The Johns Hopkins
University Press.
Chapter 17
Module 52: Figure 2: From Cacioppo, J. T.,
Berntson, G. G., & Crites, S. L., Jr. (1996). Social
neuroscience: Principles of psychophysiological
arousal and response. In E. T. Higgins & A. W.
Kruglanski (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of
basic principles. © 1996 The Guilford Press.
Reprinted by permission of the publisher. Figure 4:
Adapted from Anderson, C. A., Krull, D. S., &
Weiner, B. (1996). Explanations: Processes and con-
sequences. In E. T. Higgins & A. W. Kruglanski
(Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles
(p. 274). © 1996 The Guilford Press. Reprinted by
permission of the publisher. Module 55: Figure 1:
From Sternberg, R. J. (1986). A triangular theory of
love. Psychological Review, 93, 119-135. Published
by The American Psychological Association,
adapted with permission. Figure 2: From Buss,
D. M,, et al. (1990). International preferences in
selecting mates: A study of 37 cultures. Journal of
Cross-Cultural Psychology, 21(1), 5-47, copyright ©
1990 by Sage Publications. Reprinted by permis-
sion of Sage Publications, Inc. Figure 3: From
Table 1 (p. 41) from Benjamin, L. T., Jr. (1985).
Defining aggression. An exercise for classroom
discussion, 40-42. Reprinted by permission of the
publisher.
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Schaefer, H. S., Davidson, R. J. Lending a Hand:
Social Regulation of the Neural Response to Threat.
Psychological Science, 17, 1032-1039. Reprinted with
permission from John Wiley and Sons.; p. 487:
© Lucas Jackson/Reuters; p. 488: Janes, A. C., et al.
(2009) Brain fMRI Reactivity to Smoking-Related
Images Before and During Extended Smoking
Abstinence. Experimental and Clinical
Psychopharmacology. December 2009, 368. Reprinted
with permission from the American Psychological
Association ; p. 490: © Reza/Webistan/Corbis;
p- 495: © Jose Luis Pelaez/Corbis; p. 496: © Kevin
Dodge/Corbis; p. 499: © Orbit/Masterfile
Chapter 15
Opener: © Zave Smith/Corbis; p. 501 (top): © AP
Images/Brett Coomer, Pool; p. 501 (center): ©
Victoria and Albert Museum; p. 501 (bottom):
© Phyllis Picardi; p. 502: © Zave Smith/Corbis;
p. 504: © AP Images/Brett Coomer, Pool; p. 509:
Reprinted with permission from the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Text Revision,
Copyright 2000. American Psychiatric Association;
p. 515: © Owen Franken/Corbis; p. 517 (a, b):
Christian, C. J., et al. (2008) Gray matter structural
alterations in obsessive-compulsive disorder:
Relationship to neuropsychological functions.
Neuroimaging,164 (2), 123-131. © 2008 with permis-
sion from Elsevier; p. 526 (all): © Victoria and
Albert Museum; p. 528 (a, b): Courtesy, Nancy
Andreasen, University of lowa Hospitals &
Clinics; p. 531: © Tony Freeman/PhotoEdit;
p. 537: © Sharon Gekoski-Kimmel/MCT/Landov;
p. 541: © Zave Smith/Corbis
Chapter 16
Opener: © Blend Images/Superstock RF; p. 543
(top): © Bruce Ayres/Getty Images; p. 543
(center): © Jon Bradley /Getty Images; p. 543
(bottom): © Will & Deni McIntyre/Photo
Researchers; p. 544: © Blend Images/Superstock
RF; p. 547: © Getty RF; p. 548: © Jonathan Nourok/
PhotoEdit; p. 549: © Bill Aron/PhotoEdit; p. 551:
© Michael Newman/PhotoEdit; p. 552 (a, b):
Schnell., K., Herpertz, S. C. (2007). Effects of dialectic-
behavioral-therapy on the neural correlates of
affective hyperarousal in borderline personality
disorder. Journal of Psychiatric Research, 41, 837-847,
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p. 556: © Don Hammond/ Design Pics/Corbis RF;
p. 557: © Royalty-Free / Corbis; p. 559: © Jon
Bradley /Getty Images; p. 562: © Image Source/
Alamy RF; p. 566: © Custom Medical Stock Photo;
p. 570: © Phyllis Picardi; p. 572: © Michael
Newman/PhotoEdit; p. 575: © Blend Images/
Superstock RF
Chapter 17
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Barton/Corbis; p. 577 (center left): © Superstock/
PictureQuest/ JupiterImages; p. 577 (center right):
© Barbara Burnes/Photo Researchers; p. 577
(bottom): © Bob Daemmrich/Image Works; p. 578:
© AFP/Getty Images; p. 579: © AP Images/Elise
Amendola; p. 581: © Michael Peuckert/
Imagebroker/Alamy; p. 586: © Paul Barton/
Corbis; p. 592: © Jim Sugar/Corbis; p. 594: ©
Superstock/PictureQuest/JupiterImages; p. 596
(both): From the film Obedience © 1965 by Stanley
Milgram and distributed by Penn. State Media
Sales. Permission granted by Alexandra Milgram;
p. 599: © Barbara Burnes/Photo Researchers;
p. 600: From Lieberman, M.D., et al. (2005) An
fMRI investigation of race-related amygdala activ-
ity in African-American and Caucasian-American
individuals. Nature Neuroscience, 8(6), 720-722.
Reprinted by permission from Macmillan
Publishers Ltd.; p. 606: © E. D. Torial/ Alamy;
p. 610: © Bob Daemmrich/Image Works; p. 612:
© Reuters NewMedia Inc./Corbis; p. 613: Greene,
Joshua D., Paxton, Joseph M. (2009) Patterns of
neural activity associated with honest and dishon-
est moral decisions. PNAS, 106 (30), 12506-12511;
p. 615: © AFP/Getty ImagesAppendixOpener:
© Jose Fuste Raga/Corbis; pp. A-2, A-4: © Jose
Fuste Raga/Corbis; p. A-17: © Geri Engberg/
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Name Index
Page numbers preceded by an A refer to
the appendix.
A
AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety, 101
AAUW. See American Association of
University Women
Aaker, J. L., 495
Aaron, B., 475
Aarts, H., 134
Aartsen, M. J., 281
Aazh, H., 100
Abbott, M., 607
Abe, J. A., 399
Abel, J. R., 90
Abell, S. C., 314
Abelman, R., 353
Ablon, J. S., 548
Abma, R., 418
Aboitiz, F., 271
Abraham, H. D., 169
Abraham, P. F., 566
Abramowitz, J. S., 518
Abrams, R. L., 134
Abramson, L. Y., 343, 348, 366, 369,
370, 524
Accardi, M., 123, 156
Ackard, D. M., 370
Acocella, J., 465
Adams, A. A., 292
Adams, G., 538
Adams, K. B., 431
Adams, M., 202, 203
Adams-Byers, J., 298
Adarves-Yorno, I., 590
Addus, A. A., 38
Adlam, A., 214
Adler, A., 439, 446, 459
Adler, J., 514
Adolphs, R., 219
Adonu, J., 591
Affeltranger, M. A., 124
Afrank, J., 402
Aftanas, L., 157
Agargum, M. Y., 148
Aguilar, J., 286
Ahiima, R. S., 321
Ahn, S. H., 88
Aiello, R. J., 370
Aiken, L., 432
Aiken, L. R., 291, 300, 461
Ainsworth, M. D. S., 399
zen, I., 582
kil, H., 475
kins, S., 140, 161
kirav, I., 67
berts, A., 418
brektsen, G., 483
exander, G., 351
lho, K., 117
li, S. F., 163
lik, J., 450
lison, D. B., 322
loy, L. B., 465
Ilport, G. W., 449, 459, 460
DPPP
Allwood, M. A., 202
Aloia, M. S., 150
Alon, I., 158, 587
Alonso, A., 558
Alonso, L., 395
Alonso, S., 558
Alpers, G., 193
Altman, L. K., 489
Altman, N., 444
Amabady, N., 451
Amano, K., 112
Amarel, D., 482
Amato, L., 168
American Anorexia Bulimia
Association, 323
American Association of Mental
Retardation (AAMR), 295
American Association of University
Women (AAUW), 347, 354
American College Health
Association, 375
American Psychiatric Association, 33,
508-509
American Psychological Association
(APA), 9, 10, 12, 18, 21, 49, 463
American Psychological Association
Task Force on Intelligence, 302
Amos, A., 488
Amsel, L., 26
Anastasi, A., 290
Ancoli-Israel, S., 149
Anderson, C., 146, 202, 609, 610
Anderson, C. A., 585
Anderson, J. A., 202, 203
Anderson, J. R., 235
Anderson, K. B., 371
Andrasik, F., 93, 477
Andreasen, N. C., 74, 527
Andrew, M., 482
Andrews, B., 326
Andrews, F. M., 498
Angelopoulos, N., 77
Angier, N., 350
Angleitner, A., 607
Angoff, W. H., 302
Ansaldo, I., 90
Ansley, T. N., 292
Antonini, A., 67
Antonioni, D., 594
Antony, M. M., 513
Anwo, J., 360
Aoki, Y., 493
APA Presidential Task Force, 562
Apanovich, A. M., 495
Aponte, J. F., 562
Aquilino, S. A., 402
Arafat, I., 365
Arasteh, K., 164
Arbuthnott, A., 494
Archer, J., 353
Archer, R., 465
Archer, T., 482
Arena, J. M., 366
Arenas, E., 89
Argibay, J. C., 135
Arguin, M., 90
Ariely, D., 587
Arikawa, H., 300
Ariyanto, A., 579
Armenta, B. E., 598
Armstrong, R. D., 292
Arnedt, J. J., 150, 422, 423
Aronson, J., 349, 602
Arseneault, L., 383
Arvey, R. D., 74, 382
Asch, S., 590-591
Asendorpf, J., 601
Ashford, L., 348
Ashmore, R. D., 601
Aspinwall, L. G., 483
Assanand, S., 313
Associated Press, 537
Association for the Advancement of
Artificial Intelligence, 286
Astbury-Ward, E., 374
Astin, A. W., 349
Atkinson, H., 493, 494
Atkinson, R. C., 209, 210
Auer, J. A., 52
Aujoulat, I., 481
Auld, F., 546
Aussilloux, C., 296
Auyeung, B., 352
Averill, J. R., 329
Avery, D., 598
Ayres, M., 349
B
Baars, B., 140
Babson, K., 145
Bacchiochi, J. R., 464
Bachman, J. G., 489
Bacue, A. E., 349
Baddeley, A., 211, 214
Badgaiyan, R. D., 224
Baer, J., 262
Bagby, R. M., 486
Bagdadli, A., 296
Bagge, C., 419
Bagwell, D. K., 430
Bahrick, H. P., 229
Bai, L., 400
Bailey, J. M., 368
Baillargeon, R., 408
Bains, O. S., 149
Bair, D., 446
Bakay, R., 89
Baker, J., 181, 480
Baker, S. A., 272
Balaban, C. D., 124, 517
Baldwin, C. K., 480
Baler, R. D., 159
Ball, D., 67
Ball, H., 74
Ball, L. J., 262
Ballesteros, S., 119
Baltes, P. B., 425
Banaji, M. R., 224
Bancroft, J., 524
Bandura, A., 200, 452, 453, 459, 460, 551
Banet-Weiser, S., 317
Banich, T., 90
Banks, J. A., 602
Bannon, L., 353
Baraas, R. C., 112
Barandiaran, A. A., 415
Barber, T. X., 123
Bard, P, 332
Bargh, J. A., 326, 583
Barker, J., 156
Barkley, R., 531
Barlow, D. H., 513, 551
Barmeyer, C. I., 202
Barnes, M. L., 607
Barnes, T., 374
Barnes, V. A., 157
Barnett, J. E., 50
Barnett, R. C., 345
Baron, J., 400
Baron, R. S., 592
Barone, P., 67
Barressi, J., 140
Barrett, L. F., 286, 329
Barron, F., 261
Barron, G., 611
Barrowclough, C., 528
Bartecchi, C. E., 490
Bartholow, B., 610
Bartholow, B. D., 202
Bartlett, F., 227
Bartlett, M. Y., 611
Bartocci, G., 157
Bartolomeo, J., 342
Bartone, P., 482
Bartoshuk, L., 119
Bartoshuk, L. M., 119
Bartress-Faz, D., 252
Bartzokis, G., 527
Baruss, I., 150, 169
Basak, C., 429
Bassotti, G., 61
Bates, E., 266
Bates, P. E., 296
Bates, R., 605
Bates, T., 497
Batson, C. D., 612
Bauer, I., 431
Bauer, P., 215
Baum, A., 479, 480
Baum, M. J., 70
Bauman, S., 459
Baumeister, R. F., 357, 590
Baumgartner, F., 481
Baumrind, D., 402
Bayley, P. J., 220
Baylis, F., 89
Bayliss, D. M., 213, 408
Bayne, R., 446
Bazalakova, M. H., 67
Beach, F. A., 362
Beall, A., 343
Beardslee, W., 572
Bearman, C. R., 262
Beaton, R. J., 210
Beatty, J., 60
l-2 Name Index
Beatty, W. W., 283
Bechara, A., 87
Beck, A., 523
Beck, A. P., 559
Beck, A. T., 516, 553, 554, 561
Beck, H. P., 178
Becker, B. E., 402, 413
Becker, T., 286
Beckham, J. C., 179
Beckmann, H., 527
Beckmann, S. C., 256
Bedard, W. W., 84
Beersma, D. G. M., 151
Begeny, J. C., 297
Begg, D., 310
Begley, S., 9, 88, 174, 225
Behar, L., 45
Behrens, M., 430
Beidel, D. C., 517
Beilock, S.L., 214
Beirut, L. J., 165, 167
Bekkering, H., 131
Bélanger, C., 515
Belar, C., 8
Bellezza, F. S., 213
Belli, R. F., 227
Belmaker, R. H., 457
Belov, D. I., 292
Belsky, J., 381, 401
Bem, D. J., 135, 369
Bem, S. L., 354
Ben-Porath, Y. S., 264, 465
Benac, N., 537
Benbow, C. P., 350
Benca, N., 152
Benderly, B. L., 285
Benet-Martinez, V., 272
Benham, G., 155
Benight, C. C., 474
Benjamin, J., 457
Benjamin, L. T., Jr., 609
Benoit, C., 77
Benson, E., 357
Benson, H., 157
Benton, S. A., 534, 535, 568
Berenbaum, H., 480
Beresnevaité, M., 486
Bergen, L., 40
Berger, M. P. F., 292
Berk, L. E., 402
Berkowitz, L., 608, 610
Berle, D., 550
Berliner, L., 372
Berman, A. L., 544
Berman, H., 424
Bernal, G., 11
Bernard, L. L., 309
Bernardi, S., 81
Bernier, M., 245
Bernstein, D. M., 21, 229, 409
Berntsen, D., 225, 229
Berntson, G. G., 334, 580
Berridge, K. C., 313
Berrios, G. E., 505
Berry, D. C., 224, 604
Bertakis, K., 493
Berthoud, H. R., 310, 319
Berz, E. R., 349
Best, D. L., 344
Betz, N., 452
Beutler, L. E., 561
Beyene, Y., 424
Bhar, S., 554
Bhugra, D., 566
Bialystok, E., 272
Bianchi, R. A., 602
Bianchi, S. M., 418
Biener, L., 489
Bieschke, K. J., 369
Bigler, R. S., 353
Billiard, M., 150
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Bindemann, M., 109
Binder, J. L., 561
Binet, A., 287-288
Binetti, R., 165
Bingenheimer, J. B., 202
Binstock, R., 431
Birbaumer, N., 82
Birren, J. E., 427
Bishop, M., 472
Biswas-Diener, R., 497
Bitterman, M. E., 177
Bittles, A. H., 296
Bivona, J., 358
Bizley, J., 87
Bjork, R.A., 135
Bjorklund, D. F., 9
Bjornstad, R., 481, 523
Black, B. M., 371
Black, J., 150
Black, P., 310
Blackmore, S., 135
Blair, C. A., 611
Blake, C. A., 296
Blakeslee, S., 88
Blass, T., 596
Blatter, K., 151
Blixen, C. E., 318
Blomeyer, D., 167
Bloom, P., 408
Bloom, P. N., 594
Bloom, S. R., 319
Blum, D., 399
Boahen, K., 61, 70
Boake, C., 9
Bock, K., 265
Bode, C., 483
Boden, J. M., 419
Bodin, G., 546
Boehm, K. E., 419
Bogart, R. K., 123
Bogenschutz, M. P., 559
Bohn, A., 225
Boisvert, C. M., 561
Boivin, M., 322
Boles, D. B., 90
Bolger, N., 482
Boller, F., 85
Bollier, T., 347
Bonanni, R., 215
Bonanno, G. A., 482
Bond, J. T., 345
Bond, M., 548
Bond, M. H., 453
Bonello, R. P., 123
Bonham, V. L., 26
Bonke, B., 224
Bonnardel, V., 110
Bonnie, R. J., 504
Bono, C., 342
Bordnick, P. S., 549
Borisenko, J., 400
Borkan, J. M., 494
Born, J., 149
Bornstein, M. H., 400
Bornstein, R. F., 506
Borovecki, A., 179
Borren, I., 303
Bosma, H. A., 417, 429, 430
Botvinick, M., 525
Bouchard, C., 318
Bouchard, T. J., Jr., 74, 382, 455, 457
Bourne, L. E., 253, 256
Bower, C., 296
Bower, G. H., 234
Bower, J. M., 81
Boxer, P., 202
Boyce, W. T., 473
Boyd, J., 129
Boyd-Wilson, B. M., 496
Boyle, G. J., 360
Boyle, S. H., 486
Bozarth, J. D., 557
Bradshaw, J. W. S., 189
Brady, T., 579
Braff, D. L., 528
Brambilla, P., 566
Branigan, C., 329
Brantley, P. J., 482
Brasic, J. R., 518
Braun, A., 148
Brausch, A. M., 418
Braver, T. S., 283
Bray, G. A., 318
Brazelton, T. B., 393
Breland, K., 193
Breland, M., 193
Brendgen, M., 383
Brennan, R. T., 202, 489
Brennen, T., 222
Bresler, C., 331
Breslin, M. M., 278
Brett, J. M., 158, 587
Brewer, J. B., 220
Brewer, M., 591
Brewer, M. B., 583
Brewer, R. D., 164
Bridges, M. W., 463
Brief, A. P., 605
Bright, P., 236
Brinkhaus, B., 122
Brinton, B., 330
Brislin, R., 280
Brock, J., 195
Brock, T. C., 579
Bröder, A, 214
Brody, J., 489
Broidy, L. M., 530
Broman, C. L., 479
Bronson, P., 599
Brooker, R. J., 83, 92, 115
Broome, K. M., 168
Brossart, D. F., 571
Brown, D. L., 32
Brown, E., 490
Brown, J., 585
Brown, L. S., 229
Brown, P. K., 111
Brown, R., 215
Brown, R. J., 520
Brown, S., 85, 87
Brown, S. I., 254
Brown, T. A., 513
Browne, K. D., 266
Brownlee, K., 562
Bruce, V., 110, 130
Bruehl, S., 613
Bruggeman, H., 130
Brule, D., 21
Brumbach, B. H., 9
Brunet, A., 220
Brunetti, E., 271
Bryan, J., 237
Bryant, R. A., 26
Bryant, R. M., 11, 147
Brydon, L., 476
Brynhildsen, J., 424
Brzustowicz, L. M., 527
Bschor, T., 497
Buboltz, W., 493
Bucci, S., 525
Buchanan, R. W., 526
Buchanan, T., 452
Buchanan, T. W., 219
Buchert, R., 168
Buck, L. B., 119
Buckman, J., 236
Buehner, M., 281
Bukobza, G., 422
Bulik, C. M., 320, 322
Bunge, S. A., 26
Bunting, M., 234
Burbach, M. E., 262
Burchinal, M. R., 401
Burger, J. M., 594, 596
Burgoon, J. K., 349, 604
Burke, C., 278, 296, 305
Burns, C. W., 109
Burns, J. W., 613
Burns, N. R., 237
Burrows, A., 34
Burt, D. M., 605
Burton, K. S., 281
Bury, A. S., 248
Busey, T. A., 21
Bush, J., 550
Bushman, B. J., 202, 609
Bushnell, M. C., 122
Buss, D. M., 9, 351, 352, 382, 450,
455, 607
Bussey, T. J., 67
Butcher, J. N., 464
Butler, A. C., 553
Butler, J., 107
Butler, L. D., 487
Butler, L. T., 224, 604
Butler, M. A., 180
Butt, T., 587
Buzi, R., 372
Byne, W., 368
Byrne, B. M., 300
Byrne-Davis, L., 472
C
Cabanac, M., 319
Cabioglu, M., 122
Cachelin, F. M., 323
Cacioppo, J. T., 26, 580, 581, 600
Cadenhead, K., 528
Cadieux, M. J., 223
Caelian, C. F., 419
Cahil, L., 90
Cahill, L., 208, 237
Cai, D., 144
Cain, D. J., 459
Cajochen, C., 151
Calabrese, J. R., 566
Caldwell, D. F., 594
Calin-Jageman, R. J., 102
Calkins, M., 16, 18
Calvert, S., 606
Cameron, O. G., 331
Campbell, D. T., 133
Campbell, N. B., 419
Campbell, R., 371
Campbell, T. S., 123
Campbell, W., 587
Campo-Flores, A., 544
Canetti-Nisim, D., 26
Cannon, T. D., 93, 262
Cannon, W. B., 332
Cantalupo, C., 89
Cantwell, R. H., 326
Capaldi, E. D., 319
Caplan, D., 88
Capone, N. C., 382
Cardemil, E. V., 26
Carey, B., 82, 214, 220, 258, 568
Carhart-Harris, K., 163
Carlin, A., 46
Carlsmith, J. M., 582
Carlson, M., 610
Carnagey, N., 202, 610
Carney, D., 584
Carney, R. N., 213, 237
Carnochan, P., 330
Carpenter, S., 50
Carpenter, S. K., 233
Carr, A., 373
Carr, P., 349
Carr, T. H., 214
Carrera, M., 515
Carrillo, M., 68
Carroll, J., 323
Carter, R. T., 272
Cartwright, R., 60, 148
Caruso, D. R., 285
Caruso, E., 249
Carvalho, F. M., 67
Carver, C., 432
Carver, C. S., 463
Cary, P., 24
Casad, B. J., 345
Casasanto, D., 269
Case, R., 408
Case, T. I., 118
Casey, S. D., 189
Cashon, C. H., 397, 408
Casper, L. M., 418
Caspi, A., 9, 382, 457
Caspi, R., 457
Cassells, J. V. S., 445
Cassidy, K. W., 400
Castro, C. A., 475
Catalano, S. M., 370
Catenacci, V., 317
Cattell, A. K., 449
Cattell, H. E. P., 449
Cattell, R. B., 449, 459
Cauce, A. M., 571
Cavallini, E., 429
Cavenett, T., 311
Ceccanti, M., 165
Ceci, S. J., 228
Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC), 372,
373, 418, 419
Ceponiene, R., 216
Cerutti, D. T., 189
Chabris, C. F., 283
Chaiken, S., 47
Chamberlain, K., 475, 476
Chamberlain, S. R., 517
Chambless, D. L., 562
Chan, K. K., 582
Chandra, P., 268
Chandran, S., 254
Chang, J., 26
Chang, K., 350
Chang, L., 352
Chang, S. W., 292
Chang-Schneider, C., 453
Chapkis, W., 168
Chapman, J., 592
Chapman, J. P., 525
Chapman, L. J., 525
Charlton, S., 21
Charman, S. D., 227
Chartrand, T. L., 134, 583
Chaudhry, H. R., 498
Chauhan, R. V., 562
Cheakalos, C., 317, 360
Chechile, R. A., 99
Chen, A., 112
Chen, C., 25
Chen, D., 38, 119
Chen, T. H., 117
Cheney, C. D., 494
Cheng, C., 483
Cheng, S., 453
Cheston, S. E., 562
Cheung, M. L., 483
Chiang, W. C., 408
Chincotta, D., 214
Chiodo, D., 347
Chivers, M. L., 356
Cho, A., 115
Cho; S., 93, 262
Chodorow, M., 234
Chomsky, N., 267, 268
Chou, K., 481
Choy, Y., 549, 550
Christ, S. E., 390
Christakis, N. A., 489, 496
Christensen, A. J., 492
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Christian, C. J., 517
Chrysikou, E. G., 256
Chu, D: Z. J.,; 123
Chuang, S., 418
Chylinska, J., 480
Cialdini, R. B., 580, 594
Cicchetti, D., 402
Cirelli, C., 144
Clair, J. M., 495
Clark, D., 121
Clark, D. A., 507, 516, 518
Clark, D. B., 166
Clark, J., 557
Clark, L., 258
Clark, L. A., 509
Clark, L. V., 407
Clark, M., 586
Clark, M. P., 18
Clark, M. S., 586
Clark, R. E., 220
Clarke-Stewart, K. A., 402, 425
Clarkin, J. F., 529
Clay D. L., 548
Clayton, K., 162
Cleary, A. M., 222
Clements, A. M., 90
Clements, M., 367
Clementz, B., 587
Clemons, T. L., 298
Clifasefi, S., 229
Clifford, C. W. G., 108
Clifton, D., 498
Cloud, J., 168, 572
Coan, J. A., 482, 483
Coates, S. L., 224
Coats, E. J., 349
Cobos, P., 331
Cochran, S. D., 369
Coffman, S. J., 561
Cohen, A. L., 429
Cohen, B. H., 45
Cohen, G. L., 602
Cohen, J., 35
Cohen, L. B., 397, 408
Cohen, P., 168, 538
Cohen, S., 477, 480, 482
Cohler, B. J., 546
Cole, D. A., 530
Coleman, E., 365
Coleman, G., 144
Coleman, J., 413
Coleman, M., 426
Coles, R., 356, 415
Colland, V. T., 492
Collinge, M. D., 181
Collins, A. M., 217
Collins, F., 26
Collins, L. M., 414
Colom, R, 280, 283, 284
Coltheart, M., 525
Coltraine, S., 599
Colvin, C., 584
Colwell, M., 400
Combrink-Graham, L., 399
Compagni, A., 60
Comuzzie, A. G., 322
Conduit, R., 144
Cone-Wesson, B., 117
Conger, R., 21
Conger, R. D., 508
Connell, B., 267
Conner, M., 582
Connolly, A. C., 245
Conoley, C. W., 571
Consentino, S., 224
Conte, H. R., 443
Conway, M. A., 224, 230
Conway, T. L., 489
Cooke, J. R., 149
Cooklin, A., 559
Cooper, H., 46, 371
Cooper, J., 101, 582
Cooper, M., 558
Cooper, Z., 323
Cooper-Brown, L. J., 189
Cope, D., 249
Copeland, J. B., 249
Coplan, R., 402
Copolov, D. L., 525
Cordnoldi, C., 229
Coren, S., 102, 128, 131, 132
Corn, B., 487
Cornelius, M. D., 168
Cornell, C. B., 288
Cornell, D. G., 298
Corp, E. S., 318
Corpus, J. H., 313
Corsello, A., 227
Cortina, L. M., 347
Cosmides, L., 193
Costa, P., 591
Costa, P. T., Jr., 450, 530
Cété, J. E., 422
Cotton, P., 537
Cotton, W. L., 365
Council of National Psychological
Associations for the Advancement
of Ethnic Minority Interests, 26
Courteau, J., 488
Couturier, J., 322
Coventry, K. R., 252
Cowan, N., 212, 408
Cowley, B. J., 152
Cowley, G., 235, 430, 473
Cox, J., 309
Cox, R., 181
Coyle, N., 432
Coyle, T. R., 291
Craig, K. D., 122
Craik, F. I. M., 223
Cramer, A., 402
Cramer, D., 35
Cramer, P., 443
Crandall, C. S., 410
Crawford, M., 345, 349
Cray, J., 34
Creasey, G. L., 383
Crerand, C. E., 195
Crews, F., 444
Crewther, S. G., 144
Criswell, H., 67
Critchfield, T., 186
Critelli, J., 358
Crites, S. L., 580
Crits-Christoph, P., 573
Crocker, J., 510
Crockett, E., 584
Crombag, H. S., 159
Cropley, A., 261
Crosnoe, R., 431
Crouter, A. C., 353
Crowder, R. G., 210
Crum, A. J., 53, 68
Crump, J., 446
Cruz, A., 124
Cuddy, A. J. C., 345
Cuijpers, P., 26, 560
Culbert, K., 322
Culhane-Pera, K. A., 494
Cullinane, C. A., 123
Cumberland, A., 612
Cummings, A., 216
Cunningham, P., 408
Curran, M., 565
Cutting, J. C., 265
Cwikel, J., 45
Cynkar, A., 11
Czopp, A. M., 602
D
Daddis, C., 418
Dadds, M., 77
Name Index 1-3
Daftary, F., 229
Dai, D. Y., 581
Daines, B., 367
Dalal, A. K., 472
Dale, A., 38
Dale, J. W., 74
Daley, E. M., 38
Damasio, A., 140
Damon, W., 415
Danaei, G., 487
Dani, J. A., 488
Daniels, K. A., 224
Darby, R., 371
D'Arcy, R. C. N., 80
Dardenne, B., 347
Dark-Freudeman, A., 430
Darley, J. M., 34-35, 37, 41, 42, 44,
45, 46, 49, 50, 611
Darroch, J. E., 366
Darwin, C., 8
Darwin, C. J., 210
Das, A., 364, 365
Daskalakis, Z., 81
David, D., 554
Davidson, J. E., 254
Davidson, R. J., 331, 482, 483, 1994
Davies, I., 395
Davies, S., 468, 517
Davis, D. D., 554
Davis, J, 336
Davis, L. J., 462
Davis, O., 74
Davis, R., 530
Davis, R. D., 529
Davis, R. L., 115
Davis, S. F., 193
Day, A. L., 482
Day, R. D., 400
Dayan, P., 192
De Beni, R., 229, 244
de Gelder, B., 109
Deacon, B. J., 518
Deák, G. O., 64
Dean, C., 65
Dean-Borenstein, M. T., 476
DeAngelis, D., 9
Dearing, F., 401
Deary, I. J., 283
Deater-Deckard, K., 383, 402
DeBoeck, P., 325
DeBord, K. A., 369
DeCasper, A. J., 389
Deccache, A., 481
DeCesare, K., 594
Decety, J., 26
Deci, E., 315
Decker, S., 612
Dede, G., 88
Dediu, D., 268
DeFrain, J., 425
DeGaton, J. F., 366
deGroot, A. D., 212
del Rosal, E., 395
Delahanty, D. L., 220
DeLamater, J. D., 428
Delcourt, M. A. B., 298
Delgado, M. R., 549
Delinsky, S. S., 195
DeLoache, J., 193
Demaree, H. A., 486
Dement, W. C., 148
DeMichael, T., 92-93
Dempster, F. N., 409
Denby, L., 472, 499
Denmark, G. L., 18
Dennett, D. C., 24
Dennis, I., 586
Dennis, T. A., 403
Denollet, J., 486
Dent, P., 348
d’Entremont, M. L., 402
1-4 Name Index
Deouell, L. Y., 210
Der, G., 283
Deregowski, J. B., 133, 134
Deremaux, S., 245
Derryberry, W. P., 445
DeRubeis, R., 569
Des Jarlais, D. C., 161
Descartes, R., 15, 16
Deshields, T., 482
deSilva, P., 515
Desimone, R., 220
Desmarais, S., 353
Dessing, J. C., 86
DeSteno, D., 353, 611
Detoledo-Morrell, L., 235
Detterman, D. K., 296
Deuser, R., 254
Devonport, J. J., 452
Dewey, J., 17
Dey, E. L., 349
Dhar, R., 256
Dhillon, S., 565
Di Fabio, A., 281
Di Forti, M., 68
Diamond, M., 370
DiCano, P., 180
Dickens, W. T., 303
Dickerson, S. S., 472
Diener, E., 495, 497, 498
Diener, M., 400
Diesendruck, G., 272
DiFranza, J. R., 488
DiGiorlamo, G. J., 60
DiGiovanna, A. G., 423
Dijk, D., 310
Dijksterhuis, A., 134
Dill, K., 353
Dillard, J. P., 329, 493
Dillon, J., 20
DiLorenzo, P. M., 119
Dionne, R., 121
Diriwachter, R., 465
Dishion, T., 418
Ditto, B., 123
Dixon, R. A., 429, 430
Do, V. T., 599
Dobbins, A. C., 130
Dobbins, I. G., 224
Dodge, K. A., 382
Doganis, G, 245
Doi, T., 444
Dolan, P., 495
Dolan, R. J., 334
Dolan, S. L., 560
Dolbier, C. L., 473
Doll, H. A., 524
Dollinger, S. J., 581
Domhoff, G. W., 147, 149
Dominoswski, R. L., 253
Donahoe, J. W., 193
Donnellan, M., 21
Donoghue, J. P., 82
Donovan, R. A., 349
Dortch, S., 159
Doty, R. L., 119
Dougall, A. L., 480
Douglas, O., 281
Dovidio, J. F., 598, 599, 602, 612
Dowd, S., 81
Dowling, N., 549
Downey, J. E., 18
Doyle, R., 570
Dozois, D., 518
Draguns, J. G., 443
Drain, T., 187
Draine, S. C., 134
Dresbach, T., 65
Drewes, F., 400
Drews, F., 21
Drews, F. A., 214
Driver, J., 109, 124
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Drob, S., 445
Dryden, W., 554
Duberstein, P. R., 569
DuBois, F., 609
Duchaine, B., 98, 451
Ducharme, J. M., 187
Dudek-Singer, J., 551, 610
Duffy, M., 510
Dugger, C. W., 360
Duke, M., 529
Dulac, C., 119
Dumont, D., 571
Dumont, M., 347, 571
Duncker, K., 258
Durik, A. M., 344
Dworkin, R. H., 527
Dybdahl, R., 222
E
Eagly, A., 47
Eagly, A. H., 343, 353
Eaker, E. D., 486
Eardley, I., 374
Earls, F. J., 202
Ebbinghaus, H., 11, 17, 231
Eberhard, J., 564
Eberhard, K. M., 265
Eberhardt, J. L., 598
Eberling, J., 75
Ebstein, R. P., 457
Ebster, C., 594
Ecenbarger, W., 490
Echemendia, R., 462
Eckardt, M. H., 446
Eden, J., 592
Edinger, J. D., 152, 550
Edwards, C. C., 489
Edwards, R. R., 121
Eftimiades, M., 32, 611
Egan, K., 408
Egliston, K., 551
Ehlers, C. L., 165
Ehlert, U., 479
Eimer, B. N., 156
Einarsson, C., 354
Einstein, A., 313, 382
Einstein, G. O., 237
Eisch, A., 88
Eisenberg, M., 531
Eisenberg, N., 612
Eizenberg, M. M., 257
Ekman, P., 329, 335, 335-336, 336, 337
Ekroll, V., 131
El-Hai, J., 568
El-Mallakh, R. S., 169
Elder, G. H., Jr., 431
Elfhag, K., 320
Eliez, S., 283
Eliot, T. S., 282
Elkind, D., 418
Elkins, D., 459
Elkins, G., 156
Ellason, J. W., 519
Ellins, E., 476
Elliot, J., 424
Elliott, A., 506
Elliott, A. J., 325
Elliott, D. M., 372
Ellis, A., 554, 613
Ellis, B. J., 473
Ellison, C. R., 358
Ellison, N., 606
Emery, G., 516
Emick, J., 252
Emmelkamp, P., 550
Endres, T., 193
Engen, T., 118
Engle, R. W., 213, 281
Engler, J., 539
Epley, N., 134
Epstein, R., 257, 493
Epstein, W., 108
Eranti, S. V., 567
Ergene, N., 122
Erickson, R., 119
Eriksen, M., 490
Erikson, E., 403-404, 416-417, 446
Ertel, S., 135
Ervik, S., 150
Espelag, D. L., 369
Essau, C. A., 523
Essén, B., 360
Etchegary, H., 75
Evans, A. M., 547
Evans, D. E., 456
Evans, J. B. T., 252, 260
Evcik, D., 123
Everette, M., 390
Everhart, D. E., 486
Everly, G. S., Jr., 507
Eynan, R., 530
Eysenck, H. J., 449, 459, 460
F
Fagan, J., 426
Fagan, J. F., 300, 301, 302
Fagen, J., 118
Fairhall, A., 102
Falck-Ytter, T., 64
Fallon, A., 50
Fallon, B. A., 518
Fanselow, M. S., 65
Farell, B., 109
Farinelli, L., 34
Farrell, E. F., 372
Fassler, O., 155
Fast, K., 119
Faust, D., 561
Fearing, V. G., 557
Fedeli, A., 319
Federer, R., 585
Fee, E., 122
Feeney, A., 260
Feeney, B. C., 586
Feinberg, A. W., 430
Feingold, A., 348
Feinstein, S., 518
Feldhusen, J. F., 215
Feldman, D. H., 407
Feldman, R. S., 237, 292, 349, 400, 472
Feldt, L. S., 291
Feltmate, S. E., 430
Fendt, M., 193
Fenter, V. L., 566
Feret, A., 388
Fergusson, D. M., 419
Fernandez, A. M., 353
Fernandez, L. C., 18
Ferraro, R. F., 224
Feshbach, S., 40
Festinger, D., 312
Festinger, L., 17, 582
Fichtenberg, C. M., 489
Field, T., 395
Fields, R. D., 61
Fields-Meyer, T., 412
Fillingim, R. B., 121, 313
Finch, A. J., Jr., 613
Finch, H., 325
Fine, L., 255
Fine, R., 255
Fingelkurts, A. A., 155
Fink, A., 283
Fink, B., 351
Fink, G., 567
Finkelhor, D., 371, 372
Finkelstein, M., 313
Finkelstein, Y., 391
Finkler, K., 158
Finlay, F. O., 413
Finley, C. L., 152
Finn-Stevenson, M., 390
Firestein, B. A., 367
First, M. B., 509
Fischer, A. H., 329, 334
Fischer, K. W., 330
Fischer, T. M., 102
Fischler, G., 464
Fish, M. C., 369
Fishbach, A., 256
Fisher, C. B., 49
Fisher, L., 213
Fisher, L. A., 156
Fisk, J. E., 247, 248
Fiske, S. T., 345, 583
Fitch, W. T., 268
Fitzgerald, H., 347
Fitzgerald, P., 81
Flam, F., 118
Flavell, S. W., 66
Fleck, J. L., 151
Fleischman, D. A., 430
Fleming, J., 462
Fleminger, S., 531
Flynn, J., 303
Flynn, P. M., 168
Fobes, J. L., 84
Foderaro, L. W., 520
Fogarty, J. S., 493
Fogel, A., 395
Folk, C., 128
Folkman, S., 474, 480, 483
Follett, K., 587
Forbes, G. B., 347
Forbey, J., 465
Ford, C. S., 362
Forer, B., 461
Forgas, J. P., 584
Forlenza, M. J., 70
Förster, J., 598
Fossey, D., 38
Foster, D. H, 112
Foster, K., 286
Foster, K. M., 203
Foster, P., 217
Fotti, S., 551
Foulds, J., 488
Fountas, K. N., 84
Fournier, J., 245
Fowler, C. A., 117
Fowler, J. H., 489, 496
Fox, C. R., 249
Fox, K., 370
Fox, M. J., 67
Fox, S., 286
Fradera, A., 236
Frances, A., 509
Frankenburg, W. K., 394
Frankham, P., 319
Franklin, A., 395
Franklin, M. E., 550
Franko, D., 414
Franks, D. D., 333
Franks, P., 493
Franzek, E., 527
Fraser, S. C., 593
Frasure-Smith, N., 487
Frawley, T., 354
Frederickson, B. L., 329
Freedman, D. S., 321
Freedman, J. L., 593
Freeman, A., 554
Freeman, J. E., 26
Freeman, K., 474
Freire, J. C., 557
Frensch, P. A., 200
Freud, A., 18, 443, 446
Freud, S., 16, 18, 19, 39, 147, 368,
437-445, 447, 459, 469, 518
Friborg, O., 474, 482
Friedberg, R. D., 553
Friederici, A. D., 395
Friedman, C. K., 353
Friedman, J. N. W., 529
Friedman, M. J., 475
Friesen, W. V., 336
Frijda, N. H., 329, 334
Frimer, J., 416
Frimer, J. A., 612
Frincke, J. L., 11
Frings, L., 90
Frith, C. D., 109
Fritsch, T., 430
Fritz, S. M., 262
Frost, L. E., 504
Frost, R. O., 516, 518
Fuchs- Lacelle, S., 122
Fuerst, D. E., 374
Fujiki, M., 330
Fuller, A., 156
Funder, D. C., 450
Funke, G. J., 409
Furnham, A., 358, 446
Furumoto, L., 18
Fusari, A., 119
Fyer, A. J., 549, 550
G
Gaab, J., 479
Gabriel, L. T., 296
Gaertner, S. L., 598, 602
Gaffney, K. F., A-15
Gage, F. H., 90
Gage, P., 87
Gagnon, G. H., 358
Gailliot, M. T., 612
Gain, M. E., 53
Galanter, E., 100
Galanter, M., 559
Galantucci, B., 117
Galatzer-Levy, R. M., 546
Galef, D., 462
Gall, F. J., 15, 16
Gallo, P., 267
Gallois, C., 579
Gallup News Service, 366
Gallup Poll, 135
Galton, Sir F., 287, 291
Galvin, D. M., 169
Gambescia, N., 374
Gamez, E., 247
Gami, A. S., 150
Gangestad, S. W., 357
Gannon, T., 346
Ganong, L. H., 426
Garb, H. N., 466
Garber, J., 530, 572
Garcia, A., 550
Garcia, J., 181
Garcia, R., 271
Garcia, S. M., 611
Garcia-Andrade, C., 165
Garcia-Mijares, M., 193
Garcia-Palacios, A., 46
Gardini, S., 244, 457
Gardner, B., 567
Gardner, E. P., 121
Gardner, F., 613
Gardner, H., 88, 99, 281, 282
Gardner, S., 18, 162
Garlow, S. J., 165
Garn, C. L., 350
Garretson, M. E., 228
Garrido-Nag, K., 266
Garrigan, P., 130
Garry, M., 229
Garwick, G. B., 296
Garwood, C. L., 489
Garza-Guerrero, C., 605
Gass, C. S., 38
Gatchel, R. J., 122, 323
Gautreaux, G., 551, 610
Gawronski, B., 518
Gazzaniga, M. S., 91
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Ge, X., 413
Geary, D. C., 352
Gegenfurtner, K. R., 112
Geitman, L. R., 268
Gelbard-Sagiv, H., 221
Gelfand, M. M., 428
Gelman, R., 394, 408
General Motors, 467
Gennaro, R. J., 140
Genovese, J. E. C., 407
Genovese, K., 32, 34, 611
Gentile, B., 348, 453
Gentner, D., 270
George, J., 559
George, L. K., 431
George, M. S., 333
George, P., 124
George, R., 395
George, S., 164
George, T. P., 395
Georgeson, M., 110, 130
Georgia Tech, 429
Georgiou, G. A., 193
Geppert, C. M., 559
Gepshtein, S., 108
Gerdes, A., 193
Gershkoff-Stowe, L., 267
Gerson, K., 426
Gerstel, N, 426
Getner, D., 262
Giacobbi, P. R., Jr., 474
Giacomini, M., 89
Gibb, K., 296
Gibb, R., 88
Gibbons, R. D., 566
Gibbs, N., 412
Gibbs, W. W., 265
Gielen, U. P., 11
Gilbert, D. T., 448
Gilbert, P. D., 483
Gilboa, A., 236
Gilchrist, A., 212
Gilestro, G. F., 144
Gilligan, C., 415, 417
Gilliss, C., 424
Ginsberg, S., 418
Giusberti, F., 244
Gladwell, M., 446, 466, 468
Glantz, S. A., 489
Glass, G. V., 560
Glass, K., 480
Glick, P., 345, 347
Glickler, J., 452
Glicksohn, J., 449, 584
Glisky, E. L., 430
Goin, M. K., 544
Gold, M., 162
Gold, P. E., 237
Goldberg, M. D., 298
Golden, R. N., 151, 156
Goldfried, M. R., 561
Goldin, S., 270
Goldin-Meadow, S., 270
Goldman, E., 569
Goldsmith, H. H., 530
Goldstein, I., 356, 358, 359, 374
Goldstein, S. N., 417
Goldstone, R. L., 245
Goleman, D., 397, 494, 539
Golimbet, V. E., 74, 456
Golombok, S., 369
Golosheykin, S., 157
Goncalves, F. L., 193
Gong, H., 112
Gontier, N., 268
Gontkovsky, S. T., 84, 283
Goode, E., 118, 547
Goodman, G., 228
Goodman, W. K., 517
Goodwin, J. E., 395
Goodwin, R., 591
Goodwin, R. D., 529
Gooren, L., 368
Gordijn, M. C. M., 151
Gordon, E. F., 47, 412
Gordon, R., 119
Gossop, M., 559
Gotlib, I. H., 523
Gottesman, I. I., 381, 527
Gottlieb, D. A., 189
Gould, E., 90
Gould, R. L., 424
Govindarajan, A., 218
Gowaty, P. A., 371
Grace, A. A., 219
Gradinaru, V., 81
Grady, D., 489
Graf, P., 224
Graham, C. A., 507
Graham, J. R., 464
Graham, L., 83
Graham, S., 50, 414, 531
Grahek, N., 122
Grainger, L., 215
Grammer, G. G., 493
Grange, D. K., 390
Granic, I., 418
Grann, J. D., 233
Granstroem, K., 354
Grant, S., 466
Gray, G. C., 611
Gray, J. R., 283
Gray, R., 391
Graziano, M. S., 86
Graziano, W. G., 612
Greco, C. M., 93
Green, B. G., 124
Green, D. L., 156
Green, J. S., 181
Green, M. C., 579
Green, P. R., 110, 130
Greenberg, G., 508
Greenberg, R., 569
Greenberg, R. M., 567
Greene, J. D., 334, 612-613
Greenfield, P. M., 301
Greenfield, S., 140
Greening, E., 135
Greenspan, S., 296
Greenwald, A., 601
Greenwald, A. G., 134, 224
Greer, R. D., 551, 610
Gregg, J. P., 74
Gregory, R. L., 131, 132
Gregory, S., 362
Gregory, S. S., 360
Gretchen, D., 562
Griffin, D. W., 605
Grigorenko, E., 268
Grigorenko, E. L., 285, 302
Grigoriadis, S., 558
Grilo, C. M., 322
Grimes, T., 40
Grindstaff, J. S., 156
Grinspoon, S., 492
Groh, K., 422
Gronholm, P., 80
Gross, J. J., 329
Grossmann, T., 395
Groves, R. M., 38
Grucza, R., 165
Grunwald, T., 334
Grunwald, T, 395
Grusec, J. E., 200, 551
Guadagno, R. E., 580
Guarnaccia, P. J., 508, 538
Guastella, A., 77
Guéguen, N., 594
Guerrero, L., 34
Guez, J., 234
Gugula, S., 353
Guilleminault, C., 150
Name Index
Guldemond, H., 297
Gurin, P., 35
Guthrie, I. K., 612
Guthrie, R. V., 50
Gutierrez, P. M., 418, 419
Guyll, M., 598
Gwynn, M. I., 154
H
Haas, K. B., 347
Haberstick, B. C., 162, 387
Hackam, D. C., 53
Hadjistavropoulos, T., 122
Hagoort, P., 268
Haier, R. J., 280, 283
Hains, S. C., 591
Haley, W. E., 495
Halford, S., 400
Halgren, E., 268
Halkitis, P., 163
Hall, B. J., 26
Hall, E., 422, 426
Hall, G. C. N., 371
Hall, J., 584
Hall, J. A., 493
Hall, N. W., 390
Hall, R. E., 302
Halle, M., 60
Halle, T., 401
Hallett, K. C., 451
Hallschmid, M., 319
Halpern, D., 27
Halpern, D. F., 349, 426
Halpert, J., 493
Hamani, Y., 492
Hamann, S., 219
Hamann, S. B., 333
Hambleton, R. K., 461
Hamed, M. S., 551
Hamer, D. H., 368
Hamer, M., 483
Hamilton, A., 429
Hamilton, A. C., 211
Hamilton, S. P., 529
Hamilton, W. L., 489
Hammond, C., 156, 162
Hamrick, N., 480
Hand, V., 508
Haney, C., 593
Hanley, C., 201
Hanley, S. J., 314
Hannon, E. E., 395
Hanson, D. R., 381, 527
Harding, D. J., 366
Hardison, D. M., 265
Hardt, J., 419
Hardy, L. T., 399
Harlow, H. F., 399
Harlow, J. M., 87
Harmon-Jones, E., 600
Harold, G. T., 425
Harper, D. J., 567
Harper, T., 427
Harris, J. L., 349
Harris, K. R., 283, 531
Harris, R., 67
Harry Harlow Primate Laboratory
(University of Wisconsin), 399
Hart, B., 267
Hartmann, E., 143
Hartung, C. M., 537
Harvard Mental Health Letter
(HMHL), 573
Harvey, J. H., 367
Harvey, P. D., 527
Harvey-Berino, J., 321
Haslam, A., 258
Haslam, C., 391
Hassold, T. J., 278
Hastings, R. P., 297
Hatfield, E., 367
1-6 Name Index
Hatsopoulos, N. G., 82
Hau, K. T., 318
Hauke, C., 445
Hauser, M. D., 268, 408
Hausmann, R., 344
Havercamp, S. M., 314
Havermans, R. C., 550
Haviland-Jones, J. M., 119
Haw, S., 488
Hawkes, C. H., 119
Hawley, E., 132
Haworth, C., 74
Hayflick, L., 427
Hayne, H., 229
Haynes, P., 158
Hayes, P. A., 562
He, S-Z., 425
Head, K., 284
Health Pages, 492
Heard, H. L., 551
Heath, R. A., 369
Heatherton, T., 487
Hecht, J. M., 498
Hedgepeth, E., 415
Hedges, D. W., 565
Hedlund, J., 284
Hegarty, P., 298, 579
Heier, M. S., 150
Heilman, K. M., 261
Heilman, M. E., 346
Heim, C., 77, 372
Heimann, M., 408
Heinrichs, R. W., 525
Heisel, M. J., 530
Heller, S., 444
Heller, W., 90
Helmbold, N., 283
Helms, J. E., 300
Helmuth, L., 66
Helstrup, T., 229
Henderlong, J., 313
Henderson, F. R., 181
Henderson, J., 391
Henderson, N. D., 302
Henik, A., 123
Heninger, M., 165
Hennig-Fast, K., 520
Henningsen, D. D., 592
Henningsen, M. L., 592
Henrich, C., 133
Henry, D., 149
Henry, L. L., A-15
Hentschel, U., 443
Herbenick, D., 365
Hering, E., 112
Herman, C. P., 322
Herman, D. B., 475
Herman, J., 524
Herman, K. C., 26
Herrán, A., 515
Herrington, D. M., 77
Herrmann, A., 256
Herrnstein, R., 301
Herskovits, M. J., 133
Hertlein, K. M., 374
Hertzog, C., 430
Herzberg, L., 334
Heshka, S., 323
Hess, M. J., 92
Hess, T. M., 430, 587
Heward, W. L., 295
Hewstone, M., 583
Heyman, G. D., 272
Heyn, E., 360
Hibbard, P., 129
Hiby, E. F., 189
Hicks, B. M., 612
Hicks, T. V., 358
Higgins, S., 20
Hilarski, C., 529
Hilgard, E., 155
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Hill, J. O., 317
Hill, S. S., 50
Hillix, W. A., 271
Hines, M., 90, 351, 352
Hinson, J. T., 430
Hippocrates, 16
Hirsch, J., 321
Hirschler, B., 75
Hirsh, I. J., 117
Hirt, E. R., 227
Ho, S. M. Y., 494
Hobfoll, S. E., 26, 474
Hobson, J. A., 149
Hochschild, A., 426
Hock, H. S., 99
Hoff, E., 265, 267, 269
Hoffer, T. B., 11
Hoffmann, H., 46
Hoffmann, M., 424, 550
Höflinger, A., 223
Hofmann, W., 224
Hogan, J., 468
Hogan, R., 468
Hoge, C.W., 475
Hogg, M. A., 591, 599
Hojjat, M., 607
Hol, E. M., 89
Holden, C., 89, 525
Holden, L. M., 524
Holden, R., 248
Holland, C. R., 300, 301, 302
Holland, J. C., 487
Hollenstein, T., 418
Holler, G. D., 151
Holleran, S., 584
Hollin, C. R., 371
Hollingworth, H. L., 18
Hollingworth, L. S., 17, 18
Hollins, K., 390
Hollis, K. L., 181
Hollon, S., 569
Hollon, S. D., 569
Holloway, L., 271
Holmes, A., 517
Holmes, J. G., 605
Holowka, S., 90
Holt, M., 66
Holy, T. E., 119
Holyoak, K. J., 93, 262
Home, J. A., 146
Hongchun, W., 155
Honorton, C., 135
Honzik, C. H., 198
Hope, K., 571
Hopkins, W., 89
Hoppey, D., 297
Hopwood, C., 530
Horinek, D., 235
Horn, J. L., 302
Horne, S. G., 358
Horney, K., 18, 439, 446, 459
Hornsey, M. J., 579, 590
Horowitz, H. A., 530
Horowitz, J. L., 530
Hort, J.,235
Horton, K. D., 225
Horwood, L. J., 419
Houg, S., 92
Houghtalen, R. P., 519
Howard, T. D., 77
Howe, C. J., 267
Howes, O., 68, 506, 527
Howitt, D., 35
Hoyme, E. H., 296
Hoyt, C., 579
Hsu, B., 358
Hu, F. B., 324
Hubbard, E. M., 123, 124
Hubbard, K., 317
Hubel, D., 17, 108, 109
Huber, F., 256
Hudson, W., 133
Hudspeth, A. J., 87, 117
Huerta, M., 347
Hugdahl, K., 351
Hugenberg, K., 600
Huijie, T., 383
Hull, C. L., 310
Hummer, T. A., 119
Humphrey, N., 150
Humphreys, G. W., 127
Hungi, N., 237
Hunt, E., 256, 283
Hunt, J. S., 598
Hunt, M., 364, 365, 367
Hurt, C. S., 430
Hussain, R., 296
Huston, A. C., 202
Hutchinson, S. L., 480
Hutchison, K. E., 161
Hyde, J., 348, 366, 369, 370, 524
Hyde, J. S., 343, 344, 350, 364
Hyde, K., 87
Hyman, M., 546
Hyman, R., 135
Hyman, S. E., 74
l
Iachini, T., 244
Iacoboni, M., 64
Iaria, G., 200
Ievers-Landis, C. E., 390
Iglesias, A., 156
Igo, S. E., 38
Thler, E., 493
Ikonomidou, C., 391
lies, R., 74, 382
Imamura, M., 131
Indiana University-Purdue
University, 467
Inhelder, B., 406
Innocenti, G. M., 389
Insko, C., 605
Interlandi, J., 140
International Human Genome
Sequencing Consortium, 388
Irons, G., 178
Irwin, M., 479
Irwin, R. R., 157
Isaac, M., 475
Isaacson, J. S., 88
Isacson, O., 75
Isay, R. A., 368
Isbell, L.M., 602
Ishii, K., 270
Ishikawa, S., 554
Iversen, L., 67, 506
Iversen, S., 67, 506
Iverson, L., 168
Iverson, P., 265
Ivry, R. B., 60
Ivy, L., 402
Iyengar, S. S., 313
Izaki, Y., 219
Izard, C. E., 336, 399
J
Jaasma, M. A., 611
Jackendoff, R., 269
Jacklin, C., 349
Jackson, A., 549
Jackson, J. D., 482
Jacob, K. S., 534
Jacobs, J. A., 426
Jacobs, M., 322
Jacobson, N. S., 465
Jacoby, L. L., 234
Jacquez, F. M., 530
Jaffé, A., 75
Jahn, R., 66
Jain, S., 475
James, H: S., Jr., 313
James, W., 15, 16, 331
Jamieson, G. A., 155
Jamison, K. R., 520, 522
Janca, A., 474, 475
Jang, H., 315
Jang, K., 74
Jang, S. J., 88
Janicak, P., 81
Janis, I. L., 592
Janson, G. R., 370
Jarlais, D. C. D., 164
Jarvin, L., 288
Jasso, H., 64
Jayson, S., 537
Jefferson, N. C., 163
Jena, S., 122
Jencks, C., 366
Jenkins, J. M., 328
Jenkins, S. R., 11, 326
Jensen, A. R., 283, 287, 462
Jensen, L., 366
Jequier, E., 319
Jessell, T. M., 70
Jessen, S., 124
Jeter, D., 61, 382
Jetten, J., 590
Jha, A., 220
Ji, D., 108
Jiang, L., 291
Jinks, A. L., 119
Jobes, D. A., 544
Joe, G. W., 168
John-Steiner, V., 410
Johnsdotter, S., 360
Johnson, C., 131, 429
Johnson, G., 249
Johnson, G. B., 65
Johnson, H. D., 326
Johnson, J. A., 492
Johnson, J. G., 202
Johnson, P. J., 181
Johnson, R. J., 495
Johnson, S. P., 395, 396
Johnson, V. E., 358, 359, 368, 374
Johnson-Greene, D., 50
Johnson-Laird, P.N., 247
Johnston, L. D., 489
Johnston, M., 164, 168
Johnston, M. V., 90
Johnston, W. A., 159
Joiner, T. E., Jr., 510
Jones, A. L., 446
Jones, E. E., 548
Jones, J. E., 318
Jones, J. M., 403
Jones, L. M., 371
Jones, M., 156, 169
Jones, R., 413
Jones, R. K., 366
Jones, S., 528
Jorgensen, G., 416
Josephs, R. A., 165
Jourdan, A., 557
Joyce, J., 503
Julien, R. M., 168
June, C. H., 388
Jung, C. G., 439, 446, 447, 459
Jung, J., 164
Jung, K., 347
Jung, R. E., 280
Juslin, P., 248
Juster, F. T., 426
Jylha, M., 431
K
Kadosh, R., 123
Kagan, J., 456
Kahneman, D., 254, 497
Kahng, S. K., 510
Kainz, K. M., 110
Kalb, C., 121, 123, 161
Kaller, C. P., 256
Kallio, S., 155
Kaminski, P., 322
Kamphaus, R. W., 466
Kanaya, T., 228
Kandel, E. R., 70, 87, 121
Kane, M. J., 281
Kangawa, K., 319
Kanner, A. D., 476
Kantrowitz, B., 165
Kaplan, J. R., 44
Kaplan, H. S., 358
Kaplan, M. S., 474
Kaplan, R. M., 461
Kapur, S., 68, 506, 527
Kara, P., 129
Karama, S., 283
Karaszewski, B., 329
Karni, A., 149
Kasof, J., 151
Kassam, K. S., 226
Kassel, J. D., 488
Kassin, S. M., 21
Kaštelan, A., 179
Kato, K., 481
Kato, N., 567
Kato, R., 89
Kato, T., 523
Katsiyannis, A., 296
Katz, J., 122
Katz, L., 551
Katz, M., 310
Kaufman, A., 131, 429
Kaufman, J. C., 262, 285
Kawakami, K., 602
Kawasaki, C., 403
Kawashima, H., 219
Kaya, M. C., 564
Kazar, D. B., 156
Kazdin, A., 562
Keane, M. M., 236
Kearns, K. P., 88
Keating, D. P., 407
Kee, K. F., 606
Keehn, J. D., 184
Keillor, J. M., 336
Kelleher, R. J., 218
Keller, H., 282
Keller, J., 349
Kelley, H., 584
Kellman, P., 130
Kellner, C. H., 567
Kelly, D., 281
Kelly, J. B., 425
Keltikangas-Jarvinen, L., 456
Keltner, D., 328
Kemeny, M. E., 472
Kemp, S., 109
Kempermann, G., 90
Kemps, E., 229
Kendler, K., 162
Kendler, K. S., 336, 521
Kennedy, J. E., 135
Kensinger, E. A., 245, 334
Kenway, L., 148
Kersten, A., 245
Kesebir, P., 495
Kesmodel, U., 391
Kess, J. F., 91
Kessels, R., 236
Kessler, R. C., 534
Kettenmann, H., 61
Key, W. B., 134
Khan, A. S., 38
Khayyer, M., 313
Khazaal, Y., 319
Kidd, E., 267
Kidd, K. K., 285, 302
Kiecolt, J. K., 426
Kiefer, A. K., 343
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Kihlstrom, J. F., 155, 224, 520
Kilner, J. M., 109
Kim, D. R., 567
Kim, H., 121
Kim, J-J., 336
Kim, J-W., 336
Kim, K.H., 272
Kim, N., 131
Kim, S., 424
Kim, S-E., 336
Kimbrel, N. A., 514
Kim-Cohen, J., 457
Kimura, D., 351
King, M., 75
King, R. A., 566
King-Casas, B., 530
Kinsey, A. C., 364, 367-368
Kirby, D., 364
Kirk, E. P., 324
Kirk, K. M., 368
Kirkby, J., 148
Kirsch, I., 181
Kirsch, L., 155
Kirschenbaum, H., 557
Kisac, I., 474
Kish, S., 163
Kiss, A., 493
Kit-Fong Au, T., 394
Kitayama, S., 588
Kleiber, D. A., 431
Kleinman, A., 157, 538
Kleinman, J., 157, 538
Klerman, G. L., 558
Kling, K. C., 348
Klinger, M. R., 134
Klötz, F., 77
Kluck, A., 322
Kluger, J., 249, 513
Klump, K., 322
Knight, S. C., 156
Knoblich, G., 134
Knox, J., 155
Kobayashi, F., 330
Koch, C., 140
Koch, J., 354
Koch, K. L., 118
Kocur, J., 188
Koff, W. J., 370
Kogan, N., 261
Kohlberg, L., 414-415, 415
Kohler, C. G., 336
Köhler, W., 256
Kohn, D. B., 388
Kojima, M., 319
Kolarov, V., 581
Kolata, G., 68
Kolb, D., 88
Konczak, J., 130
Kondo, T., 483
Konig, R., 389
Koocher, G. P., 50
Koole, S., 326
Kopelman, M. D., 531
Koper, R. J., 611
Koplewicz, H., 530
Kopp, T. G., 459
Kordower, J., 75
Korecka, J. A., 89
Koren, G., 391
Korn, J., 475
Kosambi, D. D., 122
Kosfeld, M., 77
Koss, M. P., 370, 371
Kosslyn, S. M., 60, 90, 244
Kostygina, A., 202
Kotov, R., 510
Kotre, J., 422, 426
Kotz, S. A., 124
Koukoulis, G. N., 77
Kounios, J., 151
Koutstaal, W., 281
Kovacs, A. M., 272
Kovelman, I., 273
Kowert, P. A., 592
Koyama, A, 216
Kozak, A. T., 549
Kozaric-Kovacic, D., 179
Kozulin, A., 410
Kramer, A. F., 429
Kramer, P., 566
Kreher, D., 217
Kreuger, A., 497
Krijn, M., 548
Krueger, K., 192
Krueger, R., 457
Krueger, R. G., 612
Krull, D. S., 585
Krumm, S., 281
Krusemark, E., 587
Ku, L; 372
Kübler-Ross, E., 432
Kubovy, M., 108
Kuhlman, D. M., 311
Kumari, V., 368
Kunzmann, U., 425
Kuo, L. J., 272
Kuppens, P., 330
Kuriyama, K., 148
Kuther, T. L., 11, 12, 2003
Kvavilashvili, L., 213
Kwan, K., 453
Kwate, N. O. A., 301
Kwon, P., 523
Kwon, S. M., 515
L
La Valley, A., 34
Laas, I., 314
LaBar, K., 334
Labouliere, C. D., 549
Lacerda, F., 408
Lacey, M., 360
Ladd, D. R., 268
Ladewig, J., 192
Laederach-Hofmann, K., 515
LaFrance, M., 349
Lagacé-Séguin, D. G., 402
Laham, S. M., 584
Lahti, J., 456
Laing, D. G., 119
Laing, R. D., 505
Laird, J. D., 331
Lakhan, S., 74
Lal, S.,18
Lamal, P. A., 5, 257
Lamb, M. E., 228, 400
Lamborn, S. D., 422
Lampe, C., 606
Lane, A. M., 452
Lane, K. A., 168, 601
Lang, A. J., 122
Lang, G., 123
Langan-Fox, J., 466
Langdon, R., 525
Langdridge, D., 587
Lange, C., 331
Langer, E. J., 53, 68
Langley, J., 310
Langreth, R., 483
Lankov, A., 425
Lanza, S. T., 414
Lappin, J., 68
Laqueur, T. W., 364
Larcher, V., 75
Larsen, R. J., 450
Larson, J., 403
Larsson, M., 118
Lascaratos, G., 108
Latané, B., 34-35, 37, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46,
49, 50, 611
Latif, T., 567
Lating, J. M., 507
Name Index
Latner, J., 21
Latner, J. D., 195
Laucht, M., 167
Laugharne, J., 474
Laukli, E., 427
Laumann, E. O., 364, 374
Laurenceau, J. P., 523
Lauterbach, D., 551
Lavelli, M., 395
Laven, A., 537
Lavenex, P., 218
Lawrence, J., 348
Lawrence, W., 391
Lawson, M. J., 237
Lazarus, R. S., 328, 483
Le Maner-Idrissi, G., 354
Leahy, R. L., 554
Leaper, C., 349, 353
LeBow, M. D., 323
Leckman, J. F., 566
Lee, A., 157, 475
Lee, A. Y., 495
Lee, D., 538
Lee, F., 272
Lee, H. J., 515
Lee, J. W., 47
Lee, K., 346, 424
Lee, S., 588
Lee-Chai, A. Y., 326
Lee-Chiong, T. I., 150
Lefaucheur, J. P., 567
Leffard, S. A., 466
Lehar, S., 127
Lehman, D. R., 313, 481
Lehrman, S., 370
Leib, J. R., 390
Leibel, R. L., 321
Leiblum, S. R., 356
Leigh, J. H., 223
Leitenberg, H., 358
Leiter, S., 462
Leiter, W. M., 462
Leitner, L. M., 562
Lemay, E. P., Jr., 586
Lemonick, M. D., 161
Lendon, C., 430
Lenhart, A., 606
Lens, W., 325
Lenzenweger, M. F., 527, 529
Leo, R. J., 567
Leonard, E., 308
Lepage, J. F., 64, 200
Leppänen, J. M., 396
Lepper, M. R., 313
Lepre, A., 473
Lesch, K. P., 382
Lesperance, F., 487
Lester, D., 497
Leu, J., 272
Levander, S., 564
Levant, R. F, 561
LeVay, S., 368
Levenson, R. W., 336
Levey, G., 381
Levi, A., 582
Levin, B. E., 147, 321
Levin, J. R., 213, 237
Levin, R. J., 365
Levine, B., 430
Levine, J. M., 591
Levine, S. Z., 526
Levinson, D. J., 424
Levinson, S., 178
Levitt, S., 584
Levy, B., 430
Levy, B. R., 431
Lewin, T., 418
Lewinsohn, P. M., 523
Lewis, C. M., 559
Lewis, R., 107
Lewis, S., 487
l-8 Name Index
Li, J., 26, 330
Li, M. D., 487
Li, T-K, 159, 258
Liang, K. A., 365
Liben, L. S., 353
Lidz, J., 268
Lieberman, M. D., 600
Lien, Y-W., 587, 588
Lilienfeld, S. O., 27,561
Lin, C-H., 611
Lin, H-M., 611
Lin, Y. Y., 91
Lin, Z., 25
Lincoln, A., 313
Lindahl, M., 479
Lindblad, F., 479
Lindemann, O., 131
Lindh-Astrand, L., 424
Lindley, L. D., 50
Lindorff, M., 482
Lindsay, P., 156
Lindsay, P. H., 216
Lindsey, E., 400
Lindy, J., 84
Links, P. S., 530
Linssen, H., 418
Linz, S. J., 326
Lippa, R. A., 350
Lips, H. M., 344
Lipsitz, J. D., 549, 550
Lishner, D., 612
Liszkowski, U, 271
Litowitz, B. E., 445
Little, A., 605
Little, K., 164
Liu, H., 81
Liu, J. H., 598
Liu, L., 425
Liu, Q., 115
Liu, X., 131, 429
Livesley, W., 74
Livingstone, H. A., 482
Lloyd, B. B., 353
Lobato, M. I., 370
Lobban, F., 528
Lobo, I., 67
LoBue, V., 193
Locicero, A., 21
Lock, J., 322
Locke, E. A., 452
Locke, J., 15, 16
Locke, J. L., 266
Lockhart, R., 223
Lockl, K., 409
Loehlin, J. C., 303
Lofholm, N., 309
Loftus, E. F., 17, 21, 217, 228, 229
Loftus, G. R., 21, 409
Lohr, J. M., 27
Loken, E., 292
Long, G. M., 210
Lopes, A. C., 568
López, S. R., 508, 538
Lorenz, K., 398-399, 608-609
Lothane, Z., 445
Love, G., 348
Loveland, J., 493
Loving, T., 584
LoVullo, S., 187
Lowe, P., 150
Lowenstein, J. H., 102
Lowery, D., 313
Loy, J. W., 584
Lu, J., 144
Lubell, K. M., 419
Lubinski, D., 297, 350
Lublin, H., 564
Lucas, R. E., 495, 497
Lucas, W., 161
Lucchina, L., 120
Luchins, A. S., 259
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Luciano, M., 497
Lucki, I., 565
Luders, E., 90, 283
Ludwig, A. M., 522
Lum, J., 267
Luminet, O., 481
Lun, V. M., 453
Lundberg-Love, P., 162
Lundstrom, B., 102
Lunt, I., 11
Luo, S., 605
Lupfer, M. B., 600
Luria, A. R., 237
Lurie, K., 292
Luthar, S. S., 402, 413
Lutz, C. K., 52
Lutz, W., 560
Ly, D. H., 427
Lykken, D. T., 529
Lymberis, S. C., 388, 568
Lynch, Shannon, 297
Lynch, T. R., 551
Lyness J. M., 569
Lyness, K. S., 346
Lynn, R., 303
Lynn, S. J., 27, 151, 155, 156
M
Macaluso, E., 109, 124
Maccoby, E., 349
Macduff, I., 587
Mack, J., 230
Mackay, J., 490
MacKenzie, T. D., 490
Mackie, D., 582
MacLean, L., 21
MacLennan, A., 424
Macmillian, M., 444
MacNab, B, 280
MacNeilage, P. F., 89
MacPherson, K., 345
Madden, D. J., 427
Maddi, S. R., 481
Mader, S. S., 65, 109
Madigan, A. L., 402
Madoff, B., 438, 469
Madon, S., 598
Magida, A. J., 420
Magley, V. J., 347
Magoni, M., 390
Magoon, M., 186
Magruder, K. M., 561
Magruder, K., 474
Maguire, E. A., 219, 236
Maguire, E., 219
Mahmood, M., 150
Mahn, H., 410
Maier, S. F., 237, 523
Majdandzic, M., 402
Majeres, R.L., 252
Malamuth, N. M., 371
Maldonado, J. R., 519
Malenka, R. C., 159
Malle, B. F., 585
Malloy, L. C., 228
Malone, D., 567
Malone, W., 587
Malouff, J. M., 560
Malpas, P., 75
Mamassis, G, 245
Mamelak, A. N., 123
Mancinelli, R., 165
Manderscheid, R. W., 60
Manenti, C., 370
Mangun, G. R., 60
Manley, J. J., 462
Mann, K., 165
Mann, R. E., 371
Manning, M. A., 296
Manning, S. Y., 551
Manor, J. K., 612
Manstead, A. S. R., 329, 330, 334
Manuck, S. B., 44
Marcaurelle, R., 515
March, J. S., 550
Marchand, A., 515
Marcus, D., 561
Marcus, S., 566
Marcus-Newhall, A., 610
Mariën, P., 81
Markoff, J., 286
Markowitz, J. C., 558, 569
Marks, A. C., 344
Marks, I. M., 176
Markus, H. R., 588
Marmar, C., 475
Maroda, K. J., 326
Maroun, M., 67
Marrero, H., 247
Marsden, J., 559
Marsh, B., 490
Marsh, H. W., 318, 325
Marshall, K., 119
Marshall, L. J., 375
Marshall, L., 149
Marshall, M. K., 458
Marshall, R. D., 26, 475
Marsiske, M., 300
Marszalek, J., 292
Martelle, S., 201
Martens, B. K., 297
Martin, A. C., 211
Martin, A. J., 325
Martin, A., 123
Martin, C. E., 368
Martin, L., 269, 401
Martin, M. M., 272
Martin, M., 281
Martin, N. G., 368
Martin, P. D., 482
Martindale, C., 158
Martinez, C. N., 353
Martinez, M. J., 85, 87
Martini, M. I., 409
Martuza, R. L., 568
Mascia, K., 578
Maser, J. D., 517
Mashour, G. A., 568
Maslach, C., 593
Malsow, A. H., 313-314, 458, 459
Maslow, A., 17, 20, 507
Mason, M., 362
Massaro, D. W., 117
Massey, S., 579
Mast, F. W., 244
Masters, W. H., 358, 359, 368, 374
Masuda, M., 606
Mataix-Cols, D., 252
Matkin, G. S., 262
Matlin, M. W., 349
Maton, K. I., 11
Matson, J., 187
Matsumoto, D., 336, 337
Matsuo, H., 475
Matthews, G., 409
Maurer, D., 394
Mauss, I., 329
Mayer, J. D., 285
Maynard, A. E., 409, 418
Maynard, L., 156
Mazard, A., 80
McAdams, D. P., 417
McAulifffe, K., 200
McBride, C. M., 594
McBurney, D. H., 124
McCabe, C., 119
McCabe, M., 374
McCarthy, D., 495
McCarthy, J., 562
McCartney, K., 401
McCaul, K. D., 495
McCauley, R. N., 133
McClarty, L. K., 453
McClellan, M., 289
McClelland, D. C., 285, 325
McClintock, B., 282
McClintock, M. K., 119
McClure, J., 496, 579
McConnell, A., 582
McCrea, R. R., 450
McCrink, K., 408
McDaniel, J., 278
McDaniel, M. A., 237
McDonald, C., 529
McDonald, H. E., 227
McDougall, W., 309
McDowell, D. M., 160
McEwen, B. S., 475
McGabe, D. P., 27
McGaugh, J. L., 208, 219
McGilvray, J., 268
McGinn, D., 467
McGregor, K. K., 382
McGue, M., 612
McGuffin, P., 387, 506, 523, 527
McHale, S. M., 353
McIntyre, K., 475
McKay, D., 516
McKay, P., 598
McKay, R., 525
McKenna, S. B., 399
McKinley, M. J., 310
McLeskey, J., 297
McLoughlin, D. M., 567
McMurtray, A. M., 80
McNamara, P., 145
McWilliams, N., 444
Mead, M., 420
Mealey, L., 351, 352
Means, M. K., 550
Medeiros, R., 430
Meeter, M., 219
Mehl, M., 584
Mehl, M. R., 348
Mehl-Madrona, L. E., 156
Mehler, J., 272
Meinlschmidt, G., 77
Meister, M., 119
Mel, B. W., 66
Melinder, A., 228
Mel’nikov, K. S., 234
Meltzer, H. Y., 529
Meltzoff, A. N., 395, 409
Melzack, R., 122
Mendelsohn, J., 357, 374
Menlove, F. L., 200, 551
Menon, G., 254
Menuhin, Y., 282
Meri, J. M., 229
Merikangas, K. R., 534
Merryman, A., 599
Mertz, J. E., 350
Mervis, C. B., 247
Messer, S. B., 444
Messerli-Buergy, N., 515
Messineo, M., 599
Messner, M., 579
Meston, C. M., 374
Metzler, J., 244
Meyer, A., 522
Meyer, I., 192
Meyer, R. G., 156
Meyer-Bahlburg, H., 368
Meyerowitz, J., 369
Mezulis, A. H., 343, 348, 366, 369,
370, 524
Michael, R. T., 364, 365, 367
Micheau, J., 67
Microsoft, 467
Midanik, L. T., 164
Middlebrooks, J. C., 117
Miesenbock, G., 81
Mifflin, L., 202
Mignon, A., 584
Mika, V. S., 493
Miklowitz, D. J., 528
Mikulincer, M., 399
Miletic, M. P., 446
Milgram, S., 595-596
Miller, A. G., 448
Miller, G., 538, 558, 612
Miller, G. E., 480
Miller, G. F., 301
Miller, J. A., 466
Miller, J. G., 587
Miller, L., 388, 486
Miller, L. A., 334
Miller, M. N., 320
Miller, N. E., 561
Miller, R. R., 177
Miller, T. J., 560
Miller, W. R., 483, 521
Miller-Jones, D., 300
Miller-Perrin, C., 188
Milling, L., 123, 156
Millon, C., 530
Millon, T., 529, 530
Mills, D., 598
Mills, P. J., 475
Milner, B., 84, 215, 231
Milton, J., 135
Mineka, S., 193, 445
Miner, J., 402
Miner-Rubino, K., 347, 425
Ming, L., 155
Mintz, A., 21
Minuchin, S., 559
Miquel, J., 427
Mirabile, R., 582
Mischel, W., 448, 453
Miserando, M., 223
Mishra, P. K., 314
Misra, G., 472
Mitchell, D. B., 430
Mitchell, P., 77
Mitic, K., 68
Mitte, K., 554
Miyamoto, T., 91
Mobasher, B., 286
Moffitt, T. E., 9, 382, 457
Mograss, M., 145
Mohan, R., 566
Mohapel, P., 67
Moher, C., 185
Mokdad, A. H., 164
Mollaret, P., 584
Monahan, J., 9
Monnier, J., 371
Montague, P., 488
Monteith, M. J., 602
Montepare, J. M., 605
Montgomery, S., 66
Montgomery, S. A., 156, 169
Montoya, R., 605
Moody, H. R., 427
Moon, S. M., 298, 559
Moore, B. C. J., 100
Moore, D. G., 395
Moore, L., 346
Moore, M. M., 38
Moore, S. D., 179
Moore, T., 86
Moore, Z., 613
Moorey, S., 554
Mora-Giral, M., 322
Morad, Y., 146
Moran, A., 245
Morano, M. I., 475
Moreland, R. L., 591
Moreno, R., 395
Moretz, M., 516
Morgan, A. A., 300
Morgan, T., 189
Morley, S., 122
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Morone, N. E., 93
Morris, J. F., 369
Morrison, P., 527
Morrone, A. S., 325
Morrow, J., 92
Moselhy, H., 164
Mosher, C. J., 140
Moskowitz, G. B., 583
Moskowitz, J. T., 474, 480, 483
Moss-Morris, R., 8
Motley, M. T., 439
Mu, X., 588
Muammar, O. M., 284
Mueller, C. E., 297
Mullen, B., 600
Müller, H., 127
Munakata, Y., 408
Munger, D., 98
Mungus, D., 462
Munroe, R. L., 348
Muris, P., 515
Murphy, D., 68, 119
Murphy, G. L., 245
Murphy, R. T., 474
Murphy, S., 166
Murphy, S. T., 328
Murray, B., 12
Murray, C., 301
Murray, H. A., 325
Murray, J. P., 467
Murray, R., 68
Murray, R. M., 529
Murray, S. L., 605
Murre, J. M. J., 219
Murthy, P., 296, 391
Myers, D. G., 495, 498
Myers, J. E. B., 162
Myers, L. L., 322
Myers, L. M., 431
Myerson, J., 408
Myrtek, M., 486
N
adeem, E., 414
agai, Y., 93
agda, B. A., 602
agin, D. S., 530
ahari, G., 449, 584
aik, G., 318, 386
aimi, T., 164
ajman, J. M., 390
akamizo, S., 131
akamura, Y., 75
akayama, K., 98
aldini, L., 388
arrow, W. E., 534
asir, N. S., 508
asrallah, H., 564
ass, C., 101
ater, U. M., 479
athan, P. E., 560
ational Academy of Sciences, 462
ational Adolescent Health
Information Center, 412
National Association for the Education
of Young Children, 401
National Center for Health
Statistics, 398
National Depression Screening
Day, 521
National Institute of Child Health and
Development (NICHD) Early
Child Care Research Network, 400,
401
National Institute on Drug Abuse, 169
National Institute of Mental Health, 50
National Research Council, 400
National Research Council and
Institute of Medicine of the
National Academies, 572
National Science Foundation, 50, 429
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
Natvig, G. K., 483
Naveh-Benjamin, M., 212, 226, 234
Neher, A., 9
Neitz, J., 110
Neitz, M., 110
Nellis, L., 289
Nelson, P. D., 11
Nelson, W. M., III, 613
Nemeroff, C. B., 372
Neron, S., 123
Nesheim, S., 390
Nesse, R. M., 523
Nestler, E. J., 159
Nestoriuc, Y., 93, 123
Nettelbeck, T.
Neubauer, A. C., 283
Neumann, N., 82
Neumark-Sztainer, D., 21, 370
Neumayr, B., 594
Newby-Clark, R. I., 227
Newell, A., 256
Newman, C. F., 523
Newman, M., 89, 381
Newport, F., 323
Niccols, A., 391
Nicholson, I. A. M., 449
Nickeas, R., 519
Niedenthal, P. M., 329
Nielsen, C., 121
Nielsen, M. E., 134
Nielsen, T., 147
Nigg, J. T., 530
Nikolaou, I., 495
Nilsson, H., 248
Nimrod, G., 431
Nisbett, R., 280
Nisbett, R. E., 302
Nishida, M., 144, 149
Nishino, S., 150
Nissle, S., 497
Nittrouer, S., 102
Nixon, J. C., 158
Nixon, R. D. V., 311
Niyonsenga, T., 488
Noble, H. B., 489
Nokelainen, P., 281
Nolan, R. P., 486
Nolen-Hoeksema, S., 504, 514, 524, 530
Norberg, K., 165
Norcia, A. M., 395
Norcross, J. C., 50, 561
Norlander, T., 482
Norman, D. A., 216
North Carolina State University, 429
Norton, M. I., 587
Norton, P. J., 548
Nosek, B. A., 224
Novak, M. A., 52
Novello, A., 536-537
Novotny, C. M., 560, 561
Nowicki, S., Jr., 529
Noyes, R., 518
Ntinas, K. M., 195
Nucci, L. P., 415
Nunes, A., 429
Nurmi, J-E., 453
Nurnberger, J. I., Jr., 167
Nuss, C. K., 590
Nussbaum, A. D., 602
Nyberg, L., 215
Oo
Oakford, S., 297
Oatley, K., 328
Oberauer, K., 212
O’Brien, K. M., 323
Occhionero, M., 148
Ochsner, K., 336
O’Connor, D., 567
O'Connor, D. B., 320
O'Connor, R. C., 320
Name Index
Odeku, K., 360
O'Doherty, J., 109
O'Donohue, W., 347
Oehman, A., 193, 445
Offer, D., 229
Ogbu, J., 203
Ogletree, S. M., 353
Ogren, H. A., 330
Ogren, K., 568
Oh, S. S., 480
Ohara, K., 527
O'Hara, L. A., 261
Ohira, T., 486
Oishi, S., 495
Ojha, H., 314
Okamoto, Y., 408
Okamura, L., 371
O'Keefe, T., 370
Olatunji, B., 518
Olatunji, B. O., 518
Olds, M. E., 84
O'Leary, O. F., 565
O'Leary-Kelly, A., 346
Olfson, M., 566
Olivardia, R., 414
Oliver, M. B., 364
Olliver-Gray Y., 202
Olson, D. H., 425
Olson, E. A., 227
Olsson, H, 248
Oltmanns, T. F., 529
O'Malley, P. M., 489
Omerod, T. C., 262
O'Neal, K. K., 161
O'Neill, A., 317
Ono, H., 426
Oordt, M. S., 323
Oosterhof, N. N., 451
Ophir, E., 101
Opler, M., 529
Oppenheimer, D. M., 249
O’Reardon, J. P., 567
Orlansky, M. D., 295
Ormrod, R., 371
Ornat, S. L., 267
Orozco, C., 168
Osei, S. Y., 321
Oskamp, S., 598
Ospina-Kammerer, V., 472
O'Sullivan, M., 335
Otake, K., 495
Ouimet, A., 518
Ovarnstrom, U., 483
Oveis, C., 451
Overbaugh, J., 373
Oviedo-Joekes, E., 168
Owens, D., 32
P
Pääbo, F., 26
Pachankis, J. E., 561
Packer, D., 592
Pagano, C., 168
Pager, D., 598
Pagnin, A., 429
Pagonis, T. A., 77
Pagoto, S. L., 549
Paik, A., 374
Palazzeschi, L., 281
Pallanti, S., 81
Paller, K., 224
Palmer, J. C., 228
Paluck, E. L., 602
Pandya, M., 567
Paniagua, F. A., 508, 562
Pankove, E., 261
Papirman, Y., 587
Paquier, P. F., 81
Parish, C. L., 89
Parish, W., 364
Park, A., 496
1-10 Name Index
Park, D. C., 322
Park, H., 594
Park, N., 606
Park, S., 351
Parke, B. N., 298
Parke, R. D., 400
Parker, E. S., 208
Parker-Pope, T., 323
Parmley, M. C., 260
Parnes, A., 210
Parra, A., 135
Parsons, L. M., 81, 85
Pascual, A., 184, 594
Pascual, A. C., 415
Pascual-Leone, A., 245
Pashler, H. E., 193
Passos, V. L., 292
Pastalkova, E., 220
Pasterski, V., 352
Pasupathi, M., 21
Patall, E., 46
Pate, W. E., IL, 11
Patten, S., 494
Patterson, D., 278, 390
Paukert, A., 571
Paul, A. M., 468
Paulmann, S., 124
Paulozzi, L. J., 164
Pavitt, C., 584
Pavlov, I., 16
Paxson, A., 584
Paxton, J. M., 612-613
Payment, K. E., 227
Payne, D. G., 234
Payne, K., 561
Pazzaglia, F., 244
Pearce, J. M. S., 123
Pearce, R. R., 25
Pearl, C., 297
Pearlstein, T., 537
Pearson, A. R., 598
Pearson, J., 108
Pecsenye, M., 292
Pedersen, P. B., 562, 599, 602
Pedersen, W. C., 610
Pederson, N. L., 481
Pedraza, O., 462
Peiro, J. M., 11
Pell, M. D., 117
Pellegrini, S., 189
Pelli, D. G., 109
Pellis, S. M., 400
Pellis, V. C., 400
Peluso, J., 486
Pempek, T., 606
Pence, D., 582
Penke, L., 301
Penley, J. A., 480
Penn, D. L., 525
Penney, J. B., Jr., 66
Penza, K. M., 372
Penzel, F., 517
Peretz, I., 87
Perez, R. M., 369
Perfetti, B., 281
Perlis, T., 164
Perloff, R. M., 579
Perrett, D. I., 605
Perrin, R., 188
Perry, B., 208
Persinger, M. A., 84
Perunovic, W. Q. E., 47
Pervin, L. A., 450, 459
Pesiridou, A., 567
Pesman, C, 121, 123
Peterfi, Z., 145
Peters, E., 429
Peters, J., 218
Peterson, C., 496
Peterson, F. L., Jr., 374
Peterson, L. R., 215
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Peterson, M. J., 215
Petersson, K. M., 90
Petitto, L. A., 90, 272
Petrill, S. A., 301, 383
Pettigrew, T. F., 598, 602
Pettito, L. A., 266
Petty, R. E., 580
Pfeffer, C. R., 523
Phelps, E. A., 549
Phelps, R. P., 291
Philip, P., 146
Phinney, J. S., 26
Pi-Sunyer, X., 322
Piaget, J., 17, 405-408
Picchioni, D., 148
Pickard, N., 210
Pickel, K., 227
Pickering, G. J., 119
Pickett, C. L., 600
Piechowski, M. M., 314
Piel, E., 147
Pietarinen, A.-V., 266
Pillay, S. S., 515
Pilling, M., 395
Pilotti, M., 234
Pilowsky, L., 527
Pina, A., 346
Pincus, H. A., 509
Pincus, T., 122
Pine, D. S., 517
Pinel, J. P. J., 313
Pinker, S., 268, 269, 382
Pinkerton, S. D., 364
Pinna, B., 109
Pinquart, M., 569
Pintrich, P. R., 325
Piper, W., 558
Piquero, A. R., 189
Pitman, R. K., 220
Platek, S., 109
Plato, 15
Platt, B., 67
Ploeger, A., 99
Plomin, R., 60, 74, 296, 301, 387, 457,
506, 523, 527
Plowright, C. M. S., 180
Pluess, M., 381, 401
Plug, C., 131
Plutchik, R., 443
Poe, C., 60
Pogarsky, G., 189
Poirier, C., 10
Pole, N., 474
Polivy, J., 322
Pollack, A., 82
Pollak, K. I., 594
Pollard, H. P., 123
Polonsky, D. C., 364
Pomerlau, O. F., 487
Pomeroy, W. B., 368
Ponterotto, J. G., 562, 599, 602
Poo, C., 88
Popa, D., 68, 523
Pope, H., 414
Pope, K. S., 229
Popik, P., 565
Popp, D., 349
Porte, H. S., 149
Posner, M. I., 60
Post, J., 21
Postl, L., 551
Poteat, V. P., 369
Pottick, K. J., 562
Potts, L. A., 489
Potts-Datema, W., 390
Poulos, A. M., 65
Powell, A. A., 612
Powell, L. H., 367, 483
Powers, K. D., 415
Powers, M., 550
Pozuelo, L., 567
Praisner, C. L., 297
Pramanick, M., 314
Prasad, S. A., 75, 249
Pratkanis, A. R., 134, 592, 594
Pratt, H. D., 531
Pratto, F., 598
Press, J., 426
Pressley, M. P., 283
Pretz, J. E., 280, 285
Pretzer, J. L., 561
Price, D., 121
Price, D. D., 571
Price, E. C., 548
Price, M., 208, 487
Prigot, J., 118
Prince, C. V., 370
Prinz, J. J., 334
Prislin, R., 591
Proffitt, D. R., 130
Prohovnik, I., 333
Proudfoot, D., 249, 270
Pryor, D. W., 368
Psotka, J., 235
Puca, R. M., 325
Puhl, R., 21
Pullum, G. K., 269
Pumariega, A. J., 320
Purselle, D. C., 165
Putnam, F. W., 520
Q
Quartana, P. J., 613
Quas, J. A., 228
Queiroz, A., 371
Quenot, J. P., 80
Quillian, M. R., 216
Quinlin, K. J., 531
Quinn, A., 101
Quinn, D. M., 510
Quinn, T. C., 373
Quinones, M. A., 292
Quintana, S. M., 26
R
Rabin, J., 110
Rabinowitz, J., 526
Rabson-Hare, J., 45
Rachman, S., 258, 515
Raczynski, J. M., 321
Rado, J., 81
Raffaele, P., 270
Rahman, Q., 368
Raizel, H., 67
Rajagopal, S., 53, 68
Ralson, A., 309, 315-316
Ralston, A., 315
Ramachandra, V., 64
Ramachandran, V. S., 123, 124
Rammsayer, T., 283
Ramos, R. T., 66
Rampon, C., 283
Ramsay, M. C., 300, 466
Ramus, F., 387
Randolph-Seng, B., 134
Rangell, L., 506
Ransom, B. R., 61
Rapee, R., 551
Rapport, R. L., 66
Raskin, N. J., 557
Rasmussen, F., 320
Rassin, E., 260, 515
Ravindran, A. V., 475
Ravitz, P., 558
Ray, L., 162
Ray, L. A., 161, 456
Ray, R., 579
Raz, R., 154
Read, J., 165
Rector, N. A., 553, 554
Redding, G. M., 130, 132
Redish, A. D., 164
Reece, M., 38
Reed, M., 594
Reed, P., 189
Reed, S. K., 256
Reese, R. J., 571
Reese-Durham, N., 281
Regan, P. C., 323, 605, 606
Reichel, M., 402
Reichenberg, A., 527
Reif, A., 382
Reijonen, J. H., 531
Reilly, T., 151
Reiner, R., 93
Reinhard, M., 579
Reisberg, D., 265
Reiss, S., 314
Relier, J. P., 390
Rembe, S., 360
Remington, R., 128
Renault, L., 354
Rende, R., 9
Renshaw, D. C., 360
Repp, B. H., 134
Rescorla R. A., 181
Revonsuo, A., 155
Reynolds, C., 37
Reynolds, C. R., 300, 466
Reynolds, R. I., 216
Riccio, C., 37
Rice, C., 531
Rice, D. R., 600
Rice, M. L., 267
Rich, E. L., 84
Richard, D. C. S., 551
Richards, A. L., 370
Richards, R., 261
Richardson, A. S., 419
Richardson, B., 242
Richgels, D. J., 266
Ridge, Tom, 473
Rieber, R. W., 409
Riedel, G., 67
Rigby, L., 558
Riggins, R., Jr., 401
Riggio, H., 27
Riley, A., 572
Rimrodt, S. L., 90
Riniolo, T. C., 37
Rinn, W. E., 336
Riolo, F., 444
Ripley, A., 346, 350
Risley, T. R., 267
Ritezschel, J., 119
Ritterfeld, U., 202
Rivera-Gaxiola, M., 397
Rizvi, 5. L., 551
Rizzo, M., 150
Robbins, B., 20
Robbins, R. W., 229
Robbins, W. J., 398
Robert, J., 89
Robert, S., 265
Roberts, J. E., 401
Roberts, M. E., 179
Robertson, E., 215
Robins, L. N., 538
Robins, R. W., 329, 456
Robinson, A., 292
Robinson, D. K., 409
Robinson, D. N., 112, 565
Robinson, N. M., 298
Robinson, R. E., 159
Robinson, T. E., 88
Roch-Locours, L. A., 90
Rock, A., 489
Rodd, Z. A., 180
Rodgers, C. S., 122
Rodriguez, M., 480
Rodriguez, M. A., 184
Roe, C., 430
Roecklin, K. A., 151
Roediger, H. L., M, 27
Roesch, S. C., 480
Rogers, C., 17, 20, 507
Rogers, C. R., 458, 459, 557
Rogers, J. M., 391
Rogers, L. J., 89
Rogers, P., 32, 159, 611
Rogers, S., 430
Rohan, K. J., 151
Rohleder, N., 479
Roid, G., 289
Roisman, G. I., 399
Roizen, N. J., 390
Roll, J., 20
Rollman, G. B., 122
Rolls, E. T., 119
Rom, S. A., 486
Romano, E., 530
Romeu, P. F., 225
Rönnberg, J., 214
Rooney, N. J., 189
Roosevelt, E., 313
Rorschach, H., 465, 466
Rosch, E., 247
Rose, N., 135
Rosen, H., 554
Rosen, J., 89
Rosen, R. C., 374
Rosenbaum, M., 321
Rosenbaum, R. S., 236
Rosenberg, L., 351
Rosenbloom, T., 310
Rosenhan, D., 510
Rosenheck, R., 508
Rosenman, R. H., 486
Rosenstein, D. S., 530
Rosenthal, A. M., 611
Rosenthal, R., 53
Roska, B., 109
Rosner, H., 374
Ross, C. A., 270, 519
Ross, D., 200
Ross, H. E., 123, 131
Ross, J., 148
Ross, L., 448
Ross, M., 227
Ross, S., 200
Rossato, M., 168
Rossell, S. L., 91
Rossi, J. J., 388
Rossouw, J. E., 424
Rotan, L. W., 472
Roter, D. L., 493
Rothbart, M. K., 456
Rothblum, E. D., 358, 369
Rothman, A. J., 495
Roughton, R. E., 368
Routtenberg, A., 84
Rowan, K., 402
Rowe, J. B., 87
Royzman, E. B., 400
Rozencwajg, P., 429
Rozin, P., 320
Rubichi, S., 155
Rubin, D. C., 225, 226, 229, 230
Ruck, M. D., 46
Rudman, L. A., 601
Rudner, M., 214
Rudorfer, M. V., 517
Rudzinski, D., 546
Rule, N. O., 451
Rulison, K. L., 292
Runco, M. A., 261
Rünger, D., 200
Rupert, G., 320
Rusche, B., 52
Ruscher, J. B., 583
Rushton, J. P., 462
Russell, J. A., 330
Russell, R., 98
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Russo, N., 461
Rust, T. B., 430
Rustin, M., 38
Ruth, B., 282
Rutherford, B., 53
Ruthsatz, J. M., 296
Rutter, M., 24, 381, 382
Ryan, R., 315
Rychlak, J., 140
Rydell, R., 582
Ryff, C. D., 348
Rymer, R., 266
Ryncarz, R. A., 415
S
Saarni, C., 402
Sabater, J., 249
Sacco, D., 600
Saccuzzo, D. P., 461
Sachs-Ericsson, N., 430
Sackeim, H. A., 567
Sacks, O., 85
Saczynski, J., 429
Sadeghi-Nejad, H., 374
Sadker, D., 354
Sadker, M., 354
Sagarin, B. J., 594
Saggino, A., 281
Sahin, N. T., 268
St. Dennis, C., 570
St. Jacques, P. L., 430
Sakai, K. L., 268
Sakihara, S., 483
Salgado, D. M., 531
Sallquist, J., 612
Salmela-Aro, K., 453
Salovey, P., 285, 286, 495
Salsman, N. L., 558
Salvi, V., 566
Salzmann, H.-P., 82
Samaniego, C. M., 415
Samantaray, S. K., 314
Samoilov, V., 176
Sampson, S., 346
Sams, M., 210
Samuel, D. B., 510
Sanacora, G., 521
Sanchez, A., 419
Sanders, S, 245
Sanderson, M., 504
Sandlund, M., 568
Sandomir, R., 77
Sandoval, J., 301
Sanjuan, E., 187
Sanlier, N., 474
Sanouri, A., 488
Santel, S., 322, 323
Santelli, J., 38
Santtila, P., 358
Saper, C. P., 151
Sapolsky, R. M., 479, 568
Sargent, J. D., 487
Sato, K., 330
Sato, N., 388
Saucier, D. A., 53
Sauck, C., 465
Saulsberry, K., 495
Saunders, B., 346
Savage, J., 202
Savage-Rambaugh, E. S., 270
Savas, H. A., 564
Savazzi, S., 91
Saville, B., 191
Savitsky, K., 134
Sawa, A., 526
Sayette, M. A., 165
Saywitz, K., 228
Scaramella, L. V., 389
Scarborough, E., 18
Scarr, S., 302, 457
Scaturo, D. J., 558
Scelfo, J., 521
Schachter, S., 333
Schacter, D. L., 224, 245
Schaefer, H. S., 482, 483
Schaefer, R. T., 425
Schaer, M., 283
Schaie, K. W., 427, 428, 429
Schaller, M., 410
Schallert, D. L., 330
Schechter, T., 391
Schedlowski, M., 487
Scheele, B., 609
Scheff, T. J., 504
Scheier, M. F., 431, 432, 463
Schenone, M. H., 389
Schepers, P., 261
Scher, S. J., 582
Scherman, A., 375
Scherzer, T. R., 131
Schick, K., 270
Schieber, F, 427
Schienle, A., 333
Schiffer, A. A., 486
Schiffer, S., 214
Schillinger, D., 493
Schimpf, P. H., 81
Schlenger, W. E., 169
Schmidt, J. P., 66
Schmidt, N. B., 510
Schmitt, D. P., 450
Schmitt, F. A., 430
Schnabel, K., 601
Schnake, S. B., 583
Schnall, S., 612
Schnatz, P. F., 493
Schneider, A., 149
Schneider, W., 409
Schnyer, D. M., 224
Schofield, W., 362
Schredl, M., 147
Schrier, R. W., 490
Schroers, M., 118
Schubert, T., 326
Schulte-Ruther, M., 64, 200
Schumann, R., 522
Schutt, R. K., 38
Schutte, N. S., 560
Schwartz, B. L., 222
Schwartz, J., 592
Schwartz, J. H., 70
Schwartz, J. M., 88
Schwartz, P., 418
Schwartz, S. J., 422
Schwarz, N., 497, 601
Schwenkreis, P., 86
Sciutto, M., 531
Scollon, C. N., 497
Scott, L. S., 246
Scullin, M. H., 228
Seamon, M. J., 168
Sears, D. O., 50
Sebanz, N., 134
Sebel, P. S., 224
Seeley, R., 81, 116
Seeley, R. J., 319
Sefcek, J. A., 9
Segall, M. H., 133
Segerstrom, S. C., 480
Seibt, B., 598
Seifert, A. L., 598
Seli, H., 310
Seligman, M., 523
Seligman, M. E., 481
Seligman, M. E. P., 495, 498, 560, 561
Selkoe, D. J., 235, 430
Sellbom, M., 464
Sells, R., 367
Selmon, N., 452
Selove, R., 390
Selsky, A., 420
Selye, H., 478
Name Index
Semin, G. R., 265, 583
Semler, C. N., 149
Semykina, A., 326
Sen, B., 75
Senghas, A., 336
Serdaris, N., 495
Seroczynski, A. D., 530
Serpell, R., 301
Servis, R., 578
Sestir, M. A., 202
Seth, A. K., 140
Seymour, B., 319
hafer, V. L., 266
hafran, R., 323
hah, D. B., 568
hahabi, L., 483
haikholeslami, R., 313
hankar, G., 53
hapiro, C. J., 531
hapiro, L. R., 157, 225
hapiro, M. L., 84
harma, H. S., 163
harman, S. J., 229
harp, C., 247
harpe, D., 494
hastri, J., 400
haver, P. R., 330, 399
hea, A., 391
helton, R., 569
helton, R. C., 566
hen, C. K., 88
hen, L., 329, 493
hepard, R. N., 244
hepherd, H., 598
heppard, L. D., 283
hepperd, J., 587
her, K., 419
herblom, S., 416
herman, S. L., 296, 390
hier, D., 107
hiffman, S., 489
hiffrin, R. M., 209, 210
himai, S., 495
himamura, M., 388
himono, K., 130
hin, A., 310
hinn, M., 571
hmuel, A., 110
hoda, Y., 453
hono, Y., 234
hors, T. J., 88
hulman, J. L., 358
hultz, S. K., 375
hurkin, J. N., 298
hweder, R. A., 329
hynkaruk, J. M., 247
Sibley, C. G., 579
Sidman, M., 189
Siebler, F., 581
Siegel, J. M., 145
Siegel, R. K., 158
Siegert, R. J., 523
Siemer, M., 329
Sierra, C., 249
Sierra, J. C., 353
Sierra-Biddle, D., 515
Sifrit, K. J., 214
Silbersweig, D. A., 527
Sill, M., 428
Silva, M. T. A., 193
Silverman, K., 20
Silverman, M. M., 544
Silverstein, M. L., 466
Simcock, G., 229
Simmons, A., 53
Simon, G., 521
Simon, H., 256
Simon, S., 579
Simon, T., 288
Simonds, V. M., 180
Simonton, D. K., 37, 261
NNANNNNNNNNNNNNNnNHN
NNANNnNNN
nn
NNANNNNNNNNNNNNNKHHNNH
1-12 Name Index
Sinclair, S., 21
Singer, J. E., 333
Singer, J. L., 151
Singh, A., 318
Singh, S., 366, 367
Sininger, Y. S., 117
Sipes, B., 422
Sisson, M., 606
Sjoquist, H. S., 163
Skandara, Daniel, 295
Skinner, B. F., 17, 20, 267, 452, 454, 459
Skipp, C., 544
Skolnick, P., 565
Skowronski, J. J., 229
Slater, D., 181
Slater, E., 522
Sleek, S., 286
Sloan, E. P., 152
Slomkowski, C., 538
Slotnick, B. M., 122
Smart, R. G., 159
Smetana, J., 418
Smetana, J. G., 446
Smith, B. H., 148, 531
Smith, C. A., 152, 483
Smith, E., 487
Smith, E. R., 583
Smith, J., 402
Smith, J. R., 84
Smith, L., 90, 267, 566
Smith, M. B., 49
Smith, M. L., 560
Smith, P., 372
Smith, R. A., 604
Smith, S. E., 473
Smith, T. S., 333
Smith, W. B., 446
Smith-Crowe, K., 605
Smolowe, J., 380
Snyder, D., 367
Snyder, D. J., 119
Snyder, J., 402
Snyder, M., 458
Snyder, S. H., 526
Sobel, K., 128
Sohr-Preston, S. L., 389
Sokolove, M., 504
Soler, J.,551
Solms, M., 445
Solomon, M., 524
Sommer, B., 38
Sommer, R., 38
Sorek, S., 234
Sori, C. E, 559
Sorrell, J. T., 122
Soussignan, R., 336
South, S., 457
Spackman, M. P., 330
Spangler, W. D., 325
Spanos, N. P., 123, 154
Sparks, J., 150
Sparks, S. D., 298
Spates, C. R, 549
Spearman, C., 280
Spector, P. E., 286
Speirs-Neumeister, K. L., 325
Spence, M. J., 389
Spence-Cochran, K., 297
Spencer, S. J., 349, 482, 483
Spencer-Rodgers, J., 453
Sperry, R., 91
Spiegel, D., 487, 519, 561
Spielberger, C. D., 444
Spiers, H. J., 219
Spillmann, L., 109
Spindler, H., 486
Spinella, M., 497
Spitoni, G., 281
Spitz, H. I., 160
Spitzer, L., 426
Spitzer, R. L., 522
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Sporer, S., 579
Sprecher, S., 367, 605
Sprenger, M., 213
Sprenkle, D. H., 559
Squilkr, S., 298
Squire, L. R., 220
Sriram, N., 224
Srivastava, M., 314
Staddon, J. F. R., 189
Stafford, F., 426
Stagner, B., 571
Staley, J. K., 521
Stankov, L, 280
Stanojevic, S., 68
Stanton, A. L., 480
Stapel, D. A., 265
Starcevic, V., 515
Stark, J., 88
Stark, R., 333
Stark, S., 88
Startup, M., 525
Stasinos, J., 493
Statham, J. A., 430
Staud, R., 121
Steblay, N., 227
Steel, P., 346
Steele, C. M., 165, 349, 602
Steele, J. D., 568
Stegerwald, F., 370
Steiger, A., 145
Stein, L. A. R., 464
Steinberg, L., 418
Steiner, M., 391, 537, 547
Steiner, R. D., 390
Steinfeld, C., 606
Steinhardt, M. A., 473
Steketee, G., 516, 518
Stemler, S. E., 285
Stenbacka, L., 87
Stenklev, N. C., 427
Stenstrom, P., 147
Stephens, T., 81, 116
Stephenson, R., 123
Stephenson, R. H., 317
Steptoe, A., 483
Stern, E., 527
Stern, R. M., 118
Sternberg, R., 606-607
Sternberg, R. J., 72, 254, 261, 280, 283,
284, 285, 288, 302, 383, 472
Sternberg, R. S., 343
Stettler, N., 321
Stevens, C., 51
Stevens, C. F., 63
Stevens, G., 18
Stevens, M. C., 51
Stevens, M. J., 11
Stevens, P., 567
Stevens, S. S., 193
Stevenson, H. W., 25, 588
Stevenson, R. J., 118
Stewart, A. J., 425
Stewart, D., 559
Stewart, P. J., 230
Stickgold, R., 144, 148
Stickley, T., 519
Stiffman, A., 286
Stiling, P., 83
Stillman, T., 357
Stix, G., 82
Stocks, E., 612
Stokes, G., 356
Stone, J., 527, 602
Storm, L., 135
Stoub, T. R., 235
Stouffer, E. M., 200
Strange, D., 229
Strathern, A., 230
Strauss, E., 91
Strayer, D., 21, 101
Strayer, D. L., 21, 214
Striano, T., 395, 396
Striegel-Moore, R., 322, 414
Strong, T., 559
Stronink, M., 21
Struckman, C., 592
Strupp, H. H., 561
Stuart, S. P., 560
Subrahmanyam, K., 606
Sue, D. W., 547, 562
Sue, S., 26, 547
Suh, E. M., 498
Suhail, K., 498
Suizzo, M-A., 400
Sullivan, A., 282
Sullivan, E., 609
Sullivan, J., 37
Summers, M., 517
Sunder, J. M., 303
Sung, R. Y. T., 318
Super, C. M., 407
Surette, R., 202
Susser, E. S., 475
Sutin, A. R., 229
Sutton, R. M., 579
Suzuki, L. A., 301
Svarstad, B., 493
Svartdal, F., 189
Swain, P. I., 322
Swales, M. A., 551
Swami, V., 358
Swaminathan, V., 223
Swann, W. B., Jr., 453
Swanson, H. L., 531
Sweeny, K., 587
Swets, J. A., 135
Swing, E., 202
Szasz, T. S., 505, 510
Szegedy Maszak, M., 522
T
Tadmor, C. T., 272
Taggi, F., 21
Tajfel, H., 599, 600
Takahashi, M., 151
Takeuchi, D., 388
Takizawa, T., 483
Takooshian, H., 216
Tal-Or, N., 587
Talajic, M., 487
Talarico, J., 225
Talbot, N., 519
Talmi, D., 219
Talukdar, S., 400
Tam, T. W., 164
Tamagnan, G., 521
Tambs, K., 303
Tammaro, E., 92
Tan, F. E., 292
Tan, L., 215, 269
Tan, U, 122
Tanaka-Matsumi, J., 495
Tangney, B., 281
Tangney, J., 40
Tanner, J. M., 413
Taras, H., 390
Tasker, F., 369
Tate, P., 81, 116
Tausch, R., 557
Taylor, A., 483
Taylor, B., 401
Taylor, C. S., 86
Taylor, G. J., 486
Taylor, P. M., 147
Taylor, S. E., 479, 481, 483, 492, 496
Tees, R. C., 389
Teff, K. L., 319
Tellegen, A., 455, 459
Templer, D. I., 300
Tenenbaum, H. R., 46, 353
Tenopyr, M. L., 280
Teodorov, E., 368
Tepper, B. J., 119
Terman, L., 297-298
Terry, W. S., 193
Tewes, U., 487
Thachil, A. F., 566
Tharp, R. S., 202
Thase, M. E., 569
Thatcher, D. L., 166
Theorell, T., 479
Theoret, H., 64, 200
Thill, K., 353
Thomas, O., 156
Thomas, P., 525
Thomas, S., 549
Thompson, C. P., 229
Thompson, J., 227
Thompson, L. F., 611
Thompson, M. C., 528
Thompson, S. S., 234
Thompson, V. A., 247
Thompson-Brenner, H., 560, 561
Thomsen, D. K., 225
Thoreson, C. E., 483
Thorkildsen, T. A., 270
Thornton, A., 200, 366
Thorsteinsson, E. B., 560
Thrash, T. M., 325
Tierney, K., 151
Tierney Lindsey, K., 151
Tiggemann, M., 229
Tippin, J., 150
Tirri, K., 281
Titone, D. A., 144
Todorov, A., 451
Tolman, E. C., 198
Tomaka, J., 480
Tomm, K., 559
Tommasi, L., 89
Tompson, T., 537
Tonegawa, S., 218
Tonidandel, S., 292
Tononi, G., 140, 144
Tooby, J., 193
Toole, L. M., 187
Toribio, L., 168
Torres, A. A., 32, 57
Toth, J. P., 224
Toth, N., 270
Touhara, K., 119
Townsend, S. M., 371
Tracy, J. L., 329
Tranter, L. J., 281
Travis, F., 157, 158
Tremaine, M. J., 86
Tremblay, A., 321
Tremblay, R. E., 530
Triesch, J., 64
Troche, S., 283
Tropp, L. R., 602
Troyer, A. K., 223
Trudel, G., 358
Trull, T. J., 530
Trullas, R., 565
Tsai, A., 429
Tsai, D., 580
Tsai, K. J., 88
Tsai, Y. C., 88
Tsaousis, I., 495
Tseng, W. S., 534, 538, 562
Tsukasaki, T., 270
Tsunoda, T., 91
Tucker Blackwell, V. G., 418
Tucker, C. J., 353
Tucker, C. M., 26
Tuerlinckx, F., 325
Tugay, N., 123
Tulving, E., 215, 224, 234, 235
Turk, D. C., 122
Turkel, R. A., 353
Turkewitz, G., 90
Turkheimer, E., 529
Turnbull, O., 445
Turner, H., 371
Turner, J. C., 599, 600
Turner, M. E., 592, 594
Turner, S. M., 517
Turner, T. R., 353
Turner, W. J., 368
Turvey, M. T., 210
Tuszynski, M. H., 568
Tuzhilin, A., 286
Tversky, A., 254
Twenge, J. M., 590
Tydgat, I., 215
Tyler, J. M., 602
Tynelius, P., 320
Tyson, L. D., 344
U
Ubell, E., 152
Uhl, G., 193
llman, S. E., 371
mphress, E. E., 605
nal-Karagüven, M., 21
nderwood, A., 123, 165
nger, R., 345
nited Nations Programme on
HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), 373
niversity of Chicago, 278
niversity of Minnesota, 455
nsworth, N., 213
pdegraff, K. A., 417
rbina, S., 290
rsprung, W. W., 488
.S. Bureau of the Census, 425, 426
.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics,
345, 426
.S. Senate Select Committee on
Intelligence, 260
tsey, S. O., 599, 602
ttl, B., 224
ylings, H. B. M., 389
zelac, S., 418
QAC OOEC
Geeecece
Ge
aces
<
Vaccaro, D., 61
Vaillant, C. O., 424
Vaillant, G. E., 424
Vaish, A., 396
Vaitl, D., 333
Valencia, R. R., 301
Valentijn, A. M., 429
Valenzuela, S., 606
Vallortigara, G., 89
Valsiner, J., 465
Van Beekum, S., 547
van den Berg, P. T., 261
van den Boom, D. C., 402
Van den Wildenberg, W. P. M., 408
van der Helm, P. A., 127, 144
Van der Molen, M. W., 408
van Hooren, S. A. H., 429
van Marle, K., 408
van Oort, R., 236
Van Overwalle, F., 581
van Wel, F., 418
Vanasse, A., 488
Vandell, D. L., 401
Vandervert, L. R., 81
Vanheule, S., 523
Vanni, S., 87
Varjassyova, A., 235
Varma, S., 257
Vartanian, O., 252
Vasquez, G., 9
Vassalli, A., 310
Vaughan-Jackson, P., 362
Vecchi, T., 429
Vedhara, K., 472
Vega, C. P., 37
Vellacott, J., 402
Velliste, M., 82
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Veltman, M. W. M., 266
Veniegas, R. C., 368
Vera-Villarroel, P., 353
Verdejo, A., 168
Verfaellie, M., 236
Vergas, R., 193
Verhaagen, J., 89
Verleger, R., 144
Vernon, P., 74
Vernon, P. A., 283
Verona, E., 609
Vettor, R., 168
Victor, S. B., 369
Vieira, E. M., 557
Vieira, K., 74
Vikan, A., 222
Villarosa, L., 371
Villemure, C., 122
Virginia Tech Transportation
Institute, 101
Visser, P. S., 600
Vitaro, F., 383
Vitello, P., 116, 117
Vitiello, A. L., 123
Vitousek, K. M., 323
Vleioras, G., 417
Vogt, D., 482
Volkow, N. D., 159
Volterra, V., 267
von Helmholtz, H., 111
von Hofsten, C., 408
Von Känel, R., 475
Von Schantz, M., 74
Von Schedvin, H., 482
Voruganti, L. P., 565
Voss, J., 224
Vujic, V., 68
Vygotsky, L., 409
WwW
Wacher, D. P., 189
Wachs, T. D., 456
Waddell, J., 88
Wadden, T. A., 195
Wade, K. A., 229
Wade, N. J., 130
Wager, T. D., 68, 329, 330
Wagner, A. D., 101
Wagner, A. W., 551
Wagner, H. J., 75
Wagner, R. K., 284
Wagstaff, G., 155
Wain, H. J., 493
Waite, S., 558
Wald, G., 111
Wald, M. L., 592
Waldo, C. R., 369
Walker, E. E., 568
Walker, L., 416
Walker, L. J., 612
Walker, M. P., 144, 148
Walker, W., 123
Walker, W. R., 229
Walkey, F. H., 496
Wall, T. L., 165
Waller, B., 34
Wallerstein, J. S., 425
Wallis, J. D., 26
Walsh, B. T., 157, 565
Walsh, V., 123
Walter, M. I., 254
Wang, A., 518
Wang, C., 235
Wang, L., 330
Wang, M. C., 609
Wang, O., 229
Wang, P. S., 534
Wang, Q., 230, 588
Wang, V. O., 26
Wang, X., 117, 581
Ward, G., 215
Ward, L. M., 128, 132, 599
Ward, T., 523
Ward, W. C., 261
Ward-Baker, P. D., 425
Warden, C. A., 580
Wark, B., 102
Warshauer-Baker, E., 26
Washburn, M. F., 18
Wasserman, E. A., 177
Waterhouse, J., 151
Waters, G., 88
Watkins, C., 375
Watkins, D., 300
Watkins, L. R., 523
Watson, C. S., 117
Watson, J. B., 17, 19-20
Watson, M., 486
Watson, R., 374
Watters, E., 538
Waxman, S., 269
Webb, R., 168
Weber, A. L., 604
Weber, R., 202
Wechsler, D., 290
Wechsler, H., 165
Weed, S., 366
Weeks, G. R., 374
Weeks, M., 600
Wegencer, D. T., 580
Wehrle, R., 148
Wehrwein, P., 144
Weinberg, M. S., 368
Weinberg, R. A., 302
Weiner, B. A., 504
Weiner, I. B., 466
Weinman, M., 372
Weinstein, L., 390
Weinstein, M., 475
Weisberg, J. N., 122
Weisner, C., 164
Weiss, A., 497
Weiss, M. R., 592
Weiss, W. M., 592
Weissman, M. M., 534, 558
Weisz, A. N., 371
Welkowitz, L.A., 534
Wells, G. A., 227
Welsh, M., 252
Wenar, C., 530
Wenk, G. L., 237
Wensley, D., 75
Wenzel, A., 224, 367
Werblin, F., 109
Werker, J. F., 389
Werner, J. S., 109
Wertheimer, M., 11, 17, 126
West, D. S., 161, 321
West, J. R., 296
West, R. L., 158, 430
Westen, D., 560, 561
Westerberg, H., 429
Westerhausen, R., 128
Westerterp, K. R., 319
Wetter, D. W., 487
Wettstein, R., 504
Whaley, B. B., 494
Whisman, M., 367
Whitbourne, S. K., 417, 424, 493
White, M. P., 268, 495
White, N. M., 200
Whitebread, D., 400
Whitehouse, W. G., 156
Whitfield, J. B., 167
Whitfield, K. E., 300
Whorf, B. L., 269
Wickelgren, E. A., 130
Widaman, K., 390
Widiger, T., 474
Widiger, T. A., 509, 510, 530, 537
Widmaier, E. P., 83
Widmeyer, W. N., 584
Name Index
Wiebe, J. S., 480
Wiehe, V. R., 370
Wielgosz, A. T., 486
Wiesel, D., 17
Wiesel, T., 108, 109
Wiggins, J. S., 450
Wildavsky, B., 271
Wiley, C., 606
Wilgoren, J., 401
Wilkinson, H. A., 568
Wilkinson, L., 202
Willander, J., 118
Willard, J., 598
Willems, R. M., 268
Williams, C. J., 368
Williams, D., 380
Williams, J. E., 344, 486, 566
Williams, J. H. G., 150
Williams, S., 61
Williamson, P., 297
Willingham, B., 337
Willis, G., 6
Willis, G. L., 67
Willis, J., 451
Willis, S. L., 429
Willness, C. R., 346
Wills, K., 493
Wills, T., 487
Wilson, B., 211
Wilson, D., 598
Wilson, D. J., 591
Wilson, G. D., 368
Wilson, G. T., 195
Wilson, P. J., 119
Wilson, T. D., 602
Wilson, T. G., 323
Wiltshire, S., 488
Windholz, G., 257
Winerman, L., 610
Winik, L. W., 521
Winkielman, P., 600
Winner, E., 298
Winocur, G., 236
Winogard, E., 224
Winsler, A., 402
Winson, J., 148
Winstead, B. A., 419
Winston, J. S., 109
Winter, D. G., 326, 425
Winters, B. D., 67
Wise, E. H., 50
Wiseman, R., 135
Wismar, K., 474
Witelson, S., 368
Withey, S. B., 498
Witt, C. M., 122
Wittchen, H., 515
Wittenbrink, B., 601
Wixted, J. T., 233
Wohl, J., 562
Wolf, Y., 310
Wolfe, D. A., 371
Wolfe, M. S., 430
Wolff, N., 570
Wolff, R., 92
Wolitzky, D. L., 547
Woller, K., 493
Wolpert, E. A., 148
Wood, E., 353
Wood, J. M., 466
Wood, J. P., 108
Wood, J. V., 47
Wood, W., 353, 580
Woodruff, N., 296
Woodruff, S. I., 489
Woods, S. C., 318, 319
Woodson, S. R. J., 333
Woody, E. Z., 155
Woolf, V., 282
Woollett, K., 219
l-13
1-14 Name Index
World Health Organization
(WHO), 317
World Mental Health Survey
Consortium (WHO), 534, 536
Worthley, R., 280
Wren, A. M., 319
Wright, K., 151
Wright, R. A., 313
Wrosch, C., 431
Wrzesniewski, 480
Wu, L-T., 169
Wu, W-Y., 580
Wu, Y., 425
Wuensch, K. L., 611
Wuethrich B., 165
Wundt, W., 15-16
Wurtz, R. H., 87
Wyatt, H. R., 317
Wynn, K., 408
Wyra, M., 237
X
Xiao, Z., 520
Xu, M., 318
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Y
Yamawaki, N., 371
Yancey, C., 202
Yang, J., 283
Yang, L., 565
Yano, S., 278
Yao, S-Q., 291
Yao, Y., 220
Yapko, M. D., 149
Yardley, L., 8
Yates, A., 504
Yeager, D., 474
Yechiam, E., 611
Yeomans, M. R., 119
Yermolayeva, Y., 606
Yesilyaprak, B., 474
Yonas, A., 130
Yordanova, J., 144
Yoshino, K., 201
Yost, M. R., 371
You, S. H., 88
Yougentob, S. L., 119
Young, G. A., Jr., 493
Young, T., 111
Young-DeMarco, L., 366
Yumru, M., 564
Z
Zacks, J., 244
Zahidi, S., 344
Zaitsu, W., 227
Zajonc, R. B., 328, 604
Zaragoza, M. S., 227
Zarren, J. L., 156
Zaslavsky, O., 257
Zaslow, J., 371
Zaslow, M., 401
Zatorre, R., 87
Zayas V., 176
Zebrowitz, L. A., 605
Zebrowitz-McArthur, L., 587
Zeigler, D. W., 166
Zetocha, K., 224
Zevon, M., 487
Zhang, D., 296
Zhang, F., 321
Zhang, G., 605
Zhang, Y., 256
Zheng, H., 310
Zhou, Z., 112, 115, 119
Zhour, Y-H., 291
Zians, J., 326
Ziegler, M., 281
Zigler, E., 296
Zigler, E. F., 390
Zika, S., 475, 476
Zilbergeld, B, 358
Zimbardo, P. G., 26, 593
Zimmerman, R. R., 399
Zimmermann, U. S., 167
Zimprich, D., 281
Zimring, F. M., 557
Zinkham, G. M., 223
Zito, J. M., 567
Zlotnick, C., 531
Zolotor, A., 188
Zuckerman, M., 311
Zurbriggen, E. L., 371
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Subject Index
Page numbers followed by f refer to fig-
ures. Page numbers preceded by an A
refer to the appendix.
A
A-B-C model of rational-emotive
behavior therapy, 553f-554
AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety, 101
Abnormal behavior, 504
Abnormality
controversies underlining our
understanding of, 535-537
defining, 503-504
different perspectives on, 505f-508
DSM-IV-TR diagnostic criteria for,
508-510
Absolute thresholds, 100-101
Acetylcholine (ACh), 67f
Acrophobia, 515
Action potential, 67f
Activation information modulation
(AIM) theory, 149
Activation-synthesis dream theory,
147f, 149
Activity theory of aging, 431
Acupuncture, 122
Adaptation, 102
Adaptive testing, 292
Addictive drugs, 159-161
ADHD (attention-deficit hyperactivity
disorder), 506, 530-531
Adipose tissue, 76f
Adolescence
average heights and weights
during, 398f
definition of, 412
drug use by, 160f
egocentrism of, 418
marijuana use by, 168f
myth versus reality of stormy,
417-418
rites of passage around the
world, 420
smoking as “rite of passage”
during, 487, 489f
Adolescence development
moral and cognitive, 414-416
physical, 412-414
puberty and, 412-414, 417-418
social, 416-420
Adolescence egocentrism, 418
Adolescent suicide, 418-420
Adrenal glands, 76f
Adulthood development
aging body and physical changes,
427-428f
changing gender roles, 426
cognitive changes in late adulthood,
428-432
emerging adulthood, 422-423f
growing old, 426—427f
physical, 423-424
social, 424-425
Advertising agency creator, 581
Afferent (sensory) neurons, 72
African Americans. See also Racial/
ethnicity differences
adolescent suicide and, 418-419
psychological tests using norms
of, 462
sickle-cell anemia and, 390
stereotype vulnerability of, 602
Age differences
cross-sectional research on,
383-384
masturbation and, 365f
memory span changes and, 409f
sound range by, 117f
Age of viability, 388-389
Aggression
catharsis of, 609
definition of, 608
frustration-aggression approach
to, 609-610
as instinctual drive, 608-609
Is This Aggression? quiz, 609f
observational learning approach
to, 610
Aging
adjusting to death, 432
cognitive changes, 428f-430
growing old, 426—427
physical changes and, 427-428
social relationships and, 431-432
Aging theories
activity theory of aging, 431
disengagement theory of
aging, 431
genetic preprogramming, 427, 428
wear-and-tear, 427-428
AIDS (acquired immune deficiency
syndrome), 373, 390, 391f
Alcohol
effects by consumption, 166f
overview of, 162f
Alcohol abuse. See also Drug use/
abuse
alcohol use disorders and, 531
as avoidant coping strategy, 480
binge drinking, 164—-165f
prenatal development and
mother’s, 391
Alcohol use disorders, 531
Alcoholics, 166-167
Alcoholics Anonymous (AA), 559
Algorithms, 248
All-or-none law, 62
Altruism, 612
Alzheimer’s disease. See also Organic
mental disorders
ACH production relationship
to, 67
biological basis of, 531
brain deterioration due to, 236f
description and progress of, 430
memory dysfunctions of,
235-236
neuroplasticity relationship to, 88
new treatment approaches to,
88-89
American Psychological Association
“Help Center,” 573
Amnesia
definition of, 236
dissociative, 520
dissociative fugue, 520
Amphetamines, 162-163
Amygdala. See also Brain
description of, 83f, 84
experience of emotions and role
of, 333-334f
memory and role of, 218f, 219f
prejudice and activation of the, 600
Analytical learning style, 203f
Androgens, 356
Androgynous individuals, 354
Anemia (sickle-cell), 390
Anger
aggression and, 608-610
dealing effectively with, 613
Animals
ethics of research on, 52-53
language used by, 270-271
Anorexia nervosa, 322-323f, 531
Anorgasmia, 374
Anterior pituitary gland, 76f
Anterograde amnesia, 236
Antianxiety drugs, 567
Antidepressant drugs, 565f-566
Antipsychotic drugs, 564-565f
Antisocial (sociopathic) personality,
529-530
Anxiety disorders
causes of, 517-518
definition of, 513
generalized anxiety disorder,
515, 516f
OCD (obsessive-compulsive dis-
order), 515-517, 517f
panic disorder, 514-515
phobic disorder, 513-514f
Aphasia, 87-88
Apparent movement, 131
Applying psychology. See also
Psychology
contagion of emotions and
happiness, 496
Facebook online friends, 606
facial expressions of smiling
athletes, 337
fetal exposure to testosterone and
gender behavior, 352
to forget traumatic memories, 220
judged at first sight, 451
Opportunity NYC paying for good
behavior, 188
preventing psychological dis-
orders, 572
robot artificial intelligence, 286
role of sleep in memory and
thinking, 144
stress and depression by college
students, 537
testing value of self-
affirmations, 47f
texting while driving distrac-
tion, 101
thought-based interface technol-
ogy helping disabled
individuals, 82
understanding modern
problems, 21
video games improving cognitive
functioning in older
adults, 429
when hunches save lives, 258
Archetypes, 445-446
Archival research
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 37
Arousal approaches to motivation
compared to other
approaches, 315f
definition of, 311
Arrangement problems, 252,
253f, 254f
Artificial intelligence
building smarter robot, 286
computer, 249
Asian Americans. See also Racial/
ethnicity differences
adolescent suicide and, 419
alcohol consumption by, 165
Assessment. See also Evaluation
attachment, 339
behavioral, 466-468
biomedical therapy, 568-569
intelligence, 287-292
personality, 461-468, 601
Association areas of cortex, 87-88
Assumed-similarity bias, 586
Ataque de nervios disorder, 538
Attachment
assessing, 399
definition of, 398-399
terry-cloth “monkey” experiment
on, 399f
Attitudes
cognitive dissonance of conflicting,
582f-583
definition of, 579
factors leading to change in,
579-580
link between behavior and,
581-583
routes to persuading change
in, 580-581
Attribution processes, 584-586
Attribution theory, 585
Atypical antipsychotics, 564, 565f
Authoritarian parents, 401, 402f
Authoritative parents, 402f
Autism, 531
Autobiographical memory, 229f
Automatic division, 71f, 72
Autonomic division, 71f, 72
Autonomic nervous system
parasympathetic division of,
72-73f
sympathetic division of, 72, 73f
1-15
1-16 Subject Index
Autonomy-versus-shame-and-doubt
stage, 404
Availability heuristic strategy, 249
Aversive conditioning, 549
Avoidant coping, 480
Awa tribe (New Guinea), 420
Axons
description of, 61, 62f
ganglion (optic nerve), 107f-108
movement of action potential
along, 67f
synapse between dendrite and, 65f
B
Babbling, 266
Background stressors, 475, 476f
Balance sense, 117-118
Barbiturates, 162f, 167
Basilar membrane, 114, 115f
Beck’s cognitive therapy, 554
Behavior. See also Sexual behavior
abnormal, 504
altruism, 612
applying conditioning principles
to, 178-179
attribution processes for under-
standing causes of, 584-586
compliant and obedient, 593-596f
conscious vs. unconscious causes
of, 23f, 24
deterministic view of, 454
developmental psychology study
of, 380
dispositional cause of, 586
free will versus determinism cause
of, 20
gender differences in aggres-
sive, 348
gender differences in nonver-
bal, 349
how culture, ethnicity, and race
influence, 25f-26
instincts and, 309-310
internal mental processes vs.
observable, 23f, 24
link between attitudes and,
581-583
neutrotransmitter functions and
role in, 66-68
Opportunity NYC paying for
good, 188
prosocial, 611f-612
self-fulfilling prophecy of, 598
shaping complex, 192
situational causes of, 585-586
Type A, B, D patterns of, 485-486
variables of, 39-40f
Behavior analysis, 194-195
Behavior economics, 587
Behavior modification
basic steps for, 195
description of, 194
Behavioral assessment, 466-468
Behavioral genetics. See also Genetic
factors
definition of, 6f, 9, 74
new therapeutic treatments
from, 75
psychological disorders and,
74-75
Behavioral neuroscience. See also
Neuroscience in your life
definition of, 6, 7f
on emotions, 333-334
key psychology issues and posi-
tion of, 23f
memory and the brain, 217-221
perspective of, 18, 19
Behavioral neuroscientists, 60
Behavioral perspective
of abnormality, 505f, 506
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description of, 18, 19-20
key psychology issues and
position of, 23f
Behavioral theories of depression, 523
Behavioral treatment approaches
brain research on, 552f
classical conditioning, 548-550
definition of, 548
dialectical behavior therapy, 551
evaluating, 551-552
operant conditioning, 550-551
The Bell Curve (Hernstein and
Murray), 301
Benevolent sexism, 347
Bereavement support group, 559
Biases
assumed-similarity, 586
attribution, 586-587
avoiding experimental, 53-55
confirmation, 260
self-service, 587
Biculturalism, 262
Big Five personality traits, 449-450f
Bilingual education
the brain and, 275
debate over immersion vs.,
271-272
Bimodal distribution, A-7
Binge drinking, 164—165f
Binge-eating disorder, 531
Binocular disparity, 129
Biofeedback
definition of, 93
pain management using, 123
recovery from nervous system
damage using, 92-93
Biological constraints on learning, 193
Biological and evolutionary approaches
to personality theories,
454—-457f
Biological factors. See also
Evolutionary psychology
basic biology of sexual behavior,
356-357f
gender differences related to,
351-353
schizophrenia, 526-528f
Biologically prepared for
learning, 181
Biomedical therapy
assessing the use of, 568-569
definition of, 544
drug therapy, 564-567
ECT (electroconvulsive
therapy), 567
psychosurgery, 568
Bipolar cells, 107f, 108
Bipolar disorder
description of, 522f-523
mood stabilizers treatment of,
566-567
Bisexuals
definition of, 367
research findings on, 367-369
Blackberry addict, 174
Blame-the-victim phenomenon, 536
Blind spot, 107-108f
BMI (body mass index) quiz, 318f
Bodily kinesthetic intelligence, 282f
Body mass index (BMI), 317
Body setting point, 322
Boomerang children, 418
Borderline personality disorder, 530
Bottom-up processing, 128
Brain. See also Amygdala;
Neuroscience in your life
Alzheimer’s disease and deteriora-
tion of, 236f
bilingual education and the, 275
central core (“old brain”) of
the, 81f, 83
cerebral cortex of the, 81f, 83f,
84-88
cross-section of the, 79f
daydreaming activity of the, 151
different kinds of intelligence and
areas of the, 284f
hemispheres of the, 89-92f
hippocampus of the, 83t, 84, 217,
218f-219f, 334f
how behavioral therapy changes
your, 552f
hypothalamus of the, 83, 319f
illustrated diagram of major struc-
tures, 83f
neuroplasticity of the, 88-89f
neuroscience of memory and,
217-221
processing the visual message,
108-109f
psychosurgery of the, 568
research on personality traits and
related neurons in the, 457f
reticular formation in the, 81f
schizophrenia and changes in
the, 528f
sending message from eyes to the,
106-108
social support research and activa-
tion in the, 482f
technology and techniques used to
study the, 79-81
thalamus of the, 83
Broca’s aphasia, 87
Bulimia, 322-323, 531
Bystander diffusion of responsibility
study
description of, 41—46f
Kitty Genovese case explained
through, 32, 34-35, 41—46f, 611
C
Caffeine consumption, 161f-162
Calorie expenditures, 324f
Cancer
psychological aspects of, 486-487
research on personality type
and, 487
Cannon-Bard theory of
emotions, 332f
Carbamazepine (Tegretol), 565f, 566
Cardinal traits, 449
Caring morality, 415-416
Case managers, 557
Case study
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 38-39
Cataclysmic events, 474, 476f
Catharsis, 609
Cell body, 62
Cell phone ring frequency, 117f
Cells
bipolar, 107f, 108
ganglion, 107f, 108
hair, 115, 118
obesity related to fat, 321
olfactory, 118, 119
Central core (“old brain”)
cerebellum in the, 81
description of, 81f
Central nervous system (CNS),
70-71f
Central route processing, 580
Central tendency, A-7
Central traits, 449, 584
Cerebellum, 81
Cerebral cortex (“new brain”)
association areas of the, 87-88
description of the, 81f, 83f, 84
four lobes of the, 85f
motor area of the, 86
sensory area of the, 86-87
Changing attitudes
factors which may lead to, 579-580
routes to persuasion for, 580f-581
Chilcotin Indian tribe, 202
Child abuse
child protection caseworkers role
in treating, 403
sexual, 371-372f
Child protection caseworker, 403
Child-care centers, 400-401f
Childhood development
attachment, 398-399
child care outside the home and,
400-401f
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial
development, 403-404
father’s role in, 399-400
information-processing
approaches, 408-410
parenting styles and social,
401-403
physical, 397
social behavior, 397-404
Childhood disorders
ADHD, 506, 530-531
autism, 531
Childhood sexual abuse, 371-372f
Children
adulthood development and ties
to, 425
bilingual education of, 271-272
cognitive development of, 404—408
fetal exposure to testosterone and
gender behavior of, 352
gender differences in social environ-
ment of, 353-354
impact of divorce on, 425
infancy through childhood develop-
ment, 397-410
integrating individuals with men-
tal retardation, 296-297
language development in, 266-269
newborns, 393-397
Opportunity NYC program paying
for good behavior, 188
principle of conservation learning
by, 406, 407f
reliability as eyewitnesses, 228
Terman’s study on intellectually
gifted, 297-298
Chlamydia, 372
Chromosomes, 386, 387f
Chunk
definition of, 211
short-term memory and, 211-212
Cingulotomy, 568
Circadian rhythms, 151
Circumcision
female, 360
male, 360
Classical conditioning
basic process of, 177f
the basics of, 176-178
challenging basic assumptions
of, 180-181
comparing operant and, 193-194f
definition of, 176
“Little Albert” case study on, 178
Pavlov’s experiments on, 16f,
176-177f, 180
as type of learning, 175
Classical conditioning treatments
aversive, 549
description of, 548-549
exposure, 550
operant, 183-195, 550-551
systematic, 549-550
Clinical mental health counselors, 545f
Clinical neuropsychology, 6f, 9
Clinical psychologists, 545f
Clinical psychology, 7f, 8
Clinical social workers, 545f
Closure gestalt law, 126-127f
Cocaine, 164
Cochlea, 114, 115f
Cognitive abilities. See also Reasoning;
Social cognition; Thinking
gender differences in, 349-350
interaction of brain and socializa-
tion in gender, 350f
video games improving older
adult functioning, 429
Cognitive appraisal, 554
Cognitive approaches to motivation
compared to other
approaches, 315f
definition of, 313
Cognitive development
adolescence, 414-416
childhood, 404-408
definition of, 404
Piaget's theory of, 405f—408
Vygotsky’s zone of Proximal
development (ZPD), 409f-410
Cognitive dissonance, 582f-583
Cognitive learning theory
description of, 198
on latent learning, 198-200
on learning styles, 202-203
on observational learning, 200-202
Cognitive perspective
of abnormality, 505f, 506-507
on anorexic patients, 323f
description of, 18, 20
key psychology issues and posi-
tion of, 23f
pain management through cogni-
tive restructuring, 123
Cognitive psychology
definition of, 6, 7f, 242
on problem solving, 251-263
on thinking and reasoning,
243-249
Cognitive theory
of depression, 523
of schizophrenia, 528
Cognitive thinking
metacognition of, 408-409
The Need for Cognition quiz, 580f
Cognitive treatment approaches
definition of, 552
evaluating, 554
psychotherapy using, 552-554
Cognitive-affective processing system
(CAPS) theory, 453
Cognitive-behavioral approach, 553
Collective unconscious, 445-446
Collectivistic orientation, 588
College students. See also Education
binge drinking by, 164-165f
problems reported by, 535f
pros and cons as research
subjects, 50f
stress and depression of, 537
Color blindness, 110-111
Color vision, 111-112f
Columbia shuttle disaster (2003),
591-592
Communication. See also Language
advertising agency creator use
of, 581
effective health-care provider and
patient,
493—494f
overgeneralization of language
rules during, 267
persuasion to change attitudes
through, 579-581
positively and negatively framed
messages, 495
telegraphic speech, 267
Community psychology, 570f-571
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Companionate love, 605-606
Compliance
definition of, 593
effective communication to pro-
mote, 493-494f
increasing medical advice, 494-495
obedience through, 595-596f
techniques used to gain, 593-595
Compulsion, 516
Computers
adaptive testing using, 292
artificial intelligence of, 249
Conception
alternative paths to, 391-392
illustration of, 387f
Concepts
categorizing the world through,
245-246
definition of, 245
prototype representations of,
245, 247f
Concrete operational stage, 405f, 406
Conditional positive regard, 458
Conditioned response (CR), 176-177,
178
Conditioned stimulus (CS), 176,
177f, 178
Conditioning. See Classical conditioning
Cones
retina, 106
trichromatic theory of color vision
on, 111
Confirmation bias, 260
Conformity
definition of, 590-591
groupthink, 591-592
research findings on nature of, 591
to social roles, 592-593
Conscious vs. unconscious issue,
23f, 24
Consciousness
cross-cultural routes to altered
states of, 157
definition of, 140
divided, 155
hypnosis and, 155-156
meditation for regulating, 156-158
Consolidation of memory, 220
Constructive memory processes,
226-227
Contingency contracting, 551
Continuous reinforcement sched-
ule, 189
Control groups, 41
Convergent thinking, 261-262
Conversion disorder, 518, 519f
Coping with stress
avoidant coping, 480
defense mechanisms used for,
480-481
effective strategies for, 483
emotion-focused, 480
GAS (general adaptation syn-
drome) on course of, 478f-479
learned helplessness for,
481, 523
problem-focused, 480
social support research on brain
activation when, 482f
Coping styles
hardy personality, 481-482
social support by turning to others,
482-483
Coronary heart disease, 485-486
Corpus callosum
description of, 83f, 90
split-brain patients and the, 92f
Correlation coefficient
definition of, A-16-A-17
IQ scores of mothers and
daughters, A-17f
negative relationship, A-15, A-16f
positive relationship, A-15, A-16f
Cortex, 76f
Counseling
genetic, 75
rehabilitation, 86
Counseling psychologists, 545f
Counseling psychology, 7f, 8
Creative nonadherence, 492
Creativity
Dr. Matson’s Cork-EZ invention
as, 242
problem solving and, 261
thinking critically and, 262-263
Critical (or sensitive) periods, 389
Cross-cultural psychology, 7f, 8
Cross-sectional research, 383-384
Crystallized intelligence, 281, 287f, 429
Cue-dependent forgetting, 234
Cultural differences
on academic success, 25f
alcohol consumption and, 165
in attribution biases, 587-588
depth perception influenced
by, 133-134f
in expression of emotions, 335f-336
in memory, 229-230
physician-patient communication
and, 494
rites of passage around the
world, 420
Culture. See also Exploring diversity
attribution biases in context
of, 587-588
brain lateralization impacted by, 91
of DSM categorization, 538-539
female circumcision debate
over, 360
gender division of labor and,
351-352
Horney’s stress on personality
and, 446
how behavior is influenced
by, 25f-26
how learning is influenced by,
202-203
information framing influenced
by, 230
language and biculturalism, 272
Culture-fair IQ test, 301
D
Daily hassles, 475, 476f
“Danger feeling,” 258
DARE (Drug Abuse Resistance
Education), 161
Dark adaptation phenomenon, 106
Date rape
definition of, 370-371
drugs used for, 162f, 167, 375
lowering risks of, 375
Death
Kiibler-Ross stages of grief, 432
older adults and adjusting to, 432
Decay (memory), 233
Decision making
brain research on moral, 613
groupthink, 591-592
Declarative memory, 215, 216f
Deepwater Horizon oil rig explosion
(2010), 4
Defense mechanisms
coping with stress using, 480-481
Freud’s psychoanalysis approach
on, 442-444, 546-547
Deinstitutionalization, 570f
Delusions, 525
Dendrite
description of, 61, 62f
synapse between axon and, 65f
Dependent variables, 42
Subject Index 1-17
Depressants
alcohol, 162f, 164-167
barbiturates, 162f, 167
overview of, 162f
rohypnol (“date rape drug”),
162f, 167
Depression
college students suffering
from, 537
preventing onset of, 572
Depth perception, 129-130, 133-134f
DES (diethylstilbestrol), 368, 391f
Descriptive and correlational research
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 39
positive and negative correlation
findings in, 39-40f
Descriptive statistics
central tendency, A-7
comparing the mean, median,
mode, A-8
definition of, A-5-A-6
the mean, A-6—-A-7
the median, A-7, A-8
the mode, A-7
normal and skewed distributions,
A-8f-A-9f
Determinism
definition of, 20, 24
free will versus, 20, 23f, 24
Developmental psychology. See also
Prenatal development;
Psychology
adolescence, 412-420
adulthood, 422—432
definition of, 6, 7f, 380, 381
infancy through childhood,
397-410
newborns, 393-397
stages versus continuous, 407-408
Devil’s tuning fork, 133f
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of
Mental Disorders, Fourth
Edition (DSM-IV-TR)
categories of disorders represented
in the, 509f
description of, 508-509
five Axis of information categories
included in the, 508
Rosenhan’s study showing the
shortcomings of the, 510
Dialectical behavior therapy, 551
Dieting strategies, 323-324
Difference thresholds, 101-102
Diffusion of responsibility theory, 35,
41-46f, 611
Discrimination
definition of, 598
measuring, 601
reducing consequences of, 601-602
Discriminative stimulus, 191
Disease. See also Wellness
AIDS (acquired immune defi-
ciency syndrome), 373,
390, 391f
cancer, 486-487
coronary heart disease, 485-486
STIs (sexually transmitted infec-
tions), 372-373
Disengagement theory of aging, 431
Dispositional cause of behavior,
586
Dissociation, 155
Dissociative amnesia, 520
Dissociative disorders
definition of, 518-519
DID (dissociative identity dis-
order), 519-520
dissociative amnesia, 520
dissociative fugue, 520
Dissociative fugue, 520
1-18 Subject Index
Dissociative identity disorder (DID),
519
Distractions
multitasking, 101
texting while driving, 21, 101
Divalproex sodium (Depakote),
565f, 566
Divergent thinking, 261-262
Diversity. See Exploring diversity
Divided consciousness, 155
Divorce. See also Marriage, 425
Do You Seek Out Sensation? quiz, 312f
Doom (video game), 202
Door-in-the-face technique, 594
Dopamine (DA), 67f, 68
Dopamine hypothesis, 527
Double standard, 365-367
Down syndrome, 278, 296, 390
Dream interpretation, 546
Dream theories
activation-synthesis, 147f, 149
dreams-for-survival, 147f, 148-149
unconscious wish fulfill-
ment, 147f-148
Dreams. See also Sleep
daydreams, 151
function and meaning of, 146f-149
latent content of, 147
manifest content of, 147, 148f
three theories of, 147f
Dreams-for-survival theory, 147f,
148-149
Drive-reduction approaches to
motivation
compared to other approaches,
315f
definition of, 310
homeostasis and, 310-311f
Drives, 310
Drug reduction programs, 161
Drug therapy
antianxiety drugs, 565f, 567
antidepressant drugs, 565f-566
antipsychotic drugs, 564—565f
definition of, 564
mood stabilizers, 565f, 566-567
Drug use/abuse. See also Alcohol
abuse; Substance abuse
counselors
addictive, 159-161
as avoidant coping strategy, 480
depressants, 162f, 164-167
hallucinogens, 163f, 168-169
marijuana, 163f, 168f
narcotics, 162f-163f, 167-168
nervous system impacted by, 160f
prenatal development and
mother’s, 390-391f
psychoactive, 159
psychoactive substance use dis-
order, 531
steroid, 77f
stimulants, 161/-164
Drugs
date-rape, 162f, 167, 375
pain management, 123
therapeutic, 564-567
E
Ear
balance and semicircular canals
of, 115f, 117-118
major parts of the, 114—115f
sensing sound, 114-118
Eardrum, 114, 115f
Eating. See also Hunger
as avoidant coping strategy, 480
motivation behind, 317-319f
social factors in, 320-322
Eating disorders
anorexia nervosa, 322-323f, 531
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as avoidant coping strategy, 480
binge-eating disorder, 531
bulimia, 322-323, 531
description of, 531
Ebbinghaus’ memory experi-
ment, 232-233
Eclectic approach to therapy, 562
Economic crisis coping, 21
Ecstasy (MDMA), 163f, 168-169
Education. See also College stu-
dents; Schools
bilingual vs. immersion, 271
gender differences in the environ-
ment of, 353-354
reducing prejudice and discrimi-
nation through, 602
special, 296-297
Education for All Handicapped
Children Act, 296
EEG (electroencephalogram), 79-80f
Efferent (motor) neurons, 72
Ego, 440
Ego-integrity-versus-despair
stage, 417
Egocentric thought, 405-406
Ejaculation, 359
Elaborative rehearsal, 213
Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), 567
Electrode pain management, 123
Embryo, 388
Emerging adulthood, 422-423f
“EMI” Bach composition experiment,
249
Emotion-focused coping, 408
Emotional disturbances, 526
Emotional insulation, 481
Emotional intelligence, 285-286,
287f
Emotions. See also Feelings
aggression and, 608-610
amygdala role in experience of,
333-334f
anger, 608-610, 613
Cannon-Bard theory of, 332f
CAPS (cognitive-affective process-
ing system) theory on, 453
contagion of happiness and, 496
contemporary perspectives on
neuroscience of, 333-334
cultural differences in expression
of, 335f-336
definition of, 328-329
determining the range of, 329-330f
expressed, 528
functions of, 329
infant recognition of, 396f-397
James-Lange theory on gut reac-
tions and, 331-332f
lack of sleep impact on, 146
making sense of multiple perspec-
tives on, 334-335
prenatal development and moth-
er’s, 390
roots of, 330-335
Schachter-Singer theory of,
332f-333
Employer personality testing, 467-468
Encoding, 209f
Endocrine system. See also Hormones
description of, 75
location and function of major
glands in, 76f
pituitary gland of the, 76f-77
Endorphins, 67f, 68
Entrapment, 592
Environmental factors. See also
Socialization
intelligence determinant of genet-
ics versus, 300-303
language and verbal skills and,
90-91
nature-nurture debate over,
381-383
prenatal development and,
390-39 1f
schizophrenia, 528
Episodic memory, 215-216f
Erectile dysfunction, 374
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial
development, 403-404,
416f-417, 446
Erogenous zones, 358
Estrogens
definition of, 356
studies on task abilities and levels
of, 351
Ethical issues
animal research, 52-53
informed consent, 49-50
research and related, 49-51f
Ethnicity. See also Race
definition of, 26
divisions on acceptable names
for, 26
how behavior is influenced
by, 25f-26
Evaluation. See also Assessment
behavioral treatment approaches,
551-552
cognitive treatment approaches,
554
of different psychotherapy
approaches, 559-562
humanistic approaches to person-
ality, 458-459
humanistic therapy, 558
personality learning approaches,
454
psychodynamic therapy, 547-548
solutions, 257, 260
trait theory used for personal-
ity, 450-451
Evidence-based psychotherapy,
561-562
Evolutionary psychology. See also
Biological factors
on causes of depression, 523
definition of, 7f, 8, 73
nervous system evolutionary
foundations studied by,
73-75
Excitatory message, 66
Excitement phase, 359
Experiment, definition of, 41
Experimental bias, 53-55
Experimental groups
definition of, 41
depiction of drug propranolol
testing, 44f
Experimental manipulation, 41
Experimental psychologist, 6
Experimental psychology
definition of, 6, 7f
research approach of, 41-46
Experimental research
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 41
experimental and control groups
used in, 41-42
independent and dependent vari-
ables studied, in, 42
Latané and Darley’s bystander,
41-46f
random assignment of participants
in, 42-44
replication of, 46
treatment during, 41-42
Experimenter expectations, 53
Explicit memory, 224-225
Exploring diversity. See also
Culture; Racial/ethnicity
differences
attribution biases in cultural con-
text, 587-588
bilingual education, 271-272
cross-cultural altered states of
consciousness, 157
cross-cultural differences in mem-
ory, 229-230
culture of DSM, 538-539
culture-fair IQ test, 30
expression of emotions and,
335f-336
female circumcision, 360
how learning is influenced by cul-
ture, 202-203
international promotion of smok-
ing, 490
interplay of biology and environ-
ment, 90-91
psychotherapy consideration of
race and ethnic factors, 562
rites of passage around the
world, 420
understanding how culture,
ethnicity, and race influence
behavior, 25-26
Exposure treatments, 550
Expressed emotion, 528
Extinction, 179f-180
Extramarital sex, 367
Extrasensory perception (ESP), 135
Extraversion, 449f
Extrinsic motivation, 313
Eyes. See also Vision
accommodation by, 106
basic cells of, 107f
binocular disparity of left and
right, 129
light response by, 105f-106
optic nerve of, 107f-108, 109f
retina of the, 106
sending message to the brain
from, 106-108
Eyewitnesses memory
children’s reliability as, 228
memory-related errors of, 227-228
recollection of speed in car acci-
dent, 228f
repressed and false memo-
ries, 228-229
F
Faceblindness, 98
Facebook, 606
Facial expressions
facial-feedback hypothesis on,
336
smiling athletes, 337
Facial-affect program, 336
Facial-feedback hypothesis, 336
Factor analysis, 449
Fallingwater (Frank Lloyd
Wright), 263
False memories, 228-229
Familial retardation, 296
Family therapy, 559
Fathers, 399-400
“Fearless Peer” model, 551
Feature detection, 109
Feelings. See also Emotions
angry, 608-610, 613
happiness, 495-498f
labeling our, 329-330f
love, 605-607f
Female circumcision, 360
Fertilization
genetics of, 387f
IVF (In vitro fertilization), 392
Fetal alcohol syndrome (FAS), 296, 391
Fetus
age of viability, 388-389
definition of, 388
photos of live, 389
sensitive periods of, 389
Fight-or-flight response, 329
First impressions, 451
Fixations, 441
Fixed-interval reinforcement schedule,
190f-191
Fixed-ratio reinforcement schedule,
189-190f
Flashbulb memories, 225—226f
Fluid intelligence, 280-281, 287f, 429
Fluoxetine (Prozac), 565f, 566
Flynn effect, 302-303
fMRI (functional magnetic resonance
imaging) scans, 80f
Foot-in-the-door technique, 593-594
Forebrain, 81
Forgetting
Ebbinghaus’ experiment on,
232-233
memory dysfunctions and afflic-
tions of, 235-237
proactive and retroactive interfer-
ence of, 234-235f
strategies for coping with, 237
why we experience, 233f-234
Formal operational stage, 405f,
406-407
Free association, 546
Free will
definition of, 24
determinism versus, 20, 23f, 24
humanistic emphasis on, 20
Frequency distribution, A-5, A-6f
Frequency theory of hearing, 116-117
Freud, Sigmund
on aggression as instinctual
drive, 608-609
contributions and influence of, 16f,
18, 19f
defense mechanisms identified by,
442-444, 546-547
evaluating legacy of, 444-445
latent content of dreams theory
of, 147
manifest content of dreams theory
by, 147, 148f
neo-Freudian psychoanalysts
influenced by, 445-446
psychoanalysis approach of,
46-547
psychoanalytic theory of, 439-444
unconscious wish fulfillment
dream theory of, 147f-148
Freudian slip, 439
Friendship. See also Social relationships
childhood relationships with
peers, 400
need for affiliation and, 325-326
social support of, 482
Frontal lobes, 85f
Frustration-aggression theory, 609-610
Functional fixedness, 259
Functionalism, 16-17
Fundamental attribution error, 587
G
g or g-factor, 280
Gamete intrafallopian transfer
(GIFT), 392
Gamma knife surgery, 568
Gamma-amino butyric acid
(GABA), 67f
Ganglion cells, 107f, 108
Gardner’s multiple intelligences,
281-282f, 287f
Gate-control theory of pain, 122
Gender, 343
Gender differences. See also Men;
Women
adolescent suicide and, 418-419
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average heights and weights dur-
ing childhood, 398f
binge drinking and, 164-165f
biological and evolutionary factors
of, 351-353
brain lateralization and, 90-91
cognitive abilities, 349f-351
color blindness and, 110-111
happiness and, 497
learning styles and, 203
major depression and, 521
masturbation and, 364-365f
need for power and, 326
pain sensitivity and, 121
personality factors, 348-349
processing information and, 350f
range of ages for major sexual
changes, 413f
sense of smell and, 118-119
sense of taste and, 119
social environment impact
on, 353-354
World Economic Forum gender
equality rankings, 344f
Gender division of labor, 351-352
Gender roles
definition of, 343
family life and changes in, 426
society expectations for, 343-344
Gender schema, 354
Gender stereotypes
androgynous individuals defy-
ing, 354
research findings on, 344f
Gene therapy, 75, 388
General adaptation syndrome (GAS),
478f-479
Generalization (stimulus), 191
Generalized anxiety disorder
definition of, 515
frequency of symptoms in cases
of, 516f
OCD (obsessive-compulsive
disorder), 515-517
Generativity-versus-stagnation
stage, 417
Genes, 386-387
Genetic counseling, 75
Genetic factors. See also Behavioral
genetics
body setting point and, 322
characteristics influenced by, 382f
fetus influenced by, 389-390
inherited roots of personal-
ity, 455f-456
IQ (intelligence quotient) heritability,
301-302f, 303
Genetic preprogramming theories of
aging, 427, 428
Genital herpes, 372
Genital warts, 373
Genitals (sex organs)
cutaway side views of, 357f
definition of, 356
Genovese, Kitty, 32, 34-35
Gestalt psychology
description of, 17
early development of, 16f
Gestalt (or perceptual) whole, 128f
laws of organization, 126f-127
Glial cells, 61
Glutamate, 67f, 565
Gonorrhea, 373
Graded exposure, 550
Grammar
parts of, 265-266
universal, 268
Group IQ testing, 291
Group therapy, 558-559
Groups
conformity in, 590-593
definition of, 590
foundations of prejudice by, 599-600
norms formed by, 590
social supporter in, 591
Groupthink, 591-592
Gut reactions (hunches), 258, 331-332f
Habit-reversal training (HRT), 544
Habituation, 395
Hair cells, 115, 118
Hallucinations, 525, 527
Hallucinogens, 163f, 168-169
Halo effect, 586
Happiness
characteristics of happy
people, 495-497
contagion of emotions and, 496
money and relationship to,
497-498
percentage in U.S. rating their
level of, 498f
subjective well-being and, 495
Hardiness, 481-482
Health promotion
following medical advice, 492-495
health-care providers and patient
communication, 493-494f
increasing compliance with medi-
cal advice, 494-495
Health psychology
definition of, 7f, 8, 472
promoting health and well-
ness, 492-498f
psychological aspects of illness
and well-being, 485-490
stress and coping, 473-483
Hearing
major parts of the ear, 114—-115f
range by age group, 117f
sensing sound, 114-118
speech perception and, 117
Heart, 76f
“Help Center” (American
Psychological Association), 573
Helping behavior
altruism, 612
basic steps of, 611f-612
Hemispheres
cultural and gender differences in
use of, 90-91
definition of brain, 89-90
lateralization of, 90
split-brain patients and function
of, 91-92f
Heritability
definition of, 301
IQ (intelligence quotient),
301-302f, 303
Hermaphrodite, 370
Heterosexuality
definition of, 365
marital sex, 367f
premarital sex and double stan-
dard, 365-367
Heuristics, 248-249
Hippocampus
description and function of, 83t, 84
experience of emotion and role
of, 334f
memory and role of, 217, 218f-219f
Hispanic test norms, 462
Histogram, A-5
Homeostasis, 83, 310-311f
Homosexuals
definition of, 367
research findings on, 367-369
Hormone therapy (HT), 423-424
Hormones. See also Endocrine system
androgens, 356
description of, 75-76
Subject Index 1-19
estrogens, 351, 356
ingestion of artificial, 77f
progesterone, 356
as sexual orientation factor, 368
testosterone, 168, 352
“Hot lines,” 571
How Sensitive Are You? quiz, 100f
How Stressful Is Your Life? quiz, 477f
HOXA1 gene, 74
Human Genome Project, 387-388
Human resources manager, 467
Humanistic approaches to personality
description of, 457-458
evaluating, 458-459
Rogers’ self-actualization, 458f
Humanistic perspective
of abnormality, 505f, 507
description of, 18, 20
key psychology issues and posi-
tion of, 23f
Humanistic therapy
definition of, 556
evaluating, 558
person-centered therapy, 556
Hunches (gut reactions), 258, 331-332f
Hunger. See also Eating
biological factors in regulation
of, 318-319
hypothalamus role in, 319f
Hyperthymestic syndrome, 208
Hypnosis
consciousness during, 155-156
definition of, 154
dissociation from, 155
as pain strategy, 123
process of, 154
Hypochondriasis, 518
Hypothalamus, 76f, 319f
Hypotheses. See also Theories
confirmation bias of, 260
description of, 35
dopamine, 527
facial-affect program, 336
facial-feedback, 336
linguistic-relativity, 269-270
operational definition of, 35
significant outcome to confirm, 45
l
Id, 440
Identical twins, 383
Identity
definition of, 416
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial
development on, 416f-417
Identity-versus-role-confusion
stage, 416
Immersion vs. bilingual
programs, 271-272
Implicit Association Test (IAT), 601
Implicit memory, 224-225
Impression formation, 583-584
Imprinting, 399
In vitro fertilization (IVF), 392
Income gender gap, 345f
Independent variables, 42
Individual differences vs. universal
principles issue, 23f, 24-25
Individualist orientation, 588
Industrial-organizational (I/O)
psychology, 595
Industry-versus-inferiority stage, 404
Ineffability, 158
Inferential statistics
definition of, A-14-A-15
significant outcome of, A-15
Inferiority complex, 446
Infertility treatment, 391-392
Information. See also Schemas
confirmation bias of, 260
decay or loss of, 233
1-20 Subject Index
forgetting, 233f-237
how culture frames, 230
language used to communi-
cate, 265
thinking as manipulating mental
representations of, 243-249
Information processing
as approach to intelligence,
281, 283
description of, 408
Information retrieval
constructive process in memory
for, 226-230
explicit and implicit memory
and, 224-225
flashbulb memories and, 225-226f
levels of processing for, 223-224
priming phenomenon of,
224-225
retrieval clues used in, 222-223f
tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon
of, 222
Informed consent
definition of, 49
of research participants, 49-50
Informed consumers. See also
Psychology
adjusting to death, 432
using behavior analyst to modify
behavior, 194-195
using biofeedback, 92-93
choosing the right therapist, 573
dealing effectively with anger, 613
deciding when you need help, 539
dieting and losing weight success-
fully, 323-324f
effective coping strategies, 483
employer personality testing,
467—468
lowering risks of date rape, 375
pain management strategies, 123
scoring better on standardized
tests, 292-293f
sleeping better, 152
strategies for improving
memory, 237
thinking critically and
creatively, 262-263
understanding drug use, 169
Ingroups, 599-600
Inhibited ejaculation, 374
Inhibited sexual desire, 374
Inhibitory message, 66
Initiative-versus-guilt stage, 404
Instincts, 309-310
Intellectual ability
intellectually gifted, 297-298
mental retardation (or intellectual
disabilities), 278, 295-297, 390
Intellectually gifted, 297-298
Intelligence. See also Thinking
adaptive and standardized testing
of, 292-293f
artificial, 286
assessing, 287-292
biological basis of, 283-284
considering the range and varieties
of, 278, 279-280
crystallized, 281, 287f, 429
definition of, 280
fluid, 280-281, 287f, 429
Flynn effect and flexibility of,
302-303
g or g-factor of, 280
genetic and environmental determi-
nants of, 300-303
practical and emotional, 284-286,
287f
separate brain areas involved in
different kinds of, 284f
theories of, 280-287f
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Trukese navigation technique
example of, 279
Intelligence quotient (IQ)
bell-shaped distribution of, 289f
definition of, 286
deviation IQ scores, 289
gauging intelligence using contem-
porary, 289-291
reliability and validity of, 291-292
testing for, 287-289, 300-301
Intelligence quotient (IQ) tests
age differences and, 383-384
bias against minority groups,
300-301
correlation coefficient of mothers/
daughters scores, A-17
culture-fair, 301
debate over racial differences
in, 462
Flynn effect and, 302-303
group, 291
older adults and, 428
Stanford-Binet Intelligence
Scale, 289
Wechsler Adult Intelligence
Scale-IV (WAIS-IV), 290f
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children-IV (WISC-IV), 290
Intelligence theories
fluid and crystallized intelli-
gence, 280-281, 287f
Gardner’s multiple intelli-
gences, 281-282f, 287f
information-processing approach
to intelligence, 281, 283, 287f
Interactionist approaches to language
development, 269
Interference
definition of, 234
proactive and retroactive,
234-235f
Intermittent (or partial) reinforcement
schedule, 189
Interneurons, 72
Interpersonal attraction, 604-605
Interpersonal intelligence, 282
Interpersonal therapy (IPT), 558
Intersex, 370
Intimacy-versus-isolation, 417
Intrapersonal intelligence, 282f
Intrinsic motivation, 313
Introspection, 15
Is This Aggression? quiz, 609f
J
“Jabberwocky” (Carroll), 265
James-Lange theory of emotions,
331-332f
Jet lag, 151
Judgment
evaluating solutions, 257
first impressions, 451
impression formation, 583-584
K
Kidneys, 76f
Kinsey sexual behavior surveys
(1930s), 364, 368f
Kitty Genovese bystander case, 32,
34-35, 41—46f, 611
Kohlberg’s theory of moral develop-
ment, 414-415
Korsakoff’s syndrome, 236
Kiibler-Ross stages of grief, 432
L
Language. See also Communication
animals and use of, 270-271
association areas of the brain
and, 87-88
brain hemisphere and processing
of, 90-91
definition of, 265
development of, 266-269
grammar system of, 265-266
hearing and perception of speech
and, 117
influence on thinking by, 269-270
sign, 266, 270-271
US. diversity of, 272f
Language development
babbling, 266
interactionist approaches to, 269
learning theory approaches,
267-268
nativist approaches to, 268
production of language and,
266-267
Language-acquisition device, 268
Latency period, 442
Latent content
of dreams, 147
psychoanalysis to uncover, 546
Latent learning, 198-200
Lateralization (brain hemisphere), 90
Learned helplessness, 481, 523
Learning
analytical versus relational
approaches to, 203f
biological constraints on, 193
biologically prepared for, 181
classical conditioning, 175-178
cultural influences on, 202-203
definition of, 175
extinction phenomenon of,
179f-180
latent, 198-200
observational, 200-203, 452, 551,
599, 610
scaffolding to facilitate, 410
Learning styles
comparing analytical vs. rela-
tional, 203f
cultural differences in, 202-203
Learning-theory approach to lan-
guage, 267-268
Leptin, 321
Levels-of-processing theory, 223-224
Licensed professional counselors, 545f
The Life Orientation Test-Revised
quiz, 463f
Life review, 432
Light
eye response to, 105f-106
visible spectrum of, 104f
Light therapy, 123
Limbic system
description of, the, 83-84
functions of the, 84f
Linear perspective, 129
Linguistic intelligence, 282f
Linguistic-relativity hypothesis,
269-270
“Little Albert” conditioning case
study, 178
Liver, 76f
Logical-mathematical intelligence, 282f
Long-term memory
constructive process in recall-
ing, 226-230
definition of, 210
explicit and implicit, 224-225
flashbulb memories, 225-226f
levels of processing, 223-224
modules of, 215-216f
rehearsal transfer from short-term
to, 213
retrieval clues, 222-223f
semantic networks and, 216-217f
three-stage model of memory and,
210f, 214-217
Long-term potentiation, 219-220
Longitudinal research, 384
Love
companionate, 605-606
marriage partner and, 607f
passionate (or romantic), 605
three components of, 606-607f
LSD (lysergic acid diethylamide), 163f,
168-169
Major depression, 521
Male circumcision, 360
Mania, 522f-523
Manifest content
of dreams, 147, 148f
psychoanalysis to move beyond
the, 546
MAO inhibitors, 565f
Marijuana
as hallucinogen, 163f, 168
level of teenage use, 168f
Marital sex, 367f
Marriage. See also Divorce
adulthood development and, 425
rank ordering of desired character-
istics in a mate, 607f
same-sex, 363
Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, 313-315
Mass media
stereotypes reinforced by, 599
violence influenced by, 201-202
“Master gland” (pituitary gland),
76f-77
Masturbation, 362, 364-365f
MDMA (Ecstasy), 163f, 168-169
Mean
comparing median, mode,
and, A-8
definition of, A-6
finding the average, A-6
finding the middle, A-7
standard deviation from,
A-11f-A-12f
Means-ends analysis, 255-256
“Media copycat” killings, 201
Medial temporal lobes, 217
Median
comparing mode, mean, and, A-8
definition of, A-7
Medical advice
communication role in compliance
with,
493—494f
following, 492—495
increasing compliance with,
494—495
Medical perspective of abnormal-
ity, 505f-506
Medical student’s disease, 539
Medication. See Drugs
Meditation
definition of, 156
regulating state of consciousness
through, 156-158
Medulla, 76f, 83f
Memory
autobiographical, 229f
definition of, 209
explicit and implicit, 224-225
eyewitness, 227-229
flashbulb, 225-226f
hyperthymestic syndrome of, 208
increased span with age, 409f
long-term, 210f, 214-217, 222-230
neuroscience of, 217-221
older adults and changes in, 430
recalling, 222-230
repressed and false, 228-229
role sleep in, 144
sensory, 210f-211
short-term, 210f, 211-213
source amnesia of, 225
strategies for improving, 237
studies on erasing traumatic, 220
three basic processes of, 209f-210f
three-system approach to, 209-210f
tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon
of, 222
working memory, 213-214f
Memory dysfunctions
Alzheimer’s disease as, 235-236f
amnesia as, 236
Korsakoff’s syndrome as, 236
strategies for improving, 237
Memory failure
proactive and retroactive interfer-
ence and, 234-235
reasons for, 233f—234
research on causes of, 232f-233
strategies for improving, 237
Memory traces, 233
Men. See also Gender differences
brain lateralization by, 90-91
range of ages for major sexual
changes, 413f
sense of smell by women ver-
sus, 118-119
sexual biology of, 356-357f
sexual response cycle for, 359f
Menopause, 423-424
Mental age, 288
Mental images
definition of, 244f-245
thinking as manipulation of,
243-249
Mental problems. See also
Psychological disorders
psychophysiological disorders
www.urdukutabkhanapk.blogspot.com
Kohlberg’s theory of, 414-415
in women, 415-416
Morality (caring), 415-416
Mothers
correlating IQ scores of daughters
and, A-17f
prenatal development and
physical/emotional state
of, 390-391
Motion perception, 131
Motivation
Alfred Adler on quest for self-
improvement, 446
applying different approaches
to, 315f-316
Aron Ralston’s story on, 309,
315-316
arousal approaches to, 311
cognitive approaches to, 313
definition of, 309
drive-reduction approaches
to, 310-311f
hunger and eating needs
and, 317-319f
incentive approaches to, 311-313
instincts and role in, 309-310
intrinsic and extrinsic, 313
measuring achievement, 325
Motivational needs, 313-315
Motor area of cortex, 86
Motor (efferent) neurons, 72
Miiller-Lyer illusion, 133f
Multitasking, 101
Musical intelligence, 282f
Myelin sheath, 62f
and, 476-477
reported by college
students, 535f
Mental retardation (or intellectual
disabilities). See also People
with disabilities
definition of, 295-296
down syndrome, 278, 296, 390
familial retardation, 296
identifying the roots of, 296
integrating individuals with,
296-297
Mental set, 259
Metabolism, 319
Metacognition, 408-409
Methadone, 167
Methamphetamine (“Meth”), 163
Midbrain, 81, 83f
“Midlife crisis,” 424
Midlife transition, 424-425
Milgram’s obedience experiment
(1960s), 595-596f
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2),
463-464 f, 465
Mirror neurons, 64, 200-201f
Mnemonics, 213
Mode
comparing median, mean,
and, A-8
definition of, A-7
Money and happiness, 497-498
Mood disorders
causes of, 523-524
definition of, 520
major depression, 521
mania and bipolar disorder,
522f-523
A Test for Depression quiz, 521f
Mood stabilizers, 566-567
Moral development
brain research on moral deci-
sion, 613
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
Narcissistic personality disorder, 530
arcolepsy, 150
arcotics
overview of, 163f-164f
pain management using, 167-168
arcotics Anonymous, 559
ASA’s Columbia shuttle disaster
(2003), 591-592
ational Council on Alcoholism, 169
ational Institute on Alcohol Abuse
and Alcoholism, 169
ational Institute on Drug Abuse, 169
ative Americans, 419
ativist approach to language devel-
opment, 268
aturalist intelligence, 282f
aturalistic observation
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 37-38
ature (heredity) vs. nurture (environ-
ment) issue, 23f-24
ature-nurture issue
description of, 381-382
determining relative influence
of, 383
azi “only following orders”
defense, 596
eed for achievement, 325
Need for affiliation, 325-326
The Need for Cognition quiz, 580f
Need for power, 326
Needs
achievement and success, 325
affiliation and friendship, 325-326
hunger and eating, 317-324f
Maslow’s hierarchy of, 313-315
power and influence, 326
self-actualization, 314f
Negative correlation, 39-40f
N
egative reinforcers, 186, 187f
Negative relationship
definition of, A-15, 39-40f
scatterplots showing, A-16
Nembutal, 162f, 167
Neo-Freudian psychoanalysts, 445—446
Neonates (newborns)
definition of, 393
development of the senses,
394-395f
movement development of, 394f
reflexes of, 393-394
Nervous systems
biofeedback used to recover from
damage to, 92-93
CNS (central nervous system),
70-71f
divisions of autonomic, 72-73f
drug use impact on, 160f
evolutionary foundations of
the, 73-75
neurons linking the, 70-72
PNS (peripheral nervous sys-
tem), 70, 71f-72
spinal cord and, 70-71f
Neurogenesis, 88
Neurons
definition of, 61
feature detection by visual
stimuli, 109
how they fire electrical charge,
62-64f
interneurons, 72
memory at the level of, 219-221
mirror, 64, 200-201f
motor (efferent), 72
nervous systems linked by, 70-72
neurogenesis of, 88
research on personality traits and
related brain, 457f
sensory (afferent), 72
structure of, 61-62f
synapse between two, 65f
Subject Index 1-21
Nicotine. See also Smoking
fetal development and, 391
as stimulate drug, 162
Night terrors, 150
Nightmares, 147
Nine-dot problem solution, 265f
Noise stimulus, 100-101
Noncompliance
effective communication to pre-
vent, 493-494f
forms of, 492-493
Nontasters, 119
Nonverbal communication, 349
Norm of reciprocity, 594
Normal distribution, A-8f
Norms
debate over race and ethnicity
used to establish, 462-463
group formation of, 590
premarital sex and changing,
365-367
psychological tests based on, 462
reciprocity, 594
test measure, 291-292
Not-so-free sample, 594
Nutrition, 390
Nutritionist, 320
Oo
Obedience
definition of, 595
Milgram’s shock experiment
on, 595-596f
Nazi “only following orders”
defense of, 596
Obesity
BMI (body mass index) to
Neuroplasticity, 88-89f
Neuroscience
measure, 317, 318f
definition of, 317-318
nontasters and, 119
perspective of behavioral, 6, 7f, 18,
19, 23f, 217-221, 333-334
social, 26, 600
Neuroscience in your life. See also
Behavioral neuroscience; Brain
bilingualism and the brain, 273
brain areas involved in different
kinds of intelligence, 284f
brain research on prejudice, 600
categorizing our world using con-
cepts, 246f
cognitive processing in anorexic
patients, 323f
experience, memory, and the
brain, 219f
how behavioral therapy changes
your brain, 552f
lack of sleep impact on emo-
tions, 146f
learning through observation, 201f
moral decisions and the brain, 613
research on neurons and relation-
ship to personality, 457f
seeing vision in the brain, 110f
stress and social support, 482
understanding OCD (obsessive-
compulsive disorder), 517
why it’s so difficult to quit, 488f
young infants recognition of emo-
tions, 396f-397
Neurotic anxiety, 443
Neuroticism, 449f
Neurotransmitters
behavior and role of, 66-68
description of, 65f
excitatory and inhibitory messages
of, 66
glutamate, 565
names of specific, 67f
reuptake of, 66
Neutral stimulus, 176, 177f, 178
nutritionist role in treating, 320
roots of, 321-322
understanding and preventing, 21
Object permanence, 405
Observable behavior vs. internal men-
tal processes, 23f, 24
Observational learning
aggression through, 610
behavior therapists use of, 551
description of, 200-201, 452
learning styles and, 202-203
media violence and, 201-202
mirror neurons and role in, 201f
prejudice and discrimination, 599
Obsession, 515
Obsessive-compulsive disorder
(OCD), 515-517
Occipital lobes, 85f
Oedipal conflict, 442
Older adults
adjusting to death, 432
life review, 432
memory changes in, 430
social world of, 431-432
video games improving cognitive
functioning, 429
Olfactory bulb, 83f
Olfactory cells, 118, 119
On the Origin of Species (Darwin), 8
“Only following orders” defense, 596
Operant conditioning
the basics of, 184-193
biological constraints on, 193
comparing classical and,
193-194f
definition of, 183
discrimination and generalization
in, 191
positive /negative reinforces and
punishment, 185-186
reinforcement of, 184-185f
1-22 Subject Index
reinforcement versus punish-
ment, 186-189
schedules of reinforcement
for, 189-191
shaping through, 192
Thorndike’s law of effect, 183-184f
Operant conditioning techniques,
550-551
Operational definition, 35
Opponent-process theory of color, 112
Opportunity NYC, 188
Optic chiasm, 108
Optic nerve, 107f-108, 109f
Optogenetics, 81
Oral histories, 229-230
Oral stage, 441-442
Organic mental disorders. See also
Alzheimer’s disease, 531
Orgasm, 359
Outgroups, 599
Ovaries
endocrine system and, 76f
puberty and development of,
412-413f
Overeating coping strategy, 480
Overgeneralization of language
rules, 267
Ovulation, 356
Oxycodone, 163f, 168
P
Pain
gate-control theory of, 122
sense of, 120-123
strategies to fight chronic, 123, 156
Pancreas, 76f
Panic disorder, 514-515
Paraphilias, 531
Parasympathetic division, 72-73f
Parathyroids, 76f
Parenting styles
four types of, 401-402f
social development and, 402-403
Parents-adolescent relationship, 419
Parietal lobes, 85f
Parkinson’s disease, 67
Parthenon, 131-132f
Partial (or intermittent) reinforcement
schedule, 189
Participant expectations, 53
Participants
experimental research, 42
importance of using representa-
tive, 51f
informed consent of research, 49-50
pros and cons of college students
as research, 50f
random assignment to condi-
tion, 42-43
Passionate (or romantic) love, 605
Patients
communication between health-
care providers and, 493-494f
compliance by, 493-495, 593-596f
deinstitutionalization and mental
health, 570f
Pavlov’s classical conditioning, 16f,
176-177f, 180
Peers
childhood relationships with, 400
“Fearless Peer” model, 551
People with disabilities. See also
Mental retardation (or intellec-
tual disabilities)
Chris Burke’s contributions as, 278
thought-based interface technol-
ogy helping, 82
Perception
constancy, 130-131
definition of, 99
depth, 129-130, 133-134f
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illusions or deceptions of, 131-135
motion, 131
top-down and bottom-up process-
ing, 127-128
Perceptual constancy, 130-131
Perceptual disorders, 525
Perceptual illusions
devil's tuning fork, 133f
ESP (extrasensory perception), 135
Miiller-Lyer illusion, 133f
Parthenon example of, 131-132f
subliminal, 134
visual, 132-134f
Peripheral nervous system (PNS)
automatic division of, 71f, 72
definition of, 72
overview of the, 70, 71f-72
somatic division of the, 71f, 72
Peripheral route processing, 580
Peripheral vision, 106
Permissive parents, 401—-402f
Permissiveness with affection, 366
Person-centered therapy, 556-557
Personal fables, 418
Personal stressors, 474, 476f
Personality
biological and evolutionary
approaches to, 454—457f
comparing approaches to, 459f
defense mechanisms of the, 442-444
definition of, 438
first impressions judgment of
others,’ 451
Freud’s psychoanalytic theory on
the unconscious, 439-444
gender differences related to,
348-349f
humanistic approaches, 457-459
id, ego, and superego model of,
440-441
inherited roots of, 455f-456
learning approaches to, 451-454
psychodynamic approaches to, 439
psychosexual stages of developing,
441-442
research on neurons and relation-
ship to, 457f
temperament of, 455-456
trait theory on, 448-451
Personality assessment
behavioral assessment, 466-468
employer personality testing,
467-468
Implicit Association Test (IAT), 601
The Life Orientation Test-Revised
quiz for, 463f
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) for,
463-464 f, 465
projective personality tests, 465
psychological tests for, 461-462
Rorschach test (inblots), 465/466
self-report measures of, 463-465
Thematic Apperception Test
(TAT), 466
Personality disorders
antisocial (sociopathic), 529-530
borderline personality dis-
order, 530
definition of, 529
narcissistic personality
disorder, 530
Personality learning approaches
B. F. Skinner’s behaviorist
approach, 452
evaluating, 454
self-efficacy, 452
self-esteem, 453f
situationism and CAPS theory,
453
social cognitive approaches, 452
Personality psychology
assessing personality, 461-468
biological and evolutionary
approaches, 454—457f
comparing approaches, 459f
definition of, 6, 7f
humanistic approaches, 457-459
learning approaches, 451-454
psychodynamic approaches,
439-446
trait approaches, 448-451
Personality types
hardy, 481-482
research on cancer and, 487
Type A, B, and D, 485-486
Persuasion
central route processing for, 580
changing attitudes through,
579-580
The Need for Cognition quiz, 580f
peripheral route processing
for, 580
routes to, 580-581
PET (positron emission tomography),
79, 80f
Phallic stage, 442
Phenobarbital, 162f, 167
Phenylketonuria (PKU), 390
Pheromones, 119
Phobias, 178-179
Phobic disorder, 513-514f
Phonemes, 265
Phonology, 265-266
Physical activity calorie expendi-
tures, 324f
Physical development
adolescence, 412-420
adulthood, 423-424
average heights and weights dur-
ing childhood, 398f
childhood, 397
size of head relative to body
during, 398f
Physicians
effective communication between
patients and, 493-494f
following medical advice of,
492-495
Piaget’s theory of cognitive develop-
ment, 405/408
Pineal, 76f
Pituitary gland
endocrine system and the, 76f-77
location in the brain, 83f
PKM-zeta, 220
Place theory of hearing, 116
Placebo, 53
Plateau phase, 359
Pleasure principle, 440
Pons, 81, 83f
Population
definition of, A-14
sample of, A-14
Positive correlation, 39-40f
Positive reinforcers, 185-186, 187f
Positive relationship
definition of, A-15, 39-40f
scatterplots showing, A-16
Postal (video game), 202
Posterior pituitary gland, 76f
Posttraumatic stress disorder. See
PTSD (posttraumatic stress
disorder)
Power
need for, 326
sexual harassment as motivated
by, 347
Practical intelligence, 284—285f, 287f
Preconscious, 439-440
Predisposition model of schizophre-
nia, 529
Prefrontal lobotomy, 568
Prejudice
brain research on effects of, 600
definition of, 598
foundations of, 599-600
measuring, 601
reducing consequences of, 601-602
Premarital sex, 365-367
Premature ejaculation, 374
Premenstrual dysphoric disorder,
536-537
Prenatal development. See also
Developmental psychology
basics of genetics related to,
386-388
early fetal, 388-389
environmental influences, 390-391f
genetic influences on the
fetus, 389-390
Preoperational stage, 405f—406
Pressure sense, 120-123
Primacy effect, 215
Primary drives, 310
Primary reinforcers, 185
Priming, 224-225
Principle of conservation, 406, 407f
Principles of Psychology (James), 16f
Proactive interference, 234, 235f
Problem solving
algorithms used for, 248
creativity and, 261
evaluating or judging solu-
tions, 257
generating solutions, 255-257
heuristic strategy for, 248-249
hunches used for, 258
impediments to, 258—260f
preparation for, 252-255f
Tower of Hanoi puzzle,
251f, 252
Problem-focused coping, 480
Problems
different kinds of, 252-254f
evaluating solutions to, 257
generating solutions to, 255-257
impediments to solving, 258-260
nine-dot, 265f
representing and organizing,
254f-255f
subgoals dividing parts of, 256
Problems of inducing structure, 252,
253f, 254f
Procedural memory, 215, 216f
Progesterone, 356
Projective personality tests, 465
Prosocial behavior
altruism, 612
basic steps of helping, 611f-612
definition of, 611
Prototypes, 245, 247f
Proximity gestalt law, 127f
Prozac, 565f, 566
Psychiatric social workers, 545f
Psychiatrists, 545f
Psychoactive drugs, 159
Psychoactive substance use dis-
order, 531
Psychoanalysis
Freud’s theory of, 439-444,
546-547
as treatment approach, 444
Psychoanalysts, 545f
Psychoanalytic theory
description of, 439-440
perspective of abnormality,
505f, 506
Psychodynamic perspective
description of, 18, 19
key psychology issues and posi-
tion of, 23f
on personality, 439
Psychodynamic therapy
contemporary approaches to, 547
definition of, 546
evaluating, 547-548
Freud’s psychoanalysis ther-
apy, 546-547
Psychological Bulletin (journal), 135
Psychological dependence, 159
Psychological disorders. See also
Mental problems
abnormality, 503-508
anxiety, 513-518
childhood, 530-531
controversies underlining our
understanding of, 535-537
different perspectives on, 505f-508
dissociative, 518-520
DSM-IV-TR diagnostic criteria
on, 508-510
molecular genetics and, 74-75
mood, 520-524
other, 531
personality, 529-530
preventing, 572
problems reported by college
students, 535f
schizophrenia, 524-529
social and cultural context of,
535-537
somatoform, 518
study on prevalence of, 534
Psychological tests
debate over race and ethnicity
norms used in, 462—463
description of, 461
norms as basis of, 462
Psychologists
breakdown of degrees among
U.S., 10f
career positions available to, 11-12f
education of, 11
a portrait of, 10-11
work settings of, 9-10
Psychology. See also Applying psychol-
ogy; Developmental psychol-
ogy; Informed consumers
cognitive, 242-263
community, 570f-571
definition of, 5
developmental, 6, 7t, 380, 381,
393-410, 412-420
evolutionary, 7f, 8, 73-75, 523
experimental, 6, 7f, 41-46
founding mothers/women in,
17-18
future trends and applications
of, 26-27
gestalt, 16f-17, 126f-127f, 128f
health, 7f, 8, 472-498f
industrial-organizational (I/O), 595
key issues and positions taken
in, 23f
major milestones in development
of, 16f
personality, 6, 7f, 439-468
roots of, 15-18
subfields of, 6, 7f-9
test your knowledge of, 5f-6
Psychology perspectives
behavioral, 18, 19-20, 23f, 505f, 506
behavioral neuroscience, 6, 7f, 18,
19, 23f, 217-221, 333-334
cognitive, 18, 20, 23f, 123, 323f,
505f, 506-507
humanistic, 18, 20, 23f, 505f, 507
psychodynamic, 18, 19, 23f, 439,
546-548
Psychoneuroimmunology (PNI)
definition of, 472
stress and, 479-480
Psychophysics, 99
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Psychophysiological disorders,
476-477
Psychosexual stages
definition of, 441
latency, 442
oral, 441-442
phallic, 442
Psychosocial development
definition of, 403
Erikson’s theory of, 403—404
Psychosurgery, 568
Psychotherapy
behavioral approaches to, 548-552f
cognitive approaches to, 552-554
definition of, 544
evaluating effectiveness of differ-
ent approaches, 559-562
getting help from the right
person, 545f
group, family, and self-help
groups, 558-559
HRT (habit-reversal training), 544
humanistic, 556-558
interpersonal, 558
psychodynamic approaches
to, 546-548
racial and ethnic factors in, 562
Psychoticism, 449f
PsychWork
advertising agency creator, 581
case manager and substance abuse
counselor, 557
child protection caseworker, 403
director of special education, 297
human resources manager, 467
licensed social worker, 10
nutritionist, 320
rehabilitation counselor, 86
seeing eye guide dog trainer, 192
sleep technologist, 150
PTSD (posttraumatic stress disorder)
anxiety disorder classification
of, 517
classical conditioning leading
to, 178-179
definition of, 474
symptoms of, 474-475
World Trade Center attack (2001)
and, 474f
Puberty
definition of, 413
myth versus reality of stormy
adolescence during, 417-418
physical and sexual changes dur-
ing, 412-414
Punishment
definition of, 86
reinforcement versus, 186-189
types of, 187f
Quitting smoking, 488/489
Quizzes. See also Tests/testing
BMI (body mass index), 318f
Do You Seek Out Sensation?, 312f
How Sensitive Are You? quiz, 100f
How Stressful Is Your Life?, 477f
Is this Aggression?, 609f
The Life Orientation Test-
Revised, 463f
The Need for Cognition, 580f
Sleep, 141f
A Test for Depression, 521f
R
Race. See also Ethnicity
as biological concept, 26
divisions on acceptable names
for, 26
how behavior is influenced
by, 25f-26
Racial/ethnicity differences. See also
African Americans; Asian
Americans; Exploring diversity
adolescent suicide and, 418-419
alcohol consumption and, 165
date rape and, 370-371
IQ test basis and, 300-301
learning styles and, 203
masturbation and, 364
psychological tests using norms
of, 462-463
psychotherapy consideration of, 562
Random assignment to condition,
42-43
Range, A-10
Rape
date, 370-371
definition of, 370
Rational-emotive behavior ther-
apy, 553
Reactance, 492-493
Reactive schizophrenia, 526
Reality principle, 440
Reasoning. See also Cognitive abilities
algorithms and heuristics used
for, 248-249
definition of, 247
Kohlberg’s theory on moral, 415f
syllogistic, 247-248
Recall memory task, 222
Recency effect, 215
Reciprocity-of-liking effect, 605
Recognition memory task, 222-223f
Reflexes
definition of, 70
neonates (newborns), 393-394
Refractory period, 359
Rehabilitation counselor, 86
Rehearsal, 213
Reinforcement
definition of, 184-185
positive, negative, and punish-
ment, 186-189
schedules of, 189-191
Reinforcers
negative, 186
positive, 185-186
primary and secondary, 185
punishment versus, 186-189
types of, 187f
Relational learning style, 203f
Relationship harmony, 453
Relative size, 130
Relaxation, 549f
Relaxation techniques, 123
Reliability, 291
REM (rapid eye movement) sleep,
143f-144, 149
Replicated research, 46
Representative participants
college students as not being, 50f
importance of using, 51f
Repressed memories, 228-229
Repression, 443
Research. See also Scientific method
archival, 37, 45f
case study, 38-39, 45f
cross-sectional, 383-384
definition of, 37
descriptive and correlation,
39-4 0f, 45f
experimental, 41—46f, 45f
longitudinal, 384
naturalistic observation, 37-38, 45f
replicated, 46
sequential, 384
summary of different methods
of, 45f
survey, 38
Research issues
animal use in research, 52f-53
Subject Index 1-23
avoiding experimental bias, 53-55
ethics, 49-51f
Research subjects
experimental research, 42
importance of using representa-
tive, 51f
informed consent of, 49-50
pros and cons of college students
as, 50f
random assignment to condi-
tion, 42—43
Resilience, 482
Resolution stage, 359
Resting state, 62
Retina, 106
Retrieval clues
definition of, 222
recalling long-term memories
and, 222-223f
Retroactive interference, 234-235f
Retrograde amnesia, 236
Reuptake, 66
Road rage, 610
Robot artificial intelligence, 286
Rods (retina), 106
Rohypnol (“date rape drug”), 162f, 167
Rorschach test (inkblots), 465f-466
RSDS (reflex sympathetic dystrophy
syndrome), 120
Rubella (German measles), 391f
S
Safer sex practices, 373
St. John’s wort, 566
Same-sex marriages, 363
Sample (population), A-14
Scaffolding, 410
Schachter-Singer theory of emo-
tions, 332f-333
Schedules of reinforcement
continuous, 189
definition of, 189
fixed-interval, 190f-191
fixed-ratio, 189-190f
partial (or intermittent), 189
variable-interval, 190
variable-ratio, 190f
Schemas. See also Information
gender, 354
social cognition for creating, 583
stored in memory, 226-227
Schizophrenia
biological causes of, 526-527
brain changes with, 528f
characteristics of, 524-526
definition of, 524
dopamine relationship to, 68
DSM-IV-TR two classifications
of, 526
environmental perspectives
on, 528
multiple causes of, 529
predisposition model of, 529
risk based on genetic related-
ness, 527f
Rosenhan’s study on pretending
symptoms of, 510
Type I and Type II, 526
types of, 525f
unusual art created by individual
with, 526f
Schools. See also Education
integrating individuals with men-
tal retardation, 296-297
sexual harassment reports from
students, 347f
special education, 296-297
stereotype vulnerability of minor-
ity students in, 602
Science and Human Behavior
(Skinner), 17f
1-24 Subject Index
Scientific method. See also Research
definition of, 33
hypotheses used as part of the, 35
illustrated diagram of, 33f
Latané and Darley’s bystander
study as illustrating, 41-46f
theories used as part of the, 34-35
Seasonal affective disorder, 151
Seconal, 162f, 167
“Second shift,” 426
Secondary drives, 310
Secondary reinforcers, 185
Secondary traits, 449
Seeing eye guide dog trainer, 192
Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors
(SSRIs), 565, 566f
Self-actualization, 314f, 458f
Self-affirmations testing, 47f
Self-defeating personality disor-
der, 535-536
Self-determination theory, 315
Self-efficacy
definition of, 452
as personality approach, 452
Self-esteem
cycles of, 453f
definition of, 453
gender differences related to,
348-349f
group membership to maximize
sense of, 599
happiness related to, 495-496
Self-fulfilling prophecy, 598
Self-help therapy, 559
Self-service bias, 587
Semantic memory, 215, 216f
Semantic networks of memory,
216-217f
Semantics, 266
Semicircular canals, 115f, 117-118
Sensations
definition of, 99
Do You Seek Out Sensation?
quiz, 312f
incentive approaches to motiva-
tion and, 311-313, 315f
Sense of balance, 117-118
Senses
hearing, 114-118
How Sensitive Are You? test
on, 100f
neonates (newborns) development
of the, 394-395f
smell, 118-119
synesthesia condition of interact-
ing, 123-124f
taste, 119-120f
touch, pressure, temperature, and
pain, 120-123
vision, 104—112f
sensitive period, 389
Sensorimotor stage, 405f
Sensory adaptation, 102
Sensory (afferent) neurons, 72
Sensory area of cortex, 86-87
Sensory memory
definition of, 210
three-stage model of memory
and, 210f-211
September 11th, 2001, 225, 474f
Sequential research, 384
Serial position effect, 215
Serotonin, 67f, 68
Sex differences. See Gender differences
Sexism
benevolent, 347
definition of, 343
on the job, 345f-347f
sexual harassment as, 346-347f
Sexual arousal disorders, 531
Sexual behavior. See also Behavior
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basic biology of, 356-357f
diversity of, 362-375
marijuana use affecting, 168
phases of sexual response, 358-359f
pheromones signaling interest, 119
physiological aspects of sexual
excitement, 358
safer sex practices, 373
Sexual behavior diversity
approaches to sexual normal-
ity, 363-364
heterosexuality, 365-367
historic changes in, 362
homosexuality and bisexual-
ity, 367-369
masturbation, 362, 364-365f
transsexualism, 369-370
Sexual Behavior in the Human Female
(Kinsey et al.), 364
Sexual Behavior in the Human Male
(Kinsey et al.), 364
Sexual changes
adolescence development and
puberty, 412-414
range of ages for major, 413f
Sexual desire disorders, 531
Sexual difficulties
childhood sexual abuse, 371-372f
rape and date rape, 370-371, 375
sexual problems, 374
STIs (sexually transmitted infec-
tions), 372-373f
Sexual disorders, 531
Sexual fantasies, 358
Sexual harassment
description of, 346-347
students reporting on, 347f
Sexual infidelity
current surveys on amount of, 367
gender differences in perception
of, 351
Sexual orientation
heterosexuality, 365-367f
homosexuality and bisexual-
ity, 367-369
Kinsey sexual behavior surveys
(1930s) on, 364, 368f
transsexualism, 369-370
Sexual response phases, 358-359f
Sexually transmitted infections (STIs)
definition of, 372
estimates of new cases, 373f
major types of, 372-373
Shaping, 192
Short-term memory
definition of, 210
rehearsal transfer to long-term
from, 213
three-stage model of memory and,
210f, 211-213
Sickle-cell anemia, 390
Sign language
babbling in, 266
primates taught to use, 270-271
Significant outcome, 45, A-15
Similarity gestalt law, 127f
Simplicity gestalt law, 127f
Situational causes, 585-586
Situationism, 453
Skewed distribution, A-8f-A-9f
Skin senses, 120-123
Skin sensitivity, 121f
Skinner box experiment, 185f
Sleep. See also Dreams
disturbances and problems,
149-150
how much is needed, 145f-146
memory, thinking, and role of, 144
REM (rapid eye movement),
143f-144, 149
stages of, 142-143f
understanding, 141f
Sleep disturbances
description and types of, 149-150
suggestions for coping with, 152
Sleep Quiz, 141f
Sleep technologist, 150
Sleeptalkers, 150
Sleepwalkers, 150
Small intestine, 76f
Smell sense (olfaction), 118-119
Smoking. See also Nicotine
adolescents and, 487, 489f
international marketing promot-
ing, 490
neuroscience on why it’s so diffi-
cult to quit, 488f
reasons for, 487-488
Smoking cessation
difficulty of, 488-489
hypnosis used for, 156
“Sniff tests,” 118-119
Social behavior. See also Violence
aggressive, 608-610
helping others, 611f-613
interpersonal attraction, 604-605
liking and love, 605-608
Social cognition. See also Cognitive
abilities
as approach to personality, 452
attribution biases: to err is
human, 586-587
attribution processes: understand-
ing causes of behavior, 584-586
definition of, 583
impression formation, 583-584
understanding what others are
like, 583
Social development
adulthood, 424—425
attachment and, 398-399
childhood, 397-404
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial
development, 403-404,
416f-417
older adults and continued,
431-432
Social identity theory, 599
Social influences
culture, ethnicity, and race as,
25f-26
language and verbal skills and,
90-91
Social learning. See Observational
learning
Social neuroscience
definition of, 600
evolving field of, 26
Social phobia, 514
Social pressure, 593-595
Social relationships. See also
Friendship
childhood development and
peer, 400
Facebook online, 606
interpersonal attraction and,
604-605
liking and love and, 605-608
marriage, 363, 425, 607f
reciprocity-of-liking effect, 605
relationship harmony, 453
Social roles
conformity to, 592-593
gender-specific, 343-344, 426
Social support
definition of, 482
research on brain activation
and, 482f
Social supporter, 591
Socialization. See also Environmental
factors
definition of, 353
gender differences in cognitive
abilities and, 350f
gender differences and impact
of, 353-354
gender schema produced
through, 354
moral development and gender-
specific, 415-416
Sociocultural perspective of abnormal-
ity, 505f, 507-508
Socioeconomic status-IQ test score
relationship, 301
Sociopathic (antisocial) personal-
ity, 529-530
Solution impediments
examining the realities of, 258-259
functional fixedness and mental
set, 259f-260f
inaccurate evaluation of solu-
tions, 260
Solutions
forming subgoals, 256
inaccurate evaluation of, 260
judgment for evaluating, 257
means-ends analysis for, 255-256
nine-dot problem, 265f
sudden awareness leading to,
256-257
Somatic division, 72
Somatoform disorders, 518
The Sopranos (TV show), 201
Sound
definition of, 114
ear structure and sensing, 114—115f
physical aspects of, 115-116
range by age group, 117f
theories of, 116-117
Sound waves, 116f
Source amnesia, 225
Source traits, 449
Space sickness, 118
Spatial intelligence, 282f
Special education
educators involved in, 297
integrating students with mental
retardation, 296-297
Spermarche, 413
Spinal cord
brain and the, 83f
definition of the, 70
nervous system and the, 71f
Split-brain patients, 91-92f
Spontaneous recovery, 179f-180
Spontaneous remission, 560
Spreading activation, 217
SSRIs (selective serotonin reuptake
inhibitors), 66
Stage 1 sleep, 142f
Stage 2 sleep, 142f
Stage 3 sleep, 142f
Stage 4 sleep, 142f
Standard deviation
calculating, A-11—A-12f
definition of, A-11
Standardized test scoring, 292-293f
Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, 289
Statistics
definition of, A-5
descriptive, A-5-A-9f
inferential and correlation,
A-14-A-17
measures of variability,
A-10-A-12
Stereotype threat, 349
Stereotype vulnerability, 602
Stereotypes
definition of, 598
gender, 344f, 354
mass media reinforcement of, 599
prejudice and discrimination
based on, 598-602
Stereotyping
definition of, 343
gender, 344f
Steroids, 77f
Stimulants
amphetamines, 162-163
caffeine, 161f-162
cocaine, 164
definition of, 161
nicotine, 162
Stimulus
absolute thresholds, 100-101
adaptation to, 102
CS (conditioned stimulus), 176,
177f, 178
definition of, 99
difference thresholds, 101-102
discriminative, 191
feature detection by visual, 109
habituation, 395
neutral, 176, 177f, 178
noise, 100-101
UCS (unconditioned stimu-
lus), 176, 177f, 178
Weber’s law on, 102
Stimulus control training, 191
Stimulus generalization, 191
Stomach, 76f
Storytellers /oral history, 229-230
Stress
college students suffering
from, 537
coping with, 478f-479, 480-483
definition of, 473
GAS (general adaptation syn-
drome) on course of, 478f-479
high cost of, 475-480
How Stressful Is Your Life?
quiz, 477f
PNI (psychoneuroimmunology)
and, 472, 479-480
resilience and, 482
three major types of consequences
of, 479f
Stressors
categorizing, 474-475
nature of, 473-474
Structuralism, 15
Subjective well-being, 495
Subliminal perception, 134
Substance abuse counselors. See also
Drug use/abuse, 557
Substance P, 121
Sudden awareness process, 256-257
Sudden infant death syndrome
(SIDS), 150
Suicide of adolescents, 418-420
Super-recognizers, 98
Superego, 441
Supertasters, 119
Suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN), 151
Surgery
pain management through, 123
psychosurgery, 568
Survey research
compared to other methods, 45f
description of, 38
Sybil (film), 518
Syllobistic reasoning, 247-248
Sympathetic division, 72, 73f
Synapse, 65f
Synesthesia, 123-124f
Syntax, 265
Syphilis, 373, 391
Systematic desensitization,
549-550
T
Take a Taste Test, 120f
Taste buds, 119
Taste (gustation)
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sense of, 119
Take a Taste Test, 120f
Tay-Schs Disease, 390
Teenagers. See Adolescence
Telegraphic speech, 267
Telephone “hot lines,” 571
Television violence, 201-202
Temperament, 455-456
Temperature sense, 120-123
Temporal lobes, 85f
Terminal buttons, 61
Terrorism causality, 21
Terry-cloth “monkey” attachment
experiment, 399f
A Test for Depression quiz, 521f
Test standardization, 464
Testes
endocrine system and, 76f
puberty and development of,
412-413f
Testosterone
abuse by athletes of steroids
and, 77
gender behavior and fetal expo-
sure to, 352
marijuana use affecting, 168
Tests /testing. See also Quizzes
adaptive, 292
employer personality testing,
467-468
IAT (Implicit Association Test), 601
IQ (intelligence quotient), 287-292,
383-384, 462
Minnesota Multiphasic Personality
Inventory-2 (MMPI-2), 463-
464f, 465
projective personality test, 465
psychological, 461—462
Rorschach test (inkblots), 465466
standardized, 292-293f
test standardization technique
for, 464
Thematic Apperception Test
(TAT), 466
Texting while driving, 21, 101
Texture gradient, 130
Thalamus, 83f
That’s-not-all technique, 594
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT),
325, 466
Theories. See also Hypotheses
activation-synthesis, 147f, 149
activity theory of aging, 431
attribution, 585
behavioral theories of depres-
sion, 523
biological and evolutionary
approaches to personality,
454—-457f
Cannon-Bard theory of emo-
tions, 332f
CAPS (cognitive-affective process-
ing system), 453
cognitive learning theory, 198-203
cognitive theory of depression, 523
cognitive theory of schizophre-
nia, 528
description of, 34-35
diffusion of responsibility, 35,
41-46f, 611
disengagement theory of
aging, 431
dreams-for-survival, 147f, 148-149
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial
development, 403-404,
416f-417, 446
fluid and crystallized intelligence,
280-281, 287f
frequency theory of hearing,
116-117
Freud’s psychoanalytic, 439-444
frustration-aggression, 609-610
Gardner’s multiple intelligences,
281-282f, 287f
GAS (general adaptation syn-
drome), 478f-479
gate-control theory of pain, 122
genetic preprogramming theories
of aging, 427, 428
humanistic approaches to person-
ality, 457-459
information-processing approach
to intelligence, 281, 283, 287f
James-Lange theory of emotions,
331-332f
Jung’s collective unconscious,
445-446
Kohlberg’s theory of moral
development, 414-415
learning-theory approach to lan-
guage development, 267-268
levels-of-processing, 223-224
opponent-process theory of
color, 112
Piaget’s theory of cognitive
development, 405f—408
place theory of hearing, 116
Schachter-Singer theory of emo-
tions, 332f-333
self-determination, 315
sexual orientation, 368-369
Skinner’s behaviorist, 452
social cognitive approaches to per-
sonality, 452
social identity, 599
three dream, 147f-149
trait, 448-451
trichromatic theory of color
vision, 111
unconscious wish fulfill-
ment, 147f-148
wear-and-tear theories of
aging, 427-428
A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance
(Festinger), 17f
Theory of multiple intelligences,
281-282f, 287f
Thinking. See also Cognitive abili-
ties; Intelligence
artificial intelligence, 249
cognitive dissonance of thoughts
or, 582f-583
concepts used when, 245-247f
definition of, 243
divergent and convergent, 261-262
hunches and, 258
influence of language on, 269-270
mental images used when,
244f-245
motivation and role of, 313
reasoning and, 247-249
role sleep in, 144
Thorndike’s law of effect, 183-184f
The Three Faces of Eve (film), 518
Three-system approach to memory,
209-210f
Thresholds
absolute, 100-101
difference, 101-102
Thyroid, 76f
Tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon, 222
TMS (transcranial magnetic stimula-
tion imaging), 79, 80f-81
Top-down processing, 127-128
Touch sense, 120-123
Tourette’s syndrome, 544
Tower of Hanoi puzzle, 251f, 252
Trait theory
definition of, 448-449
evaluating approaches to personal-
ity, 450-451
Gordon Allport’s, 449
Subject Index 1-25
Traits
Big Five personality, 449-450f
cardinal, central, secondary, and
source, 449
central, 584
definition of, 448-449
halo effect of positive, 586
hardiness, 481-482
resilience, 482
source, 449
Transcranial magnetic stimulation
(TMS), 567
Transference, 547
Transformation problems, 252,
253f, 254f
Transgenderism, 370
Transsexuals, 369-370
Treatment
experimental research, 41-42
placebo, 53
Trephining, 15, 16f
Trichomoniasis, 372-373
Trichromatic theory of color vision, 111
Tricyclic drug, 565f
Trukese navigation technique, 279
Trust-versus mistrust stage, 404
12-step programs, 559
Twin studies, 455
Twins
identical, 383
nature-nurture issue and, 381
Type A behavior pattern, 485
Type B behavior pattern, 486
Type D behavior pattern, 486
Type I schizophrenia, 526
Type II schizophrenia, 526
U
Ulysses (Joyce), 503
Umami (taste category), 119
Unconditional positive regard,
458, 557
Unconditioned response (UCR),
176, 177f
Unconditioned stimulus (UCS),
176, 177f
Unconscious
collective, 445-446
definition of, 439
Freud’s psychoanalytic theory on
the, 439-444
Unconscious wish fulfillment dream
theory, 147f-148
Uninvolved parents, 402
United States
changes in marriage and divorce
in the, 425
diversity of language in, 272f
female circumcision outlawed in
the, 360
individuals rating themselves as
happy in the, 498f
population suffering from major
depression in the, 521
World Economic Forum gender
equality ranking of, 344f
Universal grammar, 268
Uplifts events, 475, 476f
U.S. National Institute of Child Health
and Development, 400-401f
v
Validity, 291
Valium, 565f, 567
Variability
definition of, A-10
range, A-10
standard deviation, A-11f-A-12f
1-26 Subject Index
Variable-interval reinforcement sched-
ule, 190f, 191
Variable-ratio reinforcement sched-
ule, 190f
Variables
correlation coefficient measure of,
A-16-A-17
definition of, 39
independent and dependent, 42
positive and negative correlations
of, 39-40f, A-15
Vestibular system, 117-118
Video games
improving cognitive functioning
in older adults, 429
violence of, 202
Violence. See also Social behavior
aggressive behavior and, 608-610
gender differences in aggression
and, 348
media influence on, 201-202
Visible spectrum, 104f
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Vision. See also Eyes
blind spot, 107-108f
color blindness and color, 110-112
comparing camera to, 105f
peripheral, 106
visible spectrum of, 104f
Visual cortex, 334f
Visual illusions, 132-134
Vomeronasal organ, 119
Vygotsky’s zone of Proximal develop-
ment (ZPD), 409-410
WwW
Wear-and-tear theories of aging,
427-428
Weber’s law, 102
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale-IV
(WAIS-IV), 290f
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children-IV (WISC-IV), 290
Weight set point, 319, 321-322
Weightlessness, 118
Wellness. See also Disease
characteristics of happy peo-
ple, 495-497
contagion of happiness and, 496
subjective well-being and, 495
Wernicke’s aphasia, 87
What Every Boy Should Know (1900s
manual), 362
WHO (World Health Organization),
534, 536f
WHO World Mental Health Survey
Consortium, 534, 536f
Withdrawal, 526
Women. See also Gender differences
biological factors of depression
in, 524
brain lateralization by, 90-91
moral development in, 415-416
premenstrual dysphoric disorder
in, 536-537
range of ages for major sexual
changes, 413f
“second shift” of, 426
sense of smell by men versus,
118-119
sexual biology of, 356-357f
sexual response cycle for, 359f
stereotype threat experienced
by, 349
Working memory, 213-214f
Working women, 426
World Trade Center attack (2001),
225, 474f
X
Xanax, 565f, 567
Z
Zone of Proximal development (ZPD),
409f-410
Zygote, 388
Zygote intrafallopian transfer
(ZIFT), 392
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