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journal article The Impact of Women on State Legislative PoliciesThe Journal of Politics Vol. 53, No. 4 (Nov., 1991) , pp. 958-976 (19 pages) Published By: The University of Chicago Press https://doi.org/10.2307/2131862 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2131862 Read and download Log in through your school or library Alternate access options For independent researchers Read Online Read 100 articles/month free Subscribe to JPASS Unlimited reading + 10 downloads Purchase article $14.00 - Download now and later Abstract Do women in public office make a difference? If so, what kind and under what circumstances? This study offers preliminary answers to these questions by examining the relationship between the percentage of women in state legislatures and their policy priorities. It also examines the impact women legislators have on overall legislative policy. Findings reveal that women in states with the highest percentages of female representatives introduce and pass more priority bills dealing with issues of women, children, and families than men in their states and more than their female counterparts in low representation legislatures. Moreover, women can successfully diffuse their priorities throughout the legislative process in one of two ways: through high percentages of women in office or through the presence of a formal women's legislative caucus. These findings suggest that women do indeed make a difference and that their capacity to do so is related to the level of support from colleagues. Journal Information Current issues are now on the Chicago Journals website. Read the latest issue. Established in 1939 and published for the Southern Political Science Association, The Journal of Politics is a leading general-interest journal of political science and the oldest regional political science journal in the United States. The scholarship published in The Journal of Politics is theoretically innovative and methodologically diverse, and comprises a blend of the various intellectual approaches that make up the discipline. The Journal of Politics features balanced treatments of research from scholars around the world, in all subfields of political science including American politics, comparative politics, international relations, political theory, and political methodology. Publisher Information Since its origins in 1890 as one of the three main divisions of the University of Chicago, The University of Chicago Press has embraced as its mission the obligation to disseminate scholarship of the highest standard and to publish serious works that promote education, foster public understanding, and enrich cultural life. Today, the Journals Division publishes more than 70 journals and hardcover serials, in a wide range of academic disciplines, including the social sciences, the humanities, education, the biological and medical sciences, and the physical sciences. Rights & Usage This item is part of a JSTOR Collection. Domingo García had been thinking of running for Congress again. The former Texas state representative and current director of the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), America’s oldest Latino civil rights group, hoped there would be a new majority-Latino district near Dallas where he could run competitively. Texas grew so much over the past decade that the state earned two additional congressional seats following the 2020 Census. In Dallas, where García lives, the Latino population had swelled by half a million between 2010 and 2020. Yet when the Republican-controlled legislature redrew the state’s congressional map to account for those population changes, the contorted shapes around the area resulted in no new majority-Latino district. Early voting is underway in the state’s midterm primary ahead of Election Day on March 1. García is not on the ballot. “When the lines were drawn, the Latinos were basically packed and cracked,” García said,referring to strategies to manipulate voting blocs to gain political advantage. “We’re going to lose another two years of representation because we’re going to have to vote here in the primaries and in the general election with the current discriminatory maps that the legislature drew,” said García,who narrowly lost in the 2012 Democratic primary for the 33rd District. A lawsuit filed by LULAC argues Texas’s new congressional map discriminates against racial and ethnic minorities. The case, which has been consolidated with suits from other civil rights groups and the federal government, is not scheduled to go to trial until September, meaning the disputed congressional districts will almost certainly be in place when Texans elect their representativesin November. “If the Texas maps are ultimately struck down (and I think there’s a good chance they will be), they will have been used for an important election. The plaintiffs don’t get a do-over,” Douglas Spencer, an election law scholar who runs the website All About Redistricting, told The Washington Post in an email. The Justice Department’s legal brief challenges three areas of the congressional map: the Dallas-Fort Worth Metroplex, Houston and its suburbs and a sprawling district in west Texas. In Houston, the case is similar to that in Dallas-Fort Worth. Harry Stevens is a graphics reporter at The Washington Post. He was part of a team at The Post that won the 2020 Pulitzer Prize for Explanatory Reporting for the series “2C: Beyond the Limit.” Which profession is the most frequently represented in the Texas Legislature quizlet?The law profession is the most frequently represented in the U.S. legislature.
What are the demographics of the Texas State Legislature?Gender Makeup. Approximately 25% of the Texas State House of Representatives is female (112 males, 38 females). Approximately 32% of the Texas State Senate is female (21 males, 10 females). Taken together, only 27% of the total membership of the Texas State Legislature is female (48 of 181 total members).. How many Republicans and Democrats are in the Texas Legislature?Membership Statistics for the 87th Legislature. Which group is overrepresented among Texas judges relative to its population?Which group is overrepresented among Texas judges relative to its population? Anglos.
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Which groups have gained the most representation in the texas legislature over the past 40 years?
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